YouSaid · the spoken record
Wong
THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS WONG
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- 80
- first
- 1989-09-24
- most recent
- 1993-09-24
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- 4
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- un-general-debate
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“At the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly my delegation drew attention to the paradox of peace for the weaker and smaller nations. If the structure of world politics has changed irrevocably with the breathtaking eradication of the deep ideological divide, a new order is waiting to be constructed. There are undoubtedly many new players that can affect the restructuring of the international order. There is little doubt that the retreat of the super-Powers from their global role creates an opening wedge for the development of regional ambitions and encourages new aspirants to regional hegemony. This was what Iraq set out to do by force. This is what the international community must seek strenuously to prevent. The Iraqi invasion and annexation of Kuwait is absolutely unacceptable because it was unprovoked.”
1990-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 45 (1990)
“Even as we witnessed the peaceful political changes in Europe and a successful transition to independence in Namibia we were made acutely aware of the elusiveness of global peace. The withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan did not hasten the achievement of a political settlement and the fighting and killing persisted. The situation in Lebanon continued to worsen and the peace process on the question of Palestine moved at a glacial pace. Thus the learned that détente between the super-Powers need not automatically mean a more congenial environment globally. The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait is a grim reminder of the problem of security for smaller States in a Hobbsian world. In a matter of hours, the Iraqi takeover of Kuwait was complete.”
1990-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 45 (1990)
“The end of the ideological cold war only reveals the vast dimensions of the problems still confronting us. Notwithstanding the auspicious climate between the East and the Host, the problems of the threats to international peace and security and the maintenance of peace and security are as pressing and as relevant as ever. Not since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962 have we been faced with an international crisis of such grave proportions. In August, we were on the verge of a military catastrophe. As the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, said recently in Bogota, on 23 August, the third world countries "continue to experience alarming insecurity, of which we are now seeing dreadful evidence". With hindsight we can see that the euphoria ushered in by the end of the cold war could not have lasted.”
1990-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 45 (1990)
“We witnessed breathtaking events in Eastern Europe as existing political orders gave way to new ones, culminating in the breach of the Berlin Wall on 9 November. Today, on 3 October, we see the two Germanys united as one. History will no doubt recognize and record that it was President Mikhail Gorbachev's courage and determination to initiate change in the Soviet Onion and his now thinking that transformed the historical context in which we now live and act. Super-Power rivalry and the balancing of military power and blocs have been replaced by super-Power dialogue and co-operation. In many parts of the world this has meant the easing of tensions and a greater latitude in relationships. The cold war is over. But it is not the end of history. History will go on and it will not be boring. If we are not careful, it might even be devastating.”
1990-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 45 (1990)
“Its presence has been long stalled and we are most happy to see Namibia finally take the seat in our Midst. We also welcome our newest member, Liechtenstein, which played an active role in many Multilateral bodies even when it was not formally a Member of the Organisation. There is no doubt that the United Nations gains strength as its membership gains universality. We WELCOME the interest shown by the Republic of Korea in joining the United Nations. We would also welcome the Democratic People's Republic of Korea if it wishes to join. Membership for the two Koreas in the United Nations need not preclude their efforts for peaceful reunification. Momentous changes are transforming the world. Historians have pronounced that the post-war era and the structure of world politics which it engendered collapsed in 1989.”
1990-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 45 (1990)
“Permit me to begin by congratulating you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth session. With your illustrious background and wide experience in affairs of state and government, you will guide the Assembly through its agenda with the skills and sensitivities required of the job. Singapore and Malta achieved independence in the same group of now States within a year of each other. We are thus particularly proud to see Malta in the Chair. I would also like to place on record our appreciation to His Excellency Major-General Joseph Garba for carrying out his duties as President of the General Assembly so efficiently and diligently during the last session. We take this opportunity to welcome independent Namibia to the General Assembly as a member of the United Nations for the first time.”
1990-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 45 (1990)
“Viet Nam will finally be able to concentrate on its cam internal economic and social development and reap the fruits of prosperity.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“Through the united Nations resolutions adapted year after year, with increasing support, we have forced Viet Nam to change its position over time. We have come this far. Viet Nam is taking the first step towards the resolution of the Cambodian question by thinning out its troops in the field. But the problem is far from being resolved. We at the united Nations must continue our moral suasion to convince Viet Nam that it has the responsibility to settle the Cambodian question comprehensively in the interest of a just and lasting peace for the Cambodians and in the interest of regional security and stability. When Viet Nam contributes to the comprehensive political settlement of the Cambodian issue, peace will return to Indo-China. When there is peace in Indo-China, the international community will help in its reconstruction.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“Viet Nam must not be allowed to get away with only partially solving the problem. If it succeeded, it would have demonstrated that aggression pays. It would have shown to others that it is possible for one country to invade another country with impunity, set up a client regime, and after a long enough interval walk away from the mess it created, leave a resistance war raging and go back to business-as-usual with the rest of the world. That would create a dangerous precedent. For all peace-loving States of the international community, we must not accept this dangerous precedent. It would put our security in jeopardy if this should become acceptable international behaviour. The Cambodian issue has been a success story of the united Nations. This may sound paradoxical but it demonstrates that international moral pressure does work.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“Thirdly, none of the Khmer parties should be denied the opportunity to stand for election under the comprehensive political settlement, as only the Cambodian people have the right to decide who should govern them; the exclusion of any party should not be made a pre-condition for a settlement agreement. My country, Singapore, does not bear any historical animosity against Viet Nam. But why have Singapore and our Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) partners championed the cause of Cambodia so energetically in the past decade? We have done so because Viet Nam's invasion and occupation of Cambodia have threatened the peace and stability of South-East Asia. we have done so because Viet Nam's action, if not repudiated, would set a very unfortunate precedent.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“The inter national community has the obligation to help create conditions that will enable the Cambodians to exercise freely their political choices, and to respect their choice, whatever it may be. The international community should recognize that the Cambodian people will have the wisdom to choose wisely. Let me restate the central issues of the Cambodian problem. First, the total withdrawal of all Vietnamese troops must be verified by the United Nations, as only the United Nations can provide an effective international supervisory, monitoring and control mechanism. Secondly, the Cambodian people must have the opportunity to exercise the right of self-determination, which is a basic right of all peoples under the united Nations Charter.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“It is tantamount to inciting the prolongation of conflict and bloodshed. That is why Prince Sihanouk has wisely and realistically called for the formation of an interim quadripartite Government of all four Cambodian parties. This interim quadripartite Government will have the responsibility of organizing free and fair elections. Since all parties will be involved in organizing the elections, all will be bound by the results. No matter what we, as individual countries, may think about any Cambodian party, only the Cambodian people have the moral and political right to determine who should or should not rule Cambodia. Nobody else has that right. In exercising their right to self-determination through free and fair elections, the Cambodian people will finally be able to pass their verdict and judgement on the Khmer Rouge.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“The United Nations can and should help the Cambodian people by insisting that there should be a comprehensive political settlement of the Cambodian problem. The international community must insist that it can never accept anything less than this. Such a comprehensive political settlement must give the Cambodian people the right to determine their own future in free, fair and democratic elections under international supervision. Only this will end the civil war and allow the Cambodian people to breathe freely again. The exercise of self-determination in Cambodia must be based on national reconciliation of all Cambodian parties. All parties must have a stake in the future of Cambodia, lb attempt to exclude any party as a pre-condition for national reconciliation is unrealistic and irresponsible.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“They knew that by doing so they would give the nationalist forces led by Prince Sihanouk no choice but to launch a military struggle to secure their legitimate right to self-determination. Both Viet Nam and Mr. Hun Sen want to trigger off this civil war. We are sad that the Cambodian people, who have now suffered fear almost 20 years, continue to live in agony. But it is Viet Nam and Mr. Hun Sen who are responsible for this state of affairs, and they should be condemned for it. After raising the hopes of the Cambodian people through our principled and moral stand over the past 10 years, we cannot disappoint them by abandoning them at this crucial hour when they are so near to securing real liberation.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“The three Cambodian parties led by Prince Sihanouk, which are recognized as fee legitimate representatives of the Cambodian people by the Assembly, by the United Nations, were willing to share power with Mr. Him Sen in an interim quadripartite coalition Government until free, fair and democratic elections were held under united Nations supervision. They were prepared to allow the Cambodian people to determine who should rule them, demonstrating their commitment to the most fundamental principle of the United Nations Charters that a people's right to self-determination should never be diminished. Viet Nam and Mr. Him Sen opposed this, declaring that Mr. Hun Sen should enjoy a monopoly, or near-monopoly, of power in Phnom Penh.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“'A> understand the fallacy of this argument, let me cite an analogy* if the South Africans decided to withdraw their forces from Namibia but insisted cm leaving in place the Windhoek regime as the exclusive Government of Namibia, without giving the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) the right to compete in fairly held elections, we would immediately denounce South Africa aid declare that fee Windhoek regime had no legitimate right to rule Namibia since it was installed by foreign occupation forces. That is precisely what Viet Nam is trying to do in Cambodia. After withdrawing most of its forces, it continues to insist that the Hun Sen regime, which was put in place by the foreign occupation forces, should continue to rule Cambodia. That is why the Paris Conference failed.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“In several statements made since the 5 April announcement of Viet Nam's intention to withdraw by the end of September, Viet Nam has asserted its right to send its troops, or whatever other assistance, to Phnom Perti if it feels that the survival of its puppet regime is threatened by resistance guerrillas. There are therefore considerable doubts whether the Vietnamese have completely withdrawn from Cambodia. However, even if we could document that Viet Nam had completely withdrawn its forces, I submit that the United Nations should still continue to debate and discuss fee Cambodian issue. Some nay argue that the united Nations role should be limited to discussing violations of the United Nations Charter and that united Nations interest in Cambodia should cease when foreign intervention there ends.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“Thirdly, there still remains the vital question of Vietnamese soldiers who are staying behind as militia of the Hun Sen regime aid as settlers. Viet Nam has not contested the existence of Vietnamese settlers in Cambodia. The argument is over the numbers. Viet Nam claims feat there are 80,000 Vietnamese settlers in Cambodia. Prince Sihanouk says there are about 1.3 million. Some Western diplomats in the region estimate the figure to be between 300,000 aid 400,000. The issue of the number of settlers is important as this determines who has a right to vote in the internationally supervised free aid fair elections that come with a comprehensive settlement, and therefore the right to choose the Government of Cambodia. In my case, Viet Nam has not entirely relinquished its right to intervene again in the affairs of Cambodia.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“The terrain and the poor infrastructure and transportation system in Cambodia makes systematic supervision and control very difficult. Secondly, this is the eighth time that the Vietnamese have claimed to have withdrawn their forces from Cambodia. In the past, as in July 1982, May 1983, Jime 1984, April 1985 and May 1986, Viet Nam had said that it was withdrawing its troops from Cambodia, but each time we learned that those withdrawals amounted to no more than a rotation of troops. We are therefore justified in being sceptical about the present withdrawal. Our scepticism is supported by an article in the 27 September issue of the Bangkok Post which reported that some East European sources had told its correspondent, Mr. Jacques Bekaart, that some Vietnamese troops had been left behind in Cambodia.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“The withdrawal of the Vietnamese troops has not been effectively verified. We have no way of knowing if the withdrawal is genuine and total. There was only a handful of media journalists, several observers from some non-governmental organizations and representatives of the few countries that have diplomatic relations with the Him Sen regime who had gene to Phnom Penh to observe the Vietnamese departure This motley group could not honestly verify that there are now no more Vietnamese troops in Cambodia. Indeed, the united Nations technical fact-finding mission dispatched on agreement by the Paris Conference on Cambodia reported that even in the best of circumstances it would be difficult to verify satisfactorily the exit of the Vietnamese troops.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“On 5 April this year Viet Nam dramatically announced to the world its intention to withdraw ail its troops from Cambodia by the end of September. In recent days, we have seen photographs and newspaper reports of Vietnamese soldiers departing in military trucks. It is certainly a major media event, but what are we as responsible Governments to make of this announced withdrawal? Are we to conclude that the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia ended on 26 September as Viet Nam claims it did? Are we to conclude that the problems of Cambodia are now all resolved? Is there no further need for the United Nations to continue to debate and discuss the issue of Cambodia? The most significant point to note about the announced withdrawal is that, first, it is a unilateral withdrawal undertaken without a comprehensive political settlement in place.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“later, when this untruth was exposed, Viet Nam arrogantly declared that the situation in Cambodia was irreversible. But continued United Nations pressure and international isolation, denying Viet Nam valuable aid and investment, forced it to concede for the first time, in 1986, that it was prepared to reach a political solution. What Viet Nam had not taken into account was the strength and resilience of the Cambodian nationalist resistance. The high cost of foreign occupation brought its economy to the brink of bankruptcy. Now that the Soviet Union is keen to reduce its burdens abroad, the option of a continued Vietnamese presence in Cambodia cannot be ensured. Viet Nam has readied a point where it has to reconsider its strategy.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“For 10 years the international community spoke through the United Nations resolutions, calling upon Viet Nam to end its occupation of Cambodia and to accept a comprehensive political settlement which would bring lasting peace to the region. Such a comprehensive political settlement would provide, among other things, for the withdrawal of foreign forces under effective international supervision and control, the creation of an interim administrative authority, the promotion of national reconciliation under Prince Sihanouk and the right of the Cambodian people to choose their own leaders free from outside interference. Our efforts at the United Nations were not without impact. Initially, Viet Nam denied that its troops had invaded Cambodia.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“Among the nations in South-East Asia, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a whole has done well. We have progressed because our national stability has allowed each of us to concentrate our attention on our internal political, social and economic development. This in turn contributes to ASEAN's resilience and cohesion. We had hoped that the same peaceful and stabilizing conditions would be achieved in Indo-China, but, alas, the Cambodian conflict remains an intractable problem. It is now 11 years since the Cambodian issue was first brought before the Security Council in January 1979 after Vietnamese forces invaded Cambodia on Christmas Day in 1978.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“But we have clearly learned this year that even when the major Powers are prepared to settle their conflicts a necessary but insufficient condition for the attainment of peace has been met. The key that unlocks the door to peace in regional conflicts is often in the hands of the parties directly involved. All that is needed is one inflexible and intransigent party to block the peace process. We are also aware that, even as we have to work harder on the problems of international and regional conflicts, a new generation of problems compelling urgent attention has come on out agenda - problems such as drugs, the environment, refugees and debt. Those problems recognize no borders and, if left unattended, could complicate and threaten the wider and long-term security of the international community and our search for peace.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“After Namibia, the international community should help to hasten the pace of fundamental change in South Africa to end the abhorrent and evil apartheid system. The Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, in summing up the problems of peace-making in his report on the work of the Organization, said: "I am all too conscious how thorny is often the path leading to a just and lasting settlement aid how hard is the resistance encountered." (A/44/1, p. 12) I fully agree with him. If there is a lesson to be learned in all this, it is that there is no quick fix to peace. When a major Power comes to the conclusion that military power cannot be used to achieve political objectives and that dialogue with a global rival is more fruitful than confrontation, it ushers in a more auspicious international climate.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“Singapore feels privileged to be able to contribute to the achievement of this goal through our participation in the united Nations Transition Assistance Group police contingent. We are also honoured that the leader of our police contingent, Superintendent lee Kok Leong, has been appointed chief electoral officer to oversee elections in Namibia. But we are disturbed at the attempts by South Africa to circumvent the implementation of some key aspects of the United Nations plan for Namibian independence as contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We must continue our vigilance to ensure that nothing will derail the transition to independence aid prevent the full implementation of free aid fair elections in November.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“This year, in 1989, we are a little less euphoric. We are sobered by the realities and the difficulties of the resolution of conflicts among nations. While some progress has been achieved on several fronts, we are keenly aware of the problems that still stand in the way of peace. Eight months after the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, the fighting and the killings have not abated. The talks to end the Iran-Iraq conflict have stalled. We are alarmed at the worsening situation in Lebanon and the stalemate, if not retrogression, in spite of earlier progress, in the resolution of the question of Palestine. We await the long overdue birth of independence in Namibia with the keenest interest.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“May I also express our appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Dante Caputo for carrying out his duties so diligently and admirably during the last session. Last year was an exceptionally good year for the United Nations. For the international community, long used to the unending eruption of wars, disputes and conflicts, never had the promise of peace been so close to realization. Agreements were reached to end the war in Afghanistan and to establish a cease-fire between Iran and Iraq. In December, agreement was also reached to usher in Namibia's transition to independence. The United Nations peace-keeping forces were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of their contribution to peace-keeping. Multilateral diplomacy was patently yielding results. The prestige of the United Nations had never been greater.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)
“First of all, let me congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session. Your unique and illustrious background as soldier, political leader, scholar aid author, and your wide experience in multilateral diplomacy will no doubt provide you with the particular sensitivity and skills required to guide us through the complex issues of the United Nations agenda. My delegation has absolute confidence in your abilities. We pledge our fullest co-operation. I would also like to congratulate Mr. Ronald Spiers on his appointment as Under-Secretary-General for Political and General Assembly Affairs and Secretariat Services. I am confident that he will bring to his responsibilities the highest degree of professionalism, which was the hallmark of his predecessor.”
1989-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 44 (1989)