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Gaye

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS GAYE

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66

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1968-09-24

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1971-09-24

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un-general-debate

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1. “This only shows the deep desire of my country, Senegal, and of States entrusted with a well-known mission better to contribute to the advent in this part of the world of "relations based on the peace of the heart".”

   1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

2. “What the nations of the third world expect from the rich countries is that they consider the foundations of international trade not in terms of relations of strength, but as relations of co-operation and solidarity necessary between the rich countries and those of the third world. They must be considered by them as relations founded on the peace of the heart and on the solidarity among men." 167. You have seen that I have spoken an at length about President Senghor and his statement to the International Labor Conference at its fifty-sixth session held in Geneva in June last. 168. You will also have noticed, maybe with wonderment, my silence on the problem of the Middle East.”

   1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

3. “Wilfred Jenks, an economic policy in which investments and rural development, industrialization, infrastructures and trade will be dealt with as inseparable components of a strategy for economic growth and social progress, as well as for the mutual development States. 165. We must consider the matter of trade between the rich countries and the developing countries as an equal exchange of services among the members of one single community to grant more advantageous and more stable prices to the primary commodities of the countries of the third world. 166. We can never insist on that enough: "The setting up of prices on the world market is based not only on intrinsic realities, but also on the free will of men.”

   1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

4. “That makes it easier to understand why many African countries have always expressed preference for a regional marketing organization along the lines of their association with the European Economic Community. Experience shows that it will be difficult to avoid these aspects of the problem at the next United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. 163. It is up to the Assembly at its twenty-sixth session to take both new and constructive decisions in the economic and social fields. Machinery must be defined that will make it possible to assess the progress achieved in attaining the objectives of the International Development Strategy. 164. But actually we must redefine, together with the Director-General of the ILO, Mr.”

   1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

5. “That confirmed the risks entailed for developing countries in a generalized preference system before the establishment of mechanisms offering guarantees for the marketing of their produce, for the prices of their commodities, and other compensations. 161. The International Strategy for Development cannot attain its objectives merely by defining relations between industrialized and developing countries. If we wish to attain those objectives, there must be a full awareness of the solidarity among all and of the determined will to create in their economies conditions favorable to their respective growth. 162. The developing countries, by the force of things, are more vulnerable than others to protectionist measures around a large market such as that of the United States of America.”

   1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

6. “It becomes obvious that such countries are directly concerned with questions involving the conservation of its marine resources, the definition of the limits of the continental shelf, the territorial sea and adjacent zones. One cannot forget this if one wishes to promote a legislation on the law of the sea which is adapted to present-day realities. 159. The Assembly, at the same time, thought it necessary to advocate liberalization in international trade; but the elimination of some tariff barriers proposed to developing countries, through the setting up of a system of generalized preferences, was rendered null and void in advance by the on-coming monetary crisis and the present restrictions on trade. 160.”

   1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

7. “The celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the creation of the United Nations was the occasion for our Organization to reaffirm, in solemn Declarations, certain principles of the Charter. This goes for the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)] and, especially, the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. President Hambro said of the latter that it was one of the most important and constructive documents ever adopted by an international organization or a diplomatic conference. 158. At its twenty-fifth session, the General Assembly, among other positive merits, stressed the interest of safeguarding the sovereignty of developing countries over their natural resources, which, for some, are their fishing resources.”

   1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

8. “The problem will always be to treat the nationals of Guinea (Bissau) like all other men, as our Charter prescribes: in other words, the problem consists in turning away from colonial dependence, and in establishing relations to create links of sounder co-operation among free partners partners free to choose their own destinies. 156. The Security Council recently decided to dispatch a commission of inquiry to Senegal. That Special Mission of the Security Council has just presented its report. My Government thinks, like the members of the Commission, that there is no other solution, to restore peace in Guinea (Bissau), than to make its people master of its present and its future. 157.”

   1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

9. “Those proposals are as follows: a cease-fire; then negotiations on internal autonomy, the modalities, limits and duration of which would be discussed between representatives of the Portuguese Government, on the one hand, and representatives of political movements in Guinea (Bissau), on the other hand, granting them independence as the last stage. 154. Those proposals were confirmed to the Secretary- General; they received the agreement of the liberation movements. I offer them today for meditation to the Members of our Organization, because the true problem is to recognize to the people of Guinea (Bissau) its own identity. 155.”

   1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

10. “There has been no year, since 1963, that the Government of Senegal was not compelled to seize the Security Council and world public opinion of Portuguese violations of the borders and air space of Senegal; of bombings and arson in its villages; and of premeditated murders and kidnappings carried out on its territory by Portuguese troops. 152. However, despite all those infringements of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Senegal, President Leopold Sedar Senghor did not hesitate to propose publicly a peace plan to Portugal in order to put an end to a situation which is destroying Guinea (Bissau) and whose appalling burden Senegal has had to bear for over 10 years. 153.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

11. “Thus the Democratic Republic of the Congo was to complain to the Security Council about two violations of its Territory by Portuguese troops, in 1966 and 1967. Zambia, for the same reasons, had to seize the Security Council of its complaint, in 1969. And there is no need, I think, to recall the recent aggression against the Republic of Guinea by the Portuguese forces. 150. The Government of Senegal, because its villages had been victims of Portuguese attacks, had to call on the Security Council as early as 1963. The Security Council was to reconvene three times more in 1965, 1969 and in July of this year-because of the gravity of the acts of violence committed by Portuguese forces on Senegalese territory. 151.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

12. “' I also hope, without the slightest passion, that the Government of Lisbon will become convinced that there can be no lasting peace if injustice prevails and that there can be no true fraternity with domination. Let the Government of Lisbon become convinced of that and thus rethink its relations with the peoples forced to fight, with weapons in their hands, against its presence on their lands. 148. But the United Nations must not only oppose the Portuguese presence in Africa, condemned by everything history, events and developments-because the Organization is the every-day witness of attacks launched by Portugal against African States every time the territories bordering on those countries prefer armed struggle to Portuguese occupation. 149.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

13. “The Manifesto is not hostile to the South African administration because it is controlled by white men; it is hostile to that administration because it is in the hands of a minority and because its system is founded on the alleged inequality of men based exclusively on racial origin. 146. Those are the ideas on the basis of which the African States think that it is possible to build up in South Africa a coherent multiracial community which would be reconciled with itself. I hope that the representatives of South Africa soon will come to be as astonished as we are that the Manifesto on Southern Africa has not been better understood. 147.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

14. “It considers that all men are entitled and are in duty bound to take part in the organization of their own society and, therefore, in the government of their country. But what has to be particularly stressed is that the manifesto recognizes that provisional measures may be necessary in order to carry out without any disruption the mutations which would make it possible to pass from the inequality of groups to the equality of persons. 144. What the Manifesto and all other States basically expect of the Union of South Africa is the acceptance of the principle of the equality of men and of respect for human beings and not an absolute and immediate perfection of institutions. 145. The Manifesto considers that all those who have established their homes in the- countries of southern Africa are Africans without any distinction as to race.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

15. “The Organization of African Unity, for which freedom and justice, equality and fraternity are objectives in keeping with the aspirations of all peoples, proposed a solution in a document, which one should never tire of recalling. I am speaking of the Manifesto on Southern Africa, to which, I am deeply convinced, we will have to come back one day in order to found on harmony the coexistence of human communities living in the Union of South Africa. The Manifesto declares that when the objective and the foundation of the foreign policy of States are misunderstood there is a certain lack of harmony among ;; i nations. 143. The Manifesto states that the necessary harmony between peoples and men implies respect for the human person and human dignity, and respect for the equality of their rights.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

16. “It is up to the United Nations to use the excellent formula of the Head of State of Mauritania-to study the ways and means to take up the challenge which South Africa is hurling at the international community. 140. I shall abstain from raising the case of Rhodesia because it is in everybody's mind and because it is well known that it involves very clear responsibilities and causes great concern to those who place their trust in the United Nations. 141. The international community continues to be con-fronted with the practice of racial discrimination and of apartheid by the Salisbury authorities and even more by the Pretoria regime. 142.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

17. “But did not the General Assembly itself as long ago as 1966 put an end to the Mandate of South Africa over Namibia in resolution 2145 (XXI)? It did so because South Africa had "failed to fulfill its obligations in respect of' its Mandate and "to ensure the moral and material well-being and security of the inhabitants of' the Territory. That is why the Security Council, as long ago as 1969, invited the Government of South Africa to withdraw from Namibia in its resolution 264 (1969). 138. Today it is the International Court of Justice that has taken a decision. It formally states "that, the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia being illegal., South Africa is under obligation to withdraw its administration from Namibia immediately and thus put an end to its occupation of the Territory". 139.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

18. “It must obtain respect for the obligation of the administering Powers to restore sovereignty to the peoples placed by history under their domination in the past, 136. The triumph of such principles in Africa and elsewhere is the same as that of the principles upon which the international community must build its cohesion. It is in the name of that policy that great countries have led to national independence, in accordance with their own procedures, peoples which their flags had covered for a long time. And yet it is precisely that which Portugal and South Africa refUse to the populations of Namibia, Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). 137. H,E. President Moktar Ould Daddah, current President of the Organization of African Unity, hardly a week ago opened the debate on the case of Namibia in the Security Council at its 1583rd meeting.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

19. “For these young nations, our Organization is in duty bound to redouble its efforts to ban from relations among States any resort to violence or war in whatever form. 134. That is why they have been happy to welcome the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin, signed at Berlin on 3 September 1971, which they interpret as a new contribution to the easing of tension and as the prelude to an understanding which is more than ever necessary for the strengthening of peace. 135. But our Organization must also, we believe, carry out the mission which it undertook to discharge with the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples /resolution 1514 (XV)]. Our Organization must achieve in fact the implementation of the right to self-determination of all the peoples which are still enslaved.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

20. “We must recognize that it is more propitious for the cause of peace, as for that of peace of mind, for each people to be master of its destiny inside its borders. That is the ardent wish of the delegation of Senegal for the peoples of Asia, so unjustly immersed in fratricidal war, especially for the people of Viet-Nam whose martyrdom for over 25 years is well known. It is certainly also the will of all the young States, impatient at the same time to discover the secret which would enable them to be realistic towards events while remaining true to principles. These young nations know that their salvation that is to say, their survival, their progress, their development and their prosperity is predicated upon international peace and security.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

21. “We must admit that in the final analysis it would strengthen the character of universality of this Organization, whose purpose, is to gather together all the nations of the world, large and small, and who knows if we may not after all be led to seek in this universality, if not their immediate reunification, at least an answer to the question raised by all the divided countries? 132. Are we not entitled to believe that the thaw in relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China brings with it renewed hope for the restoration of peace in the Far East for the sufficient reason that neither peace : ^ solidarity can be divided? 133. How can we imagine that the peoples of Asia, who have remained true to themselves through upheavals and isolation, do not feel the need to remain united after the storm has blown over?”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

22. “We shall have been the attentive witnesses of an evolution in Asia, which can remain one of the most important events of the last 10 years. The United States of America and the People's Republic of China have given an example of that evolution: they have started moving towards a rapprochement of peoples in conformity with the ideal of our Charter. 131. It appears more clearly today to the international community that the admission of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations could not be delayed much longer.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

23. “President, on this occasion address the congratulations of the delegation of Senegal to Mr. Edvard Hambro, whose experience, knowledge of the law and of men greatly contributed to the success of the celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the creation of the United Nations. 129. The Government and people of Senegal, at the same time, welcome the admission to the United Nations of the States of Bhutan, Qatar and Bahrain, whose presence among us is well in keeping with the universalist character which must remain one of the essential characteristics of our Organization. 130. The activities of the twenty-sixth session, which is now beginning, will possibly mark a turning-point in the life of the United Nations.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

24. “127. I am happy, Mr. President, to address to you the congratulations of the delegation of Senegal on the occasion of your election as President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. In entrusting to you the heavy task of leading its work, our Assembly I am deeply convinced-wanted to pay a tribute first to your country, Indonesia, to the lucidity of its people and its realism, your country which, as you said, Mr. President, keeps the privilege of being faithful to dignity in diversity. But your election is also a tribute to your personal activities, to your qualities ^n open-minded man and a wise negotiator, to your role as head of the Indonesia delegation which you have been leading at the United Nations since 1967. 128. May I, Mr.”

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

25. “South Africa’s attitude towards the United Nations Council for Namibia is well known; the deliberate violation and infractions of the population’s rights are no secret to anyone; but none of these things can affect the legitimacy of those rights. 135. My delegation does not believe there is any need for greater emphasis in stating that Namibia is entitled to independence, and in stating it with the serene conviction of those who know that their cause is just.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

26. “There is no other way to guarantee to all a just and durable peace. 132. Recent events in Jerusalem and the criminal arson of which we age all aware have brutally reminded the world that to safeguard and protect the Holy Places the status conferred by 13 centuries of history on the Holy City of Jerusalem must be respected. 133. In conclusion, I will refer to the situation in Namibia. Everyone knows that this territory was placed under League of Nations Mandate in 1920. Everyone is aware that, since the demise of the League of Nations, the United Nations has assumed an identical role vis-a-vis the international community. Accordingly it is easy to understand the stupor provoked by the incredible judgment handed down by the International Court of Justice in 1966. 134.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

27. “However, 20 years after the vote on the resolution which gave birth to Israel, a Security Council resolution [242 (1967)] of November 1967 has just defined the bases for a settlement which could put an end to the Israel-Arab crisis. 130. Those bases lay down a framework which we must never tire of repeating: respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States; unconditional rejection of the annexation by force of the territory of one State by another, and hence the withdrawal of the Israeli armed forces from the occupied Arab territories; a just solution of the Palestinian problem; and freedom of navigation on the international waterways of the region. 131. The Arab States have bowed to the authority of the Security Council of the United Nations. We must ask Israel to respect international law.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

28. “I refer to the situation in Namibia, and also, through a strange coincidence, to the situation in the Middle East; for was not the situation there virtually a result of the removal of the Palestine Mandate? Is it not a result of the confrontation between Israel and the Arab countries, created by the partition of Palestine? 129. Of course analysis is easier with hindsight. All the same, we must admit that the course of events would have been different if Arab Palestine had not been occupied. We are likewise led to observe that the choice between compensation and repatriation offered to the Palestinians and the subsequent setting-up of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East have never reassured anyone.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

29. “How can the division of any country and opposition between its component parts be accepted today when everywhere we have to think in terms of “economic units”, “large-scale enterprises” and “regional groupings”? 127. My delegation’s feeling is that it is essential, above all, to support the efforts to bring about reconciliation and mutual understanding between those who are today in conflict. This is surely in the first instance the task of the Organization of African Unity. Nevertheless, it might be asked whether an effort should not be made to dam the supply of armaments and so silence the guns. 128. I have purposely left to the end the consideration of two complicated situations, each in a country formerly under League of Nations Mandate.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

30. “When all has been said — complicity in weakness, collusion of interests, solidarity between régimes which have a strange resemblance to other pre-war régimes—our Organization certainly cannot forget that abandonment of the weaker countries of Europe to martyrdom did not in the event serve the peace. 126. As you have observed, I have taken a long time to reach the painful conflict in Nigeria, that fratricidal struggle which causes so much concern to all African States, since all ate aware that within them is the seed of a similar tragedy. African statesmen realize this, and have constantly urged an unconditional cease-fire and negotiations which would finally guarantee security of the person and property of all, in a Nigeria which would retain its personality.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

31. “Has not the time come for Portugal to ponder on the example of other peoples who have been colonizers and, closer at hand, on the quite recent example of Spain and Equatorial Guinea? 125. Another subject of preoccupation is the Rhodesian question. Two communities are involved: 250,000 European immigrants to Africa, and 4 million Africans, a minority set against the authority of the country that has given it its strength; four years of fruitless negotiation, an arsenal of economic and diplomatic sanctions that are more symbolic than effective. And the greatest mockery is that the world no longer condemns unanimously a constitution which gives a handful of 250,000 immigrants rights superior to those of 4 million Africans!”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

32. “But since the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples the United Nations has been devoting ceaseless effort to establishing new relations for these peoples, based on the free expression of their will and on respect for the human personality. It would be sad indeed to continue to ignore that fact and not to realize that the freedom fighters of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau), now struggling for national liberation, do not regard Portugal as an enemy for ever. The Portuguese repression is in a sense worse than obstinacy: it is blindness. Recourse to violence cannot be a constructive solution. Repression must cease, and then a healthy confrontation and fruitful negotiation can take its place to resolve the disputes which weapons cannot settle.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

33. “When I was speaking a moment ago of the special problems of the young States, I was thinking of the peace hoped for by millions of men in various regions of Africa and in the Middle East, still heavy with menace. I might add also South-East Asia, and remark that after the halt in the bombing of North Viet-Nam the withdrawal of non-Viet-Namese troops might give new reason to hope for the main goal — that is, peace — so eagerly desired from the present negotiations. 124. The most sombre situation, however, is in Africa, particularly in the territories still under the domination of Portugal and still more in Rhodesia and Namibia. What does the presence of Portugal in African territories stand for, apart from the vicissitudes of history that have engendered. all other forms of colonization in the world, even before Africa?”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

34. “The community of nations certainly has the resources and technology needed to solve the problem of under-development; and seeing that it has those resources the contrast is striking between the successes and achievements of technology and science and the slow progress of humanity. 122. Certainly we do not regret the success of the new human organ transplants, still less the tremendous achievements of the American astronauts. There has never before been such an impressive revelation of the human intelligence and of the extent of its creative power; but shall the great nations that have triumphed over space be powerless in face of the cruel inequalities here on earth, among men? 123.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

35. “The first Decade had as one of its aims an annual economic growth rate of 5 per cent, It seems to be accepted that the second Decade might achieve an increase of 6 to 7 per cent in per capita income and of 8 to 9 per cent in industrial production. Undoubtedly any such progress would depend in the first place on the effort at development made by the countries concerned, but also on the contribution of the richer countries to this effort. To be more effective, the 1 per cent of the gross national product devoted by certain industrialized countries to development assistance needs to be associated with a policy of increased investment and economic promotion. 121.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

36. “But might not the solution one day be found in adopting a “correction index” between agricultural prices and the prices of manufactures? 119. It has often been asserted that during the first Decade there was no development policy. Surely the aim in the second Decade should be to hasten the incorporation of the developing countries in the circuit of the modern economy. In place of the traditional exports of raw materials from under-developed countries, there should be a policy for the exploitation and industrialization of their resources on the spot. The aim should be to build, with the industrialized countries, an integrated economy inspired by a will for understanding and co-operation, mutual assistance and solidarity between all nations. 120.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

37. “Africa, at its present rate of growth, would need more than 50 years to double its income per head. 117. What the young countries expect from the international community is a new definition of economic relationships and a new form of participation in their development. 118. We know that there have been considerable changes on the world market in the relative positions of commodities and manufactures. While the index of agricultural prices has scarcely gone up by 10 or 15 per cent, the price of some finished goods has risen by 100 per cent. Is not the remedy, as has already been said, reorganization of the commodity markets? At any rate, it is closely bound up with the revaluation and stabilization of agricultural prices. Greater flexibility in some economic and financial legislation would by itself be of some help.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

38. “They hold in their hands an infrastructure of transport, communications and contacts covering the whole world, while the developing countries are often still restricted by a predominantly agricultural economy. In more than one respect they still depend on the industrialized countries which control the markets alike for commodities and for manufactures. 116. During the first Decade the richer countries have managed to increase their annual incomes by 400,000 million dollars. Over the same period, all the incomes of the developing countries added together have been less than that sum. Their annual income, rarely more than $200 per head, seems very low when we remember that in the industrialized countries the average is between $1,000 and $1,500, and in some countries even $3,000.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

39. “Is not this lesson even more important for the nations we call the third world, no doubt by analogy with the “third estate“ of former times? What should these nations derive from the example offered by the developed countries, their political and economic structures, if not the help necessary for their people’s progress towards peace and justice, and, I might add, for correction of the economic disparities between them and those countries? 114. The first United Nations Development Decade is drawing to a close. What are now the major trends or prominent features of the world economy? 115. The industrialized countries are still in fact absolute masters of the economy. They dominate it by their technology, their equipment, their production and the intelligence and efficiency of their organization.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

40. “In spite of all Europe’s acquisitions, its resources in men and capital, its industrial capacity, its high level of development — in spite of all these factors together, or perhaps as a result of them — Europe is now undergoing visible changes in its political institutions, its internal organization and even its economic and social structures. These changes are affecting even its educational system, untouched by time until now; but their most striking feature is that they are the fruit of an aspiration which seems characteristic of modern societies. Their purpose in these countries is simply a rise in the standard of living; but this, if one thinks about it, in the last analysis means an improvement in the condition of mankind.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

41. “Not that it could be suggested that other States have no obstacles to overcome, no external pressures or internal contingencies to allow for; or that prosperity can be achieved without hard work and innovation, without boldness and risk, without continuous effort at reflexion, research and imagination. This is clearly to be seen in the nearest developed countries to Africa, those for instance of Europe. 112. Europe has, before our eyes, emerged from the ruins of the Second World War, dressed its wounds, rebuilt its economy; in a framework of multilateral co-operation it is building an extended economy with the groups of States that compose it. Beyond its own frontiers, in co-operation with the Africa it spent so long in discovering, it is building new links based on mutual respect of legitimate interests. 113.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

42. “First comes the granting of independence to countries and peoples still dependent; secondly, the grave matter of violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms; and, as always, the practice of apartheid and discrimination, which, despite everything, we must believe will be overcome in the end by the mutual understanding and respect of humanity. The mere interest of the communities concerned demands it, because the solidarity to bind them and their own aims together cannot be achieved in a spirit of hatred; and a people cannot become great by oppressing the weak. 111. Our session opens at a time when the most trying problems facing the international community seem to be those of the younger States, those least firmly rooted and therefore the most vulnerable.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

43. “I should like to take this opportunity of paying a tribute to the memory of President Emilio Arenales, who, withstanding the disease which was already afflicting him, conducted the work of the twenty-third session with a self-denial and courage worthy of our respect. 110. The novelty, if any is to be sought, in this session will not be solely connected with the importance of the problems raised. Obviously it is not likely to be found in such agenda items as peace and international security, or the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes. Seek it rather in the nature of certain matters which suddenly seem more immediate and under your presidency cannot fail to rouse an echo.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

44. “108. Madam President, I am happy to offer you the congratulations of the delegation of Senegal on your unanimously welcomed election to the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly. Your election at this twenty-fourth session has a significance of its own, in that Liberia, together with Ethiopia, has for more than a century been a living symbol and an embodiment of certain hope, a symbol of Africa’s hope for recovery of independence. The confidence which the representatives of the nations gathered here together have shown in you is reinforced by the encouraging presence among them of the representatives of 41 African States. 109.”

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

45. “only on Nigeria, but on the future of Africa itself. 52. Our States have turned to the Organization of African Unity for a solution to this bitter conflict. That is the purpose of the mission entrusted by the CAU to the Heads of State of Cameroon, Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia and Nigeria. The immediate objective is to obtain an unconditional cease-fire so that negotiations can be undertaken, under the auspices of the Organization of African Unity, for the safety and protection of persons and property under conditions which will, we hope, safeguard the integrity of a Nigeria reconciled with itself.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

46. “That is why Senegal has now acceded to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [General Assembly resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] because its only desire is for peace, because we cannot be and do not wish to become a threat to any nation in the world. 51. In conclusion I should like to say a few words about Nigeria. Ali the African States are deeply shocked at the tragedy of Nigeria. Because Nigeria with its human and material resources, its potential, its extent, has always been an object of pride and a source of hope for all of us. Nigeria, with its different races and languages, its peoples and beliefs, its social structures and even its political institutions, embraces within its frontiers all the factors which are to be found in our own States. The fratricidal struggle now tearing it apart must leave its mark not.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

47. “With those words I will conclude, a common strategy, to build, to achieve, to consolidate peace through the participation of the strong in the efforts of the weak, through mutual assistance, fraternal co-operation, through social justice, applied to the redress of a grossly distorted economic system. 50. That is the profound aspiration of the countries of the Third World, ever ready to welcome any measures which may improve their economic condition. And tomorrow, perhaps, as new ideas, methods and concepts of trade and development emerge, the resources now expended on the arms race may eventually be released for peaceful endeavours. That is the ardent desire of Senegal, as of all countries which cherish no ambitions of leadership. That is its desire because reason and wisdom dictate it.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

48. “What in fact is lacking is a positive feeling of solidarity between the third world States and the countries which, in the words of the United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Economic Affairs “bear the main responsibility for the world economic order” [cf.A/C.2/L.1002] — and I would add, for world peace. It would be easier to find a solution, compatible with our common destiny, to problems of investment, aid, technical assistance, structural equipment and trade preferences, if these problems were envisaged in the perspective of a common strategy.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

49. “The gross product per capita in the market-economy industrial countries is about eleven times higher than in the developing countries. 48. It is easy to understand why the developing countries had such high hopes of the United Nations Development Decade and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. It has already been sufficiently stressed that the results have not come up to our expectations. But it is very disturbing for the two thirds of the world’s population who live in countries where per capita output is still below $100. For stability and equilibrium are not affected so much by political tensions, the periodic emergence of danger spots and outbreaks of violence as by the difficult conditions of life in the developing countries. 49.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

50. “The long strands of a web of economic dependence and specialization integrated into the modern economic system, mostly under the colonial régime, and woven over the years to meet the needs of a system foreign to their natural conditions, and sometimes to their interests, have in many cases turned over young states into open markets for the industrial countries and producers almost exclusively of raw materials. 47. The results can be seen today from the statistics and studies prepared by the United Nations itself. Nearly half the world population, excluding mainland China, accounts for only one eighth of the world production of goods and services. A third of that population accounts for 80 per cent of the world’s exports.”

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)