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1977-09-24
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1989-09-24
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un-general-debate

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  1. The tragic aspect of the senseless spiralling of the nuclear arms race is that billions are spent each year on nuclear weapons, while the majority of the world's people suffer from hunger, poverty and disease. 177. The non-nuclear-weapon States view with a deep sense of frustration the failure of the nuclear Powers to conclude a comprehensive test-ban treaty and to approach in earnest the task of achieving a mutual and balanced reduction of nuclear weapons. 178. The non-aligned effort to preserve the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace has been severely undermined by the actions of nuclear Powers. The increasing use of the Indian Ocean by those Powers to further their global strategies severely jeopardizes the right of Indian Ocean States to determine their prerogative to dispose of their natural wealth and resources as they see fit.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  2. Whatever influence non-alignment has had on the world scene has not been based on military power, but rather on the rejection of militarism as the moving force in international affairs. My Government is convinced that, unless significant steps are taken to implement the disarmament programme which was inspired by the non- aligned group and approved by the tenth special session of the General Assembly, all efforts of the world community in the political, economic and social and technological spheres will prove fruitless, and mankind's very survival will be in doubt. 176. The most urgent disarmament priority is, of course, that of nuclear disarmament.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  3. We are therefore very much disturbed over attempts being made both from outside and from within the movement to divert it from its true course and to channel its policies in one direction. We have made very clear our opposition to this attempt to change the essential nature of the movement, and we are happy that our position is shared by the majority of the members of the non-aligned group of States. It is indeed gratifying to note that this correct line of the non- alignment policy has been fully endorsed and reaffirmed by the majority of member States at the recent Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries at Havana . 175. The question of disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, is especially relevant to the nature and goals of the non-aligned States.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  4. The unremitting opposition of the non-aligned States to all forms of colonialism and imperialism has been a significant factor in the liberation of millions of people from colonial domination and in their enjoyment of the rights to self-determination and national sovereignty. 173. Believing as we do in the value of the non-aligned movement's contribution to international peace and security, my Government sincerely hopes that the movement will remain true to its original character as an independent force in international relations, free from great-Power rivalry and influence. Indeed, we believe that the movement will continue to be an effective force in international affairs only if it proceeds with a firm belief in the continuing relevance of its established principles. 174.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  5. These Governments should be induced to provide guarantees of the human rights of people who wish to remain in their homelands, who wish to leave in an orderly and humane manner, and who wish to return voluntarily. 171. I turn now to my Government's position on wider questions of international concern, which we view from the perspective of non-alignment. We believe that the non-aligned movement can be justly proud of its achievements. Through its strict adherence to authentic principles, and its firm opposition to military alliances and power blocs, the movement has clearly established itself as a countervailing force in a world still troubled by super-Power confrontation, and it has made a significant contribution to the relaxation of international tension. 172.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  6. The Government of the Somali Democratic Republic, in fulfilment of its heavy responsibility for providing the necessary care and protection for such a massive number of refugees, has recently launched an emergency national campaign to cope with this grave situation. We are grateful for the international assistance we have received in this task, but our refugee problem causes great difficulties for a small and underdeveloped country like our own. 170. My Government hopes that the international community will bring pressure to bear on all Governments whose inhuman policies of repression and tyranny contribute to the refugee problem.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  7. While African countries have an outstanding record for the provision of emergency aid, long-term hospitality and the assimilation of refugees, the refugees within their borders often undermine development efforts and place heavy burdens on the economic, political and social structures of developing or severely under-developed countries. 169. The Somali Democratic Republic is still providing food and shelter for hundreds of thousands of people who became refugees as a result of the war of liberation in Ogaden. The present refugee population in Somalia, based on realistic assessments, exceeds 500,000—and the number is increasing daily in alarming proportions.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  8. In recent days the attention of the international community has turned to the plight of hundreds of thousands of the people of South-East Asia who have become refugees because of their ethnic background. The Somali Government and people deplore the enforcement of policies which contravene several provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and which have contributed directly to the deaths and cruel suffering of so many Asian men, women and children. 168. The refugee problem is not, of course, confined to South-East Asia. It has also assumed gigantic proportions in Africa.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  9. We continue to condemn Israel unreservedly for its intransigence and demand that it must cease its acts of continued aggression and withdraw from all Arab lands occupied since 1967, including the holy city of Jerusalem. Only if these fundamental elements are complied with can the danger to peace and stability in the region be eliminated. 167. The denial of human rights in the Middle East, in southern Africa, in the Horn of Africa and in many other areas of the world points to the tragic discrepancy between the development of the concept of human rights in this century and the frequency with which those rights are violated on a large scale.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  10. The desire Peoples for freedom will always come to the surface, and the attempt to deny their aspirations will always cause tension and conflict. We believe that the sensible course, and one which follows the principles of the Charter and the logic of history, is to set in motion, preferably under United Nations auspices, the processes leading to self-determination and independence. 166- The current situation in the Middle East is another matter of grave concern to this Organization. We should adopt positive and practical measures in support of the legitimate cause of Arab people under Israeli domination and oppression. We are fully committed to the fundamental position that the national rights of the Palestine people, including the establishment of a State of their own, must be fulfilled.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  11. We also deplore intervention by one African State in the affairs of another because of opposition to the policies of its Government. Where the pre-eminent right to self-determination is not involved such intervention can only damage the structure of African peace and security built on the principles of the OAU. 165. With regard to the approach that should be taken to African political problems, particularly those of the Horn of Africa, my Government maintains that neither the African nor the international community should believe that the causes of deep-seated disputes based on unjust, callous or thoughtless decisions of colonial and imperial times can be glossed over, or the destiny and identity of whole peoples erased by simplistic resolutions aimed at preserving the status quo.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  12. Today there is also indifference towards Ethiopia's ongoing, brutal war against the Eritrean people, waged with the help of foreign mercenaries armed by a super-Power, 163. The settling of African conflicts within Africa and through the machinery of its regional organization is one of the fundamental reasons for the existence of the OAU, which has a respectable record in this regard. My Government, along with many other African Governments, is deeply concerned over the precedents for foreign intervention in African affairs that have recently been set. We hope that the majority of African States will guard against this retrograde trend which heralds a return to imperialist domination and undermines the positive role of the OAU in the mediation of African conflicts. 164.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  13. As in other colonial situations, they have had to resort to armed struggle because their attempts to obtain their freedom through peaceful means have been consistently and often brutally opposed. Their struggle has been temporarily set back by the introduction into the Horn of Africa of the armed presence, on a massive scale, of a super-Power and its surrogates. But the fundamental causes of that struggle remain, and there will be no lasting peace in the area until the people have been allowed to exercise their inalienable right to self- determination and independence. 162. In the case of Eritrea, whose autonomy had been established on the basis of an international (decision, it is a terrible indictment of our Organization that there was only apathy and indifference towards Ethiopia's illegal ending of Eritrea's autonomy.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  14. International concern has rightly focused on the well-known colonial situations in southern Africa, but attention should also be paid to other areas in Africa where peoples are being deprived of the right to self- determination and independence and where the consequent tensions and conflicts endanger regional and international peace and security. This is certainly the case in the Horn of Africa, where colonial struggles have been intensified and internationalized through foreign intervention. 161. The peoples of Western Somalia and Abbo, who constitute a distinct national group with a strong sense of national identity, are fighting a legitimate liberation struggle against oppressive colonial rule.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  15. As long as the people of Zimbabwe do not attain real independence on the basis of universally accepted democratic principles, the liberation struggle will continue with full force and vigour. We pledge to the valiant people of Zimbabwe our full support and urge them to stand fully united in this moment of unprecedented crisis. 159. In South Africa itself the abhorrent practice of apartheid continues and the rights of the majority of African people are openly trampled upon. Our solidarity with our oppressed brothers and sisters remains firm and unshakeable. They should intensify their legitimate struggle against the racist minority regime until final victory is won. 160.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  16. The explosive situation in southern Africa arouses our grave concern and calls for more determined effort against the unjust policies posed by the racist minority regimes, which further escalate the current reign of terror and violence in flagrant violation of OAU and United Nations resolutions and international public opinion. Of late, South Africa has taken the dangerous step of installing a puppet regime in Namibia. Any attempt, overt or covert, to impart a semblance of legitimacy to an unrepresentative government is bound to be doomed to failure. The South West Africa People's Organization, as the sole representative of the people of Namibia, deserves our full moral and material support. 158. In Zimbabwe, despite the recent cosmetic changes and developments, the situation remains as tense as ever.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  17. The OAU rightly gives pre-eminence to questions related to the right to self-determination, decolonization and independence, and it is natural that this should be the case since it is on the basis of this right, proclaimed in the United Nations Charter, that the vast majority of African countries achieved their independence. Therefore we continue to be in the vanguard of the struggle to eliminate the last vestiges of colonial rule and to complete the process of self-determination and independence on the African continent. 157. Our commitment to the cause of the total liberation of the African continent remains firm and unequivocal.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  18. Too often the positive aspects of African co-operation are overlooked and the inevitable failures of our comparatively young organization are given prominence. We believe that the OAU will be able to face up to the challenges before it by taking account of the realities of the present while remaining true to the spirit of the Charter. 155. Let me state here our conviction that the cooperation that exists between the OAU and the United Nations strengthens both organizations and contributes to international peace and security. 156.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  19. The policies and points of view I wish to express on behalf of my Government arise from three sources. The first is our involvement with the principles and issues of deep concern to our regional organization— the OAU. The second is our adherence to the principles of non-alignment, and the third is our belief that international peace and security can only be assured by a democratized system of international relations, operating within the framework of the United Nations. 153. I shall speak first of questions which affect the Somali Democratic Republic as an African State and as a member of the OAU. 154. I must emphasize, first of all, our confidence in the ability of the OAU to continue to develop its cooperative efforts in the political, economic, technological and social fields.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  20. I want also to express our profound appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his untiring efforts in the promotion of the effectiveness of this world body and in his search for solutions to the intricate problems facing humanity. We assure him that we shall give him our whole-hearted co-operation in the future as we have given it in the past. 151. May I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the late President of the People's Republic of Angola, Mr. Agostinho Neto, whose untimely death has deprived the brotherly people of Angola of a valiant freedom fighter and great statesman. I wish to extend my delegation's heartfelt condolences to the family of the late President and to the Government and the people of Angola. 152.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  21. On behalf of my delegation, and in my own name, I should like to extend to Ambassador Salim sincerest congratulations upon his election to the high and demanding office of President of the thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly, and to express our confidence and conviction that under his wise guidance and direction this thirty-fourth session will bear fruitful results. 148. I also wish to convey to his predecessor, Mr. Lievano of Colombia, our appreciation and esteem for the able and effective manner in which he fulfilled the difficult task of conducting and steering the thirty-third session of the Assembly. 149. The Somali delegation extends its best wishes of welcome to Saint Lucia on the occasion of its admission to the United Nations. 150.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  22. It is our belief that durable and lasting peace in the area can best be assured through a political solution that recognizes the right of the people of Western Somalia to self-determination. This can only be achieved if the parties to the conflict, namely, the Ethiopian authorities and the leaders of the Western Somali Liberation Front, are prepared to enter into direct negotiation. Somalia, for its part, »s prepared to offer its good offices to facilitate the holding of such negotiations. 191. There is one final point I wish to make: the conflict that is taking place in western Somalia is a war of liberation. Any interference by foreign Powers will exacerbate that situation and widen the area of conflict.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  23. In spite of constant provocations, my Government continues to exercise maximum restraint. In the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government, held in Libreville in July of this year, and in other forums, we demonstrated that Somalia was not involved militarily in the present conflict. If aggression had been committed, it is Ethiopia which has transgressed against the people of western Somalia and continues to violate their rights. 189. These hostile acts on the part of Ethiopia, the severance of diplomatic relations and their refusal to acknowledge the existence of the Western Somali Liberation Front are a clear indication of Ethiopia's unwillingness to enter into meaningful negotiations and to come to grips with the political realities existing within its empire. 190.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  24. The position of the Somali Democratic Republic is to seek a just and peaceful solution to the problem. In the past, we undertook several initiatives both at the bilateral level and through the OAU to achieve that end. Unfortunately, Ethiopia continues to be totally obsessed with its desire to hold on to its empire, and consequently has rejected any constructive proposal for a peaceful settlement. 188. In the wake of major victories that have been scored by the Western Somali Liberation Front, Ethiopia has been engaged in a plan to make Somalia a scapegoat for the failure of Ethiopia's colonial policies, and to this end has done everything to precipitate direct military conflict. A series of acts of aggression has been launched against my country by Ethiopia, with considerable loss of life and destruction of property.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  25. Ethiopia is trying to convince the international community that, having ridden itself of an Emperor, the empire has automatically been transformed into a unitary State with all the rights and privileges of a State. It hopes by these means to incorporate the colonial territories and thereby pre-empt any demand for self-determination or any action which the international community may wish to make in this 186. My delegation wishes to make clear that it will not be deceived for these manoeuvres and that it v/ill actively support the people in western Somalia. 187. I hope that my intervention has provided the General Assembly with the necessary information enabling a clear understanding of the present situation in the Horn of Africa and of the historical developments that have led to that situation.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  26. encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all .. .". 181. Ethiopia's position will continue to be in direct conflict with the provisions of the Charter if it refuses to allow the peoples under its colonial rule their right to self-determination. The United Nations must not allow itself to be misled simply because Ethiopia happens to be a black colonial empire and not a white European one. 182. Imagine what would have happened if the European colonial Powers had used the same arguments Ethiopia is advancing today and had succeeded! Very few countries would have been able to achieve their independence. 183. By political manipulation, Ethiopia continues to solicit legitimacy for the illegally acquired territories on the grounds that the boundaries of Ethiopia have the same legitimacy 3S others. 155.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  27. Ethiopia continues to use every opportunity to exploit for its own purposes the principles of territorial integrity and the inviolability of frontiers. It would like the international community to ignore the fact that its political evolution is not that of a nation-State but that of an empire acquired through nefarious means. 180. In order to maintain and to keep that empire intact Ethiopia is trying to claim protection under principles which are inimical to the decolonization process. In other words, it is trying to run with the hares and hunt with the hounds. Our Charter and the resolutions of the Security Council and General Assembly enjoin respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples,. The Charter sets out in paragraph 3 of its Article 1 as one of its objectives "...

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  28. Over the past three years, ever since the present regime came to power, various humanitarian organizations have amassed a substantial body of evidence on human right violations in Ethiopia proper. The details of these violations have caused widespread horror and revulsion in the international community. Yet in terms of scale and intensity, those should not be compared to the atrocities that have been committed by the Ethiopian regime against the Somali population of the occupied territories. In whatever place the Ethiopians have set foot in Western Somalia they have left a trail of hate, and have unwittingly strengthened the resolve of the population to secure their freedom at any price. 179.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  29. The final act in the alienation of Somali territory came as late as 1954, when another portion of the Ogaden, officially known as the Reserved Areas, was handed over by Britain to the Ethiopians. This was again protested widely, though in vain, both by public demonstrations and by petitions to the United Nations and the British Government. 177. In the years that followed. Ethiopia war, able to maintain a military presence in the region. Through massive supplies of modern armaments it pursued at dispense of colonial policy. Through torture, arbitrary arrest, intimidation, the confiscation of properties and other inhuman methods, it endeavoured to farce the people’s submission. 178.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  30. There was hope that the wrong which had been inflicted on the people would have been redressed and that they would be given their right to self-determination. In fact a proposal along these lines was made at the time. Regrettably, because of power politics and the prevailing insensibility to human aspirations, the wishes of the people of western Somalia were again ignored. They were betrayed, and in 1948 were once more compulsorily transferred to Ethiopian rule. This transfer was not without protest. Violent demonstrations took place throughout the region and there was active opposition to the imposition of Ethiopian rule. Repressive measures by the Ethiopian authorities included the public hanging of 15 prominent elders of the community as 3n act of intimidation. 176.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  31. The Western Somali Liberation Front, which was established in 1943, has on behalf of the entire people taken upon itself the sacred trust of carrying on the struggle until total freedom is achieved. If Ethiopia pretends ignorance of the existence of the Western Somali Liberation Front, it is because Ethiopia is afraid to recognize and accept the realities. 174. Following the Italo-Ethiopian conflict in 1935, Italy occupied western Somalia and remained there until 1941, when it was driven out by British forces. When Emperor Haile Selassie was restored to power in 1942, Britain retained the administration of the Ogaden, recognizing that the area was a distinct entity separate from Ethiopia. 175.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  32. Until recently it was relatively successful in this regard because of the apathy and disinterest of the international community. Its ostrich-like attitude of denying the existence of the Western Somali Liberation Front is characteristic of all colonialists. 172. The liberation struggle that is being waged in western Somalia is by no means a new phenomenon. It began at the turn of this century when Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan, a great Somali nationalist, rallied Somali forces in a war of liberation against Ethiopian, French, British and Italian colonialism. His struggle continued for 21 years, from 1899 to 1920. He was born in the Ogaden, and he died there. The liberation struggle he began has continued with varying degrees o/intensity until this day. 173.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  33. But that is not important. More significant is the fact that, as in the case of the Anglo- Ethiopian Treaty, the Somali inhabitants were not consulted at any stage of the purported negotiations. In any case, the question of western Somalia is today not one of boundaries between Somalia and Ethiopia; it is a colonial question. That colonial situation is in the process of being terminated by the people concerned, with the Western Somali Liberation Front and their vanguard. 171. Ethiopia endeavours to mislead international, opinion by repeatedly claiming that until 1975 there had been no liberation movement western Somalia. This manoeuvre is not surprising, since throughout its occupation of the territory Ethiopia has resorted to every device to hide the facts.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  34. My delegation wishes to make it clear that Britain had no authority whatsoever to cede or in any way to traffic in the land of the Somali people. The treaties it concluded with the Somali people between 1884 and 1887 provided the only possible basis for whatever British authority may have exited with regard to those parts of Somali territory under British protection. The protectorate treaties were international agreements. If one seeks to separate the 1897 treaty from the prior protectorate treaties of 1884 to 1889, then the 1897 treaty falls, for lack of all authority. 170. As for the agreement purported to have been concluded between Ethiopia and Italy in 1896 establishing the boundaries of former Italian Somaliland and Ethiopia, it should be noted that there is no official version of the agreement in existence.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  35. The Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1897 was a typical example of the betrayal of the trust of the Somali people and the sacrifice of their interests and rights as part of a political bargain with Menelik. That treaty purported to transfer Somali territory to the Ethiopian empire. It was negotiated without consulting the people concerned, and its existence was not brought to their knowledge until 1934, when an Anglo-Ethiopian boundary commission attempted to demarcate the boundary. The Somali people expressed indignation and outrage in widespread disturbances. In fact, until 1935 the Ethiopian presence on Somali territory had been confined to a few areas on the periphery of the Ogaden and sporadic military forays from those areas. 169.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  36. "Ethiopia has been for fourteen centuries a Christian island in a sea of pagans. If Powers at a distance come forward to partition Africa between them, I do not intend to be an indifferent spectator. "As the Almighty has protected Ethiopia up to this day, I have confidence he will continue to protect her and increase her borders in the future ..." In the light of the version of this circular letter given on 10 October in this very hall, I emphasize the word "indifferent". 167. Menelik successfully realized his ambitions for territorial aggrandizement through a series of pacts and agreements with other colonial Powers. These agreements were concluded without the knowledge and against the interests of the population concerned. 168.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  37. In this drive Ethiopia's territorial ambitions were facilitated by the collusion of the three European colonial Powers and by the cupidity of the European arms suppliers. 166. In the ensuing political and military scramble the frontiers of the Ethiopian empire were extended beyond all expectations. Harar, which had been an independent Somali State since time immemorial, fell to Menelik's forces in 1887. Its occupation enabled Menelik to send his hordes into Somali territory. In 1891 Menelik brazenly stated in a circular letter to the European Powers: "While tracing today the actual boundaries of my Empire, I shall endeavour, if God gives me life and strength, to re-establish the ancient frontiers of Ethiopia up to Khartoum and as far as Lake Nyanza, with all the Gallas.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  38. It is important to note that until the European Powers came to the Horn of Africa in the 1880s the Somali people enjoyed an independent existence and controlled their own affairs. The Ottoman Empire exercised nominal suzerainty over the coastal areas and over some inland centres such as Harar, while the rest of the Somali hinterland enjoyed total independence. The end of Ottoman suzerainty in 1884 saw the arrival of the British, the French and the Italians. In the period between 1884 and 1887 the three Powers were busy concluding protectorate treaties with Somali representatives. 165. At the time those agreements between the European and the Somali people were being negotiated, Emperor Menelik of Ethiopia took advantage of the situation and began an ambitious expansionist drive to extend the frontiers of the Empire.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  39. The international community has only recently become more aware of this problem through press reports on the wide-scale fighting taking place there. It is indeed a tragedy that in the past countless appeals for justice were left unheeded and international interest in the plight of the people of western Somalia had to be aroused only after much suffering and destruction. Unfortunately, there still exist some misconceptions on the origins of the problem, the objectives of the liberation struggle and the position of the Somali Government on this matter. I wish therefore to provide the Assembly with factual information on the question in the hope that it will then have a fuller understanding of the situation. 164.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  40. My delegation considers it necessary to draw attention to these fundamental principles because disregard for them is the source of the tension currently obtaining in the Horn of Africa. The threat to peace in the region is the direct result of the denial of the right to self-determination and independence of the people living in the area. The struggles taking place in Ogaden, and in other areas within the Ethiopian empire are manifestations of the determination of the people to free themselves from colonial rule in exercise of their inalienable right to self-determination. 163. The western Somalia question is not of recent origin, as the Ethiopian Government attempts to portray it. Its genesis goes back to the late nineteenth century, at the time of the scramble for Africa.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  41. The twentieth century has witnessed a decisive repudiation of outdated practices and justifications for territorial acquisition and the development of a new moral, political and legal ethic: the self- determination of peoples. 161. The development of international law on the question of self-determination, particularly through the decisions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the International Court of Justice, as well as the various legal instruments agreed to by the United Nations, makes clear the principal points: first, that self-determination is a fundamental right in contemporary international law, and, secondly, that the right to self-determination is available to all peoples who are subjugated, that is, who are functionally subjected to colonialism. 162.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  42. There are many situations obtaining in the world today where peace has either been shattered or rendered precarious as a result of the denial of the right to self-determination. I have already mentioned the dangerous situation in southern Africa, where the rights of the people have been cruelly denied by colonial racists. I have also mentioned the case of the Palestinian people, whose homeland has been usurped by Zionist settlers. 160. Both situations have given rise to dangerous tension and to conflict and will continue to do so unless the rights of the people concerned are recognized and their aspirations given practical expression.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  43. My delegation hopes that the more widely representative forum of the General Assembly will be able, during its present session, to come to grips with the issues which still present obstacles to the establishment of a just and equitable world economic order. 158. In this connexion, better terms of trade established through commodity prices and easier access to markets, the improved quality and increased flow of aid on concessional terms, easing of indebtedness and monetary facilities, sharing of technology and the accruing benefits, and a host of other equally important related issues constitute the necessary prerequisites for the attainment of the desired order. 159.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  44. Our world today is characterized by ever-growing interaction and interdependence of which the rising expectations of the peoples of the poorer nations for a better life and the tremendous technological capabilities and productive capacities of the developed nations are the essential components. In this respect, while the developing countries themselves should exert maximum efforts for speedy development, it is necessary that the advanced nations agree to utilize their resources and technical know-how for others to develop in turn their own resources without exploitation. 156. Another matter which needs careful study and resolute action is the growing protectionism of the industrial States. This unfortunate development could well invalidate any progress made towards equalizing the conditions of world trade. 157.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  45. My Government hopes that there will not be a repetition of the sterile ultimatums, the successive periods of grace, and the vetoing of meaningful resolutions which have frustrated the will of the majority of Member States. We trust that South Africa's friends on the Security Council will give their powerful support to the only kind of pressure which the Vorster regime understands and which the situation merits: measures under Chapter VII of the Charter. 154. I shall briefly touch upon the international economic situation. The slow pace of efforts to establish a new world economic order constitutes yet another threat to world stability. My Government regrets that the Paris talks, the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, while achieving some progress, fell far short of reaching internationally established goals. 155.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  46. In recent months we have been informed about initiatives that have been taken by certain States to bring about a settlement of the problem. In the view of my Government, the United Nations would renege on its responsibilities if it failed to obtain, inter alia: first, a resumption of United Nations responsibility for Namibia by the establishment of an interim United Nations administration of the Territory; secondly, the termination of South Africa's administration of the Territory before the interim administration is set up; thirdly, the complete withdrawal of South Africa's troops from Namibia before an exercise in self-determination is conducted; fourthly, the territorial integrity of Namibia, including Walvis Bay. 153.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  47. My Government fully supports all efforts aimed at finding a peaceful solution to the problem in conformity with the principles of the Charter. Such efforts must not, however, be allowed to prolong the racist minority domination of Zimbabwe, nor should they compromise the aspirations of its people for genuine independence. 150. In conformity with our policy in the past, my Government will continue to support to the fullest extent possible the liberation forces of the people of Zimbabwe so long as the intransigence of the minority regime and the realities of the situation render armed struggle necessary. 151. With respect to Namibia, the illegal presence of South Africa in a Territory with international status and the racist domination of its people constitute aggression against Namibia. 152.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  48. If the United Nations action against South Africa is to have any meaning or effect, the international community, and in particular the powerful friends of the racist regime, should have the moral courage fully to assume their responsibilities under the Charter and to implement the decisions of the Organization. 147. The liberation of Zimbabwe is another source of deep concern to my Government. Unfortunately, the situation there has been allowed to drag on interminably over the years and to deteriorate to the point where it constitutes a distinct threat to peace and security in the region. 148. The reality of the situation is that no matter how much the Smith regime and its supporters twist and manoeuvre, majority rule will inevitably be established. 149.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  49. On the contrary, they have strengthened it. The murder of prominent political personalities and of schoolchildren, and the atrocities committed against the people continue unabated. 144. If the situation in South Africa was a potential threat to peace almost 20 years ago—as the Security Council concluded at that time—it is certainly a real threat to peace today 145. Having supplied South Africa not only with sophisticated weapons and their patents, but also with nuclear power, its trading partners now express surprise and alarm because the monster they created has the capacity to produce and test nuclear weapons. 146.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  50. The long preoccupation of the United Nations with the problems of southern Africa reflects the enduring relevance of the Charter's emphasis on the equal rights and the self-determination of peoples. Despite the large body of resolutions on southern Africa, this Organization remains ineffective in implementing its own decisions and in assuming its responsibilities under the Charter. 142. The lack of political will to pursue vigorously the application of internationally sanctioned principles encourages the racist minority regimes to persevere in their defiance and allows the traditional allies of racism to continue their collaboration with impunity. 143. In South' Africa, the economic co-operation and friendly relations of its trading partners have not helped in the fight against apartheid, nor brought stability.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)