YouSaid · the spoken record

Dualeh

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS DUALEH

lines on the record: 58
first: 1964-09-24
most recent: 1965-09-24
sittings or episodes: 2
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“Without exaggerating the limited area of agreement so far achieved, I believe it is true to say that this last year has proved again that the United Nations has a resilience and an indispensability which no other world organization has ever before possessed. The Somali Government therefore believes that, in the long run, this Organization will in fact see brought about the full achievement of those lofty Principles and Purposes which were laid down twenty years ago at San Francisco.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The rapid transformation of the Special Fund into an augmented capital development fund is therefore highly desirable, and we would urge on the under-developed countries an approach to aid which does not start from an attitude of charity, but from an attitude of determination to make the maximum possible use of the world's resources in the shortest possible time. 154. In closing, I should like to end on a somewhat optimistic note. Less than a year ago, many people in the world saw what they believed to be the first signs of the end of the United Nations, brought about by the financial crisis. Well, we survive still and we expect to continue to survive.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“We are therefore fully aware of the need for better co-ordination of, and improvement in the capacity for, United Nations assistance in cases of natural disaster. We endorse whole-heartedly the extension of the activities of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to Africa. We equally endorse the recommendations of the Council of FAO that the World Food Programme should be extended. 153. Of course, the capacity of many countries to cope with such problems is drastically reduced by the inescapable fact of their under-development. Frankly, the Somali Republic is sceptical of the prospects of achieving a 5 per cent growth rate for developing countries during the present United Nations Development Decade.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“It is unrealistic for us to make decisions here on issues whose successful outcome depends on the co-operation and active participation of that great country. 152. If I have so far concentrated on what may be termed the "political" aspects of the work facing this present session, it is not because the Somali Government is unaware of the importance of the less ostentatious but highly significant steps taken in the economic and social fields. The interrelation of much of this work can be amply illustrated by the emergency situation which the Somali Republic faced in the early months of this year, and which still continues. A combination of factors, some of a political nature and others arising from drought and famine conditions, have produced a very substantial influx of refugees into my country.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Not the least of these would be those parts to which I have already referred, namely, an effective United Nations peace-keeping machinery and an effective system of peaceful settlement of disputes. 151. Ever since my country became a Member of the United Nations, we have advocated the restoration of the People's Republic of China to its proper place in this Organization of ours as the true representative of the Chinese people. Universality is one of the basic concepts of the United Nations, and this concept is continually being we aliened by the exclusion from our midst of the most populous and one of the most powerful nations in the world. Not only does China's exclusion undermine our basic concept, but it also affects us in the field of practical politics.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“But there is no reason why this Assembly should not avail itself of the offer made by the African States and proceed to draw up a treaty which will give legal effect to that declaration. 150. Here, again the Somali Government is under no delusions about the incompleteness of such a measure. Ideally we should have a series of integrated agreements embodying agreements of non-transference and non-use of nuclear weapons by the nuclear Powers, together with guarantees of the security of the nonnuclear Powers. However, what is now vital is that a start should be made somewhere, and that we should accept a temporary incompleteness, and even a. temporary risk to our security, in the hope that other States will thereby be encouraged to begin to, implement those other parts of the entire structure of disarmament.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The second opening for a new initiative comes, I believe, from the declarations which have already emanated, from the Latin American States at their meeting on the Denuclearization of Latin America, held at Mexico City in November 1964, and from the African States at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, of the Organization of African Unity at Cairo in July 1964. These declarations, it will be recalled, embodied an acceptance of the principle of "nuclear-free zone". The Somali Government is well aware of the work already done by the Latin American States to implement that declaration by a solemn treaty; it is equally aware of the special difficulties which face those States in producing an agreement acceptable to all States within, the zone.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“It would enable the major nuclear Powers to explain to all States their views on the problems which now prevent agreement between them, and it would enable the smaller Powers to express to the major Powers their own reactions to those views. The Eighteen-Nation Committee could then perhaps resume its work, knowing, for example, whether the majority of the rest of the world does or does not share the view that onsite inspection is essential, of that on-site inspection will be utilized for espionage, or that the concept of the multilateral force involves a breach of the principle of non-proliferation, and so forth. In short, there is a possibility that States which have failed to convince both the others in the Eighteen-Nation Committee and the majority of the rest of the world may abandon their positions or modify them. 149.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“It is the earnest wish of my delegation that this present Assembly will call such a conference into being. 148. I do not wish it to be thought that, in supporting the movement for such a conference, the Somali Government expects that all the major barriers to disarmament will thereby be removed. We have no such delusions. In fact, we tend to share the view openly stated by the major nuclear Powers that agreement on disarmament will require complex, lengthy and detailed negotiations, which are not possible in so large a conference. However, a world disarmament conference could perform an important function in what I might call mutual education.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The Disarmament Commission has rightly urged on the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament that priority be given to two collateral measures — the extension of the test ban Treaty to underground tests and the consideration of a treaty on non-proliferation of nuclear weapons — precisely because there is an urgent need to break through the present deadlock. Nothing that has taken place since the reconvening of the Eighteen-Nation Committee in July leads one to entertain great hopes. There is therefore, a case for some initiative elsewhere. In the view of the Somali Government, this initiative could well come in two ways. First, it could come from a world disarmament conference such as has been proposed by the Disarmament Commission, which would include, we should hope, the People's Republic of China.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“On the contrary, the United Kingdom has not only dismissed the Aden Council of Ministers but has also dissolved the Legislative Council and suspended the Territory's constitution. The British High Commissioner in Aden now wields direct power and responsibility for the administration of the area. 146. My delegation cannot help expressing its serious concern at this unhappy situation, which endangers the security and peace of the region. We hope that the United Kingdom will take immediate steps to normalize matters and implement the provisions contained in the United Nations resolution. 147. The Somali Republic shares the very general concern over the lack of real progress in the disarmament negotiations.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The first basic condition is contained in operative paragraph 4 of the resolution, by which the Assembly "Reaffirms the right of the people of the Territory to self-determination and freedom from colonial rule in accordance with the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples". 145. The other conditions, which are equally important, call for the military base to be removed; restrictions to be lifted on public freedom; political prisoners and detainees to be released; and a representative Government established in the whole territory following general elections. It is a matter of regret that none of these conditions has been fulfilled by the administering Power.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“It is therefore time that this Organization assert its responsibility for world peace, and it would be the wish of the Somali Government to see the General Assembly give its support to the establishment of a committee of good offices on Viet-Nam, composed of Afro-Asian States. 144. The question of independence for Aden and the Aden Protectorates is not a new matter for this Assembly. In fact, this matter was brought before the General Assembly at its eighteenth session. There emerged from the Assembly's deliberations a very important resolution — namely, resolution 1949 (XVIII). That resolution contained the essential conditions for bringing about a situation in the territories which would lead to the fulfilment of the just aspirations of the people for freedom and independence.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“This formula, which was embodied in a resolution adopted by the Security Council as far back as 1948, is based on a cardinal principle of the United Nations Charter — the principle of the right of self-determination. We appeal to both sides to pave the way for the implementation of the Security Council resolutions on this problem. 143. In relation to Viet-Nam, the Somali Government finds it an extraordinary commentary on the work of the United Nations that this highly dangerous situation does not even figure on the agenda for this session. The attempts to deal with this situation outside this Organization have clearly failed.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“On the question of the unfortunate conflict which has taken place between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, my delegation sincerely hopes that every possible step will be taken to bring an end to this unhappy situation and to settle this matter over the negotiating table and not on the battlefield. We appreciate the energetic steps which have been taken by the Secretary-General of the United Nations and by the Security Council to bring about a cease-fire, and it is our hope that these two sister nations will honour the undertakings which they have given in the matter. 142. The Kashmir problem has become difficult and complex because it has been allowed to dragon interminably for the past seventeen years. However, circumstances have not changed the only real formula for an equitable and just solution.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Smith's notions of consulting the people involves consulting a few selected chiefs and headmen, carefully secluded from the outside world and entertained by an impressive show of force, which includes a paratroop drop. 140. Is it too naive a position to say that this Organization is entitled to know the true wishes of the peoples of Rhodesia, of French Somaliland, of the Portuguese colonies, of Aden and the British Protectorates, of Viet-Nam? This is not to suggest that the situations in these territories are comparable, but it must be clear that on cardinal elements essential to any settlement of these questions, and Common to them all, is the nature of the wishes of the people in the territories themselves. To think of imposing a solution contrary to their wishes is to invite continuing strife and tension. 141.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“It is on this basis that we have bitterly opposed the apartheid policies of the Union of South Africa and the continued presence on foreign soil of Portuguese, British and French colonial administrations, troops and bases. Adjacent to the Somali Republic lies French Somaliland, a territory which, whatever the constitutional forms in which it is dressed, remains a colonial territory under French domination. That domination must cease. 139. In Southern Rhodesia, Mr. Smith has erected yet another “facade" of constitutional forms which purport to show that his régime rests on the will of the Rhodesian people. As the report of the Subcommittee on Southern Rhodesia clearly shows, Mr.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Amidst all our troubles, the Somali people will never cease their quest for justice, and by "justice" we mean simply the right of our people to be united under a Government of their own choice; in short, the right of self-determination. 138. It may be thought that, being ourselves denied this right, the Somali people would have no particular enthusiasm for seeing that other peoples in the world are granted that right. Nothing could be further from the truth. The Somali Republic has always given and will always give its complete support to the termination of all forms of racial discrimination and of colonialism which have denied to any people their right to a free and equal choice in their political future.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The intelligent and realistic way of dealing with these problems is to provide adequate machinery for their peaceful solution and to outlaw any attempt to solve them by the use of force. There are probably few States more acutely affected by territorial problems than the Somali Republic. Those problems are derived from the policies of certain Member States in which they can have little pride. This Assembly itself shirked its responsibilities in endorsing the independence of the Somali Republic without solving the territorial problem which the Assembly must have known would cause endless trouble. The Somali people are tired of asking for some justice in this world, and they are tired of the burdens which now face them. But I would not wish this Assembly to be under any misapprehension.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Moreover, we deplore any attempt by States to distort the Charter principles by means of resolutions which, in the guise of an elaboration of those principles, seek to define them in such a way as to prejudge important issues between States in a way suitable to their own policies. In particular, the Somali Government is determined to oppose, and can never accept, any attempt by this Organization or any other organization to pervert the principle of the territorial integrity of States into a principle that all existing territorial holdings are sacrosanct, irrespective of their legality. 137. This Organization must recognize that States always have had, and always will have, territorial disputes. These can no more be eliminated than can disputes about land in private law.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Frequently, one has only to receive an objective account of the facts of a situation for the merits of the case to be apparent and for the kind of reasonable solution appropriate to the case to become discernible. The Somali Republic believes that there is a greater need at this time for an improvement in the techniques of peaceful settlement and peace-keeping than in the definition of the rules of law which apply, or which are alleged to apply, to disputes between States. We do not see the utility of general resolutions or declarations which, in effect, do no more than spell out what is already perfectly clearly stated in the Charter.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“It is also the hope of the Somali Republic that this Organization can review its existing techniques for the peaceful settlement of disputes. Peacekeeping, in the sense of the employment of military forces, is not an end in itself; for unless the disputes which have necessitated the presence of those troops can themselves be solved, we reach a position in which, as in Kashmir and the Middle Ease, those forces become indefinitely committed. No one would dispute the range and variety of the existing techniques for peaceful settlement, but their effectiveness is not a matter for great pride. In particular, the Somali Government believes that a considerable improvement in the fact-finding techniques available to this Organization is possible.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The effects of these changes are by no means certain, but the Somali Government hopes that within the Security Council the permanent members will be less ready to exercise their veto than hitherto. In an organ more truly representative of the world community, the degree of acceptance by that community of the policies of any permanent member should be far more readily apparent. It is possible, therefore, that a permanent member which sees in the proceedings of the Council that the majority opinion of the world community is against its policies will henceforth be less ready to pursue those policies by means of its veto power. Certainly, the Somali Republic hopes that the permanent members will respond in this way. 136.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Later on, when the Organization has had experience of some kind of permanent machinery for peace-keeping, and of the operation of any agreements concluded under Article 43, it may be appropriate to "codify” that experience in the form of a new chapter to the Charter. 135. The possibilities of restoring to the Security Council the role originally designed for it are, to my mind, greatly increased by reason of the increase in membership of that organ. The Somali Republic whole-heartedly welcomes the increases in size of both the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council. These increases reflect the change in size of the Organization itself and attempt to remedy the former, totally inadequate representation of Africa in particular.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Nor would it prejudice the question of whether limited action by the General Assembly could be taken to provide for the fulfilment of the purposes of the Organization in cases where, because of the veto, the Security Council is unable to act. 134. Further, I should add that my Government is not enthusiastic over the possibilities of a new Chapter of the Charter to deal with peace-keeping. We consider that, given the difficulties of Charter revision, and given the fact that the Organization has already conducted peace-keeping operations on the basis of its present powers, there is no need for a revision of this magnitude at this stage.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“Even when we have reached that stage, there will be much that remains to be done before the United Nations is properly equipped to handle the peace-keeping role which is the most important, single task that can be entrusted to it. In speaking before this Assembly last year, I asked a question. That question was whether the time had come for the members of the Security Council to make a new attempt to negotiate the agreements provided for in Article 43 of the Charter. I again pose that question. This would by no means prejudice the question of financing since that question could be looked at in the whole context of arrangements under Chapter VII of the Charter.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“When the question of peace-keeping operations receives further consideration by the Committee appointed for this purpose, it is the earnest hope of my delegation that Member States will adopt a view of this matter which transcends purely national interests and will concentrate upon the common interest which all States have in enabling the United Nations to maintain the peace and security of this troubled world. 133. The work of the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations has really only just begun. We are by no means sure as yet of any final, comprehensive agreement on methods of financing future peacekeeping operations.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“The very fact that we are able to resume our normal work in the General Assembly is cause for considerable satisfaction. While we have not yet been able to find a solution to the issues of principle which were the reason for the suspension of the activities of this Assembly last session, the crisis has not weakened our great Organization. In fact, the crisis presented us with our greatest test, and it is a source of comfort to know that we emerged from the experience strengthened in our resolve to preserve and improve this unique instrument of peace. 132.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“When we recall those anxious meetings of the nineteenth session, and when we contemplate the agreement, however limited, which has been reached on the matter of the financing of peace-keeping operations, we cannot but recognize the enormous debt which we all owe to the tireless energy and determination of Mr. Alex Quaison-Sackey. 130. We are very happy to welcome the Gambia, the Maldive Islands and Singapore to this Assembly, and we wish them every success as independent States and as Members of the United Nations . We have always been convinced of the importance of the part played in the United Nations by the smaller nations and we feel sure that the new Members will bring valuable contributions to the deliberations of the General Assembly. 131.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“But I must not dwell only on those qualities which have particularly affected the Somali people. Your reputation for diplomacy, for impartiality and for determined support of the principles upon which this Organization is based is well known. My delegation is happy to participate in this session of the General Assembly under your wise guidance. 129. I should also like to pay a special tribute to the work of your predecessor, Mr. Alex Quaison-Sackey. This Assembly has seen a number of difficult years, but there are few years in its history which have been more difficult that this last one.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“127. Mr. President, the Somali delegation is particularly happy to extend to you its sincere congratulations on your unanimous election to the Presidency of the General Assembly at its twentieth session. The fact of the long and fruitful relationship between our two countries needs no repetition here. But it is most opportune for us to recall that, as one of Italy’s foremost statesmen, well known for your progressive views, you have had a direct influence on the development of our country from a Trusteeship Territory to an independent nation. 128. Your influence on our development has not been confined to the political sphere, and we have reason to be grateful also for your scholarly accomplishments which have been brought to bear on some of our problems.”
1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)
“There remains, finally, the problem which is particularly crucial to a smaller country with a limited range of experts, and that is to ensure that whatever benefits we might gain from increased productivity, with the aid of technical assistance, should not be taken from us by a swing in the balance of trade which is for ever against us. We need some guarantee of markets for our products, and we need some guarantee of fair prices. It is in this area that the United Nations can make an enormous contribution to the well-being of the peoples of the smaller nations.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“It should not be the pursuit, by way of favour or blandishment, of particular national policies. Assistance must be given to eradicate the discrepancies which circumstance, history and sometimes geography, have created between our standards of living. It should be given out of humanity, not out of self-interest. My own country benefits greatly from such assistance, and our friends and the United Nations know how grateful we are. But, as recipients of this assistance, we know the difficulties of coordinating and utilizing it to the greatest possible advantage. It is for this reason that the Somali Republic will support any measures, within and outside the Organization, to rationalize and improve any programmes for technical assistance. 83.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“Therefore, I would hope to see within the United Nations, and in particular within the organs, such as the Committee of Twenty-Four, which are especially concerned with the elimination of oppression in the form' of alien rule, a new and strengthened emphasis upon the right of self-determination. Not self-determination as construed by States which have particular national policies to pursue in defiance of the wishes of the people, but self-determination as construed by the people. 82. I have, as yet, said nothing of the economic and social policies which the United Nations is pursuing. The essential purpose behind the many and impressive programmes of technical assistance should always be the betterment, the economic and material improvement, of mankind.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“The alternatives then become either enslavement of a people in the interests of some State whose control is alien to them or, alternatively, freedom under their own rule or in association with another State according to the political and economic realities of the situation. 80. Which of these two alternatives should be chosen? I have no doubt that the choice of this Organization must be the latter, that of freedom for the people. I say this not simply because their right of self- determination is enshrined in the Charter but also because, in the long run, the choice of the former alternative, that of the subjugation of a people in the interests of an alien State, only can lead to tension and strife, 81.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“Nor do we maintain the impossibility of a free, multiracial State and society; indeed, in many parts of the world we should hope to see such societies flourish as a tribute to the spirit of co-operation. 79. But that happy condition can exist only when all the elements within the State, despite differences in their ethnic, cultural, linguistic or religious origins, are willing and co-operating parts of one and the same State and society. When they are not, when their participation has to be exacted by force, then the society is no longer free and the brave experiment —which in many cases the colonialists have tried— becomes enslavement for those peoples who wish to be free.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“What, therefore, is there to respect? The only real solution must lie in a genuine attempt to reach a settlement acceptable to the peoples concerned, and such a settlement must be brought about by peaceful means and not by force. 78. Second, my Government sees the application of the right of self-determination as a means of ending strife and tension, not as a means of creating it. We do not advocate the fragmentation of existing States, creating units which have neither political nor economic viability, and I may add that no claims my Government has ever made on behalf of Somali peoples or any other peoples would have this effect. We are advocating a rational, practical principle, not anarchy.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“Then there is the equally prevalent view that self-determination, liberally construed, will work chaos in the new nation States of Africa, Asia and elsewhere and that, therefore, the territorial status quo, however nonsensical and unjust, must be left untouched. As to this, let me say the following. 77. First, we have accepted no other part of the colonialist legacy without question: in the economic, cultural and political fields we have striven for freedom. in its fullest sense. There have been problems, many problems, but we have never shirked the task of finding a rational, indigenous solution, To pretend that the status quo must endure for ever, knowing that it is palpably wrong and unjust, is to fly in the face of history and ask the impossible. In many cases the status quo is itself devoid of any legal foundation.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“There is a commonly held view that, whilst the right of self-determination is a legitimate weapon for ousting the colonialist Powers from territories held by them, that right has no validity thereafter. I need scarcely say that such a view can only give enormous satisfaction to the colonialist Powers, for if ever they needed proof of the double standards of morality which they complain of, then they surely have it in this insupportable restriction on the right of self-determination. An alien rule is an alien rule and the people subjected to that rule care not in the least what the colour of their oppressors are, or from what continent they originated. 76.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“In whose interests are they divided? Certainly not in the interests of the peoples of those areas. Indeed, if outside Powers were to cease their intervention in the affairs of the peoples of these areas, my Government is, confident that these situations would become stabilized and the peoples would work out their or/n solution, as they have the right to do. 74. I am, in short, appealing for the Application of the right of self-determination of all peoples not as just another political slogan, or even a pious statement of human rights, but as a legal principle which can contribute to the elimination of tension in the world. I believe that this principle, if applied genuinely as a principle of positive action by all Member States, would effectively contribute to the maintenance of international peace. 75.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“In Aden and the British protectorates, the United Kingdom still has a tenuous hold upon areas which it deems to be necessary to its own safety, on Strategic or economic grounds; but of the interests of the peoples of those areas nothing is said, and, as these are ignored, so the tension mounts. Many thousands of Somalis live in Aden, and there exist historic and traditional links between the peoples of the South Arabian Peninsula and the Somali Republic which stretch over the centuries and join us in friendship. Therefore, my country has A special concern in seeing that the peoples of those territories are allowed to shape their own political future, free from all outside interference. 73. in Africa, Europe and Asia, nations are divided and thus provide a constant source of tension and a continuing threat to world peace.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“So, too, in French Somaliland, the French Government has carefully nurtured and fostered a regime which presents the semblance of a regime acceptable by the people. It is time this sham was exposed, and I sincerely hope that this Assembly, through its own organs and in consultation with the Organization of African Unity, will do so. My Government cannot rest content until the peoples of this territory are given their freedom, their right to choose their own political destiny. 72. Elsewhere in the world the true interests of the people are frustrated and destroyed by alien domination.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“In South Africa and South West Africa, the policy of apartheid is, in essence, a policy of oppression of the majority of the people in order to sustain a concept of State interest which appeals to the white minority. The same is largely true of the recent developments in Southern Rhodesia, where the denial of equality to all men produces an attempt at democracy which is a flagrant denial of all that democracy means. 71. In other parts of Africa, too, the vestiges of colonialism remain in a vain effort to preserve for the alien few the benefits which are the natural right of the indigenous people: in the Portuguese colonies there exists the most blatant denial of the rights of the people, a denial persisted in by Portugal in utter defiance of the wishes of this Assembly, representing the conscience of the world.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“We cannot, however, support any approach which simply pretends that the problem does not exist. 68. These tensions occur in different parts of the world; they assume different forms, and may have different causes. Yet when these different causes are examined, it becomes clear that they have one substantial common element: they all stem from policies which spring from a concept of State interest running counter to the interests of the people. Yet, in this enlightened age, the interests of the State tend to be regarded as synonymous with the interests of the people. Unhappily, this is often not the case, and that is so often the real explanation of the existence of tension. 69. If one looks at many of the problem areas of the world, this clash between the interests of States and the interests of the people is striking. 70.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“I have found it important to give this Assembly concrete examples of the dangerous situations which exist both in the Horn of Africa and in the Congo simply to illustrate the reality of these tensions, which exist not only in Africa but throughout the world. 67. It is the wish of the Somali Government that, during this present session, some constructive thinking should take place on how to eliminate these tensions. I would wish to emphasize the word "constructive" because, frankly, we are apprehensive that these substantial and very real problems will be met with bland resolutions which are entirely negative. I can pledge my Government's fullest support of any genuine attempt to explore ways and means of reducing tension and solving by peaceful means disputes which are likely to lead to tension.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“My Government has already proposed that the Congo question be again discussed by an extraordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity. It is our hope that at this special session there will emerge a solution which will contribute effectively to the early restoration of peace, and to the establishment of the conditions necessary for the orderly government and development of the Congo in accordance with the express wishes of the people. All that we ask now is for nations to refrain from all forms of interference in the domestic affairs of the Congo, and not to indulge in activities likely to impair or frustrate the efforts of the Organization of African Unity in its quest for a speedy and peaceful solution. 66.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“In this way we would not only confine the problem to the African continent through an organization of which the Congo is a member State, but we would also prevent the situation from becoming another arena in the cold war struggle. 64. The Somali Government is firmly convinced that, the Congo situation can still be saved if all nations at this stage give their unqualified support to the efforts and recommendations of the Organization of African Unity. All States should first respond to the appeal of the organization to refrain from interfering in* the domestic affairs of the Congo. By doing so they would create conditions which would assist the organization in bringing about peace and national reconciliation in the Congo and end the senseless slaughter which is taking place. 65.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“The crisis precipitated by these unfortunate developments is ominous and the repercussions may well fee far-reaching. In situations which are politically intricate, it is important that we should encourage the people concerned to settle their own problems, and if outside assistance is needed, it should be provided by an organization which is impartial and whose motives are above question. 63. It is for these reasons that the Somali Government has advocated from the beginning that the Congo problem be left to the Congolese people to solve, and because of the special political circumstances prevailing in the country, that outside assistance be given through the medium of the Organization of African Unity.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“We have in a sense become hypnotized by the East-West rift, and all too rarely see the dangers which lie in the rivalries and unresolved disputes between smaller Powers. There are very few regions of the world free from the tensions which arise from these situations. In the Horn of Africa, for example, there has been considerable tension for several years, and recently it erupted into armed conflict. In the Congo, too, we have witnessed in recent weeks developments of a most grave and alarming nature. Contrary to accepted international practice, and in defiance of the principles of the United Nations Charter and the appeals of African States, we have had the distressing experience of witnessing a flagrant and armed intervention in the domestic affairs of the Congolese people. 62.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)
“Let us proceed to implement, and in so doing restate in the clearest possible terms that resort to force is not a permissible meant; of solving international disputes or of furthering national policies, and that foreign bases represent a poor and improper substitute for an effective machinery for collective security within the United Nations itself. 60. Unless and until we can do this, our aims of disarmament will seem appropriate to some other world. We shall, in short, be destined to endure indefinite tension and strain, in which disarmament appears as but a utopian fantasy, while the threat of war itself is ever present. Nations will live in fear and will waste their slender resources on material for man's destruction rather than his salvation. 61. This is not simply a problem for the so-called great Powers, but for all Powers.”
1964-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 19 (1964)