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Nilsson

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS NILSSON

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134
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1963-09-24
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1969-09-24
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un-general-debate

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  1. While appreciating fully the difficulties of those talks, I do not wish to conceal our feelings of regret and disappointment that as far as is known they have not led to any real progress. It is clearer than ever that attempts to solve the conflict by means of continued and increased use of violence are doomed to failure. Everything must now be done to achieve a peaceful solution. There is no doubt that a gradual de-escalation of the hostilities would improve the prospects for such a solution. We have maintained for a long time that it is incumbent upon the militarily strongest party, the United States, to take the first step in that direction and to cease the bombing of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam. It is deeply regrettable that the bombing halt which began in April is only partial.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  2. It must be repaired so that a renewal of the cold war can be avoided and the efforts resumed to rebuild bridges where they have been destroyed, to eliminate fears where they have led to irrational actions, and to recreate confidence where it has been shaken. 158. The use of force does not achieve any permanent solution of political problems. That is true in the case of Czechoslovakia. It is equally true in the case of Viet-Nam. 159. The war in Viet-Nam causes horrible sufferings to the Viet-Namese people on both sides of the demarcation line and exposes the country to widespread devastation. The talks in Paris have been followed in my country with great attention.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  3. The peoples of Czechoslovakia have conducted their struggle for independence and in defence of their form of social and political life with dignity and courage. Such policies cannot hurt the legitimate interests of any country. On the contrary, they can only improve the prospects for peace in Europe based on good neighbourly relations among all States. The sooner the foreign troops are withdrawn and the peoples of Czechoslovakia are allowed to plan and to decide their own future without external pressure, the better are the chances of limiting the damage that has been done to the efforts at détente in Europe and in the world. The damage is there and it is severe.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  4. It was an infringement on the territorial integrity and the political independence of Czechoslovakia and it has led to intervention in the internal affairs of the country. The Charter does not provide for any right to intervene on grounds of allegiance to a common ideology. 156. The Czechoslovak leaders had declared and manifested their determination to continue on the road of socialist development. They had declared their adherence to the military and political arrangements in Eastern Europe. Their efforts to achieve a humane and more democratic form of socialism were followed with interest and sympathy, not least in my own country, Sweden. 157. Under these circumstances we cannot but deplore the action undertaken against Czechoslovakia as a tragic political error as well as a breach of legal and moral principles.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  5. One of the principal rules enshrined in the Charter, as a result of the collective experience of generations, stipulates that unilateral resort to violence, or the threat to use violence, is never permissible. The sole exception to this rule is defence against an armed attack. 154. When one of the States Members of the United Nations, Czechoslovakia, was occupied by the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary and East Germany, this was an act of force in clear contravention of the provisions of the Charter. It is thus a matter of proper concern for our Organization. The reasons given for the occupation are not valid, whether from a legal, political or moral point of view. 155. The foreign troops entered the country without the knowledge and against the wishes of the legal Government.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  6. It has been hoped that government leaders, when furthering their national interests, will take into practical account the international ideals which are represented by the United Nations and that they will come to realize that national interests also are, in the long run, best served in this way. 153. All too often this hope is frustrated and we have to witness how the principles of the United Nations are violated or ignored. During the course of this year violence, or the threat of violence, has been employed in many parts of the world. We have heard different motivations and excuses offered in defence of what has happened. But we have not become. convinced by these explanations.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  7. 151. Before I begin my speech let me tell you, Mr. President, how happy I am to see you presiding over our proceedings. You have had long and rich experience in international affairs. You have proved your skill as an outstanding negotiator. You possess indeed all the qualities to make your presidency distinguished and successful. 152. It is generally admitted that the principles which are laid down in the Charter of the United Nations serve as standards against which the actions of Governments in the international field are judged and measured. No Government and no statesman in our time can escape such critical scrutiny.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  8. I have tried in this statement to discuss the difficulties with which the United Nations is faced. But I have also wished to demonstrate the basic usefulness of our Organization, both in dealing with problems that now beset the world and, hopefully, as a beginning of more effective arrangements in the future for the maintenance of peace. 26. I express the hope that the work at this session — where elements of deep worry are mixed with elements of confidence — will be characterized by moderation, patience and realism.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  9. When the United Nations began to debate disarmament, the only three atom bombs then produced had already been used. Now, at enormous costs, the stocks have risen to thousands of even more devastating weapons. 24. In view of the tremendous resources invested in tools of destruction, we must greet — with relief and hope — even limited progress in the field of disarmament. It takes but little imagination to realize what even a relatively small reduction in armaments costs could mean in order to hasten our material contributions to the developing countries. To some extent — and perhaps to a very great extent — progress in the field of disarmament may help us to solve, or at least to alleviate, the greatest humanitarian and political problem of today, the destitution and starvation among the rapidly increasing masses in the poor countries. 25.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  10. What we have in mind is, directly and concretely, the conclusion also of a comprehensive test-ban treaty and a cut-off agreement prohibiting the production of fissionable material for weapon purposes. A non-proliferation treaty may lead the way, but it has to be accompanied or followed by such other steps to which I have referred. 22. In his statement yesterday [1562nd meeting] the Danish Prime Minister suggested an inquiry into the question of some form of international system for registration of the trade in conventional arms. This may be a useful suggestion worthy of being seriously explored. 23. The gigantic and ever-greater resources invested in armaments make us realize that there is a need for haste in the efforts towards disarmament. Every day is costly.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  11. We have tried, and will continue to try, to give constructive contributions towards achieving a draft text realistic enough to be acceptable to the States which are most important in this connexion. What we are aiming at is an effective, solid, international undertaking to check the trend towards a spread of nuclear armaments. 21. It is obvious to the Swedish Government — as I believe it is to the majority of the nations in the world — that one single agreement cannot be the final goal. In the search for world-wide disarmament — a balanced lowering of the guard — preparations must be pursued to meet the threat that the nuclear arms race entails.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  12. It is true that we cannot yet register any success comparable in importance to the partial test-ban Treaty of 1963. But the negotiations on nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, which have been carried out during last year, have lately made progress, The identical drafts of a treaty recently presented in Geneva by the delegations of the United States and the Soviet Union have been regarded as an important sign of a commencing reduction of the tension in the political climate in the world. The Swedish Government shares this opinion. 20. We all now wish to see these endeavours crowned with success. The Swedish Government has repeatedly emphasized its expectation that the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament would be able to submit a unanimous recommendation to the General Assembly on a non-proliferation treaty.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  13. The Member States' willingness to make use of the opportunities that the Charter and the practices acquired over the years provide will in the end be decisive. 18. I wish to add that much useful work can be done, both nationally and internationally, to Improve the United Nations peace-keeping capacity. Many countries, amongst them Sweden, have made practical preparations in the form of stand-by forces, courses for United Nations observers, etc. We plan to notify the Secretary-General, at some appropriate time, of these preparations and hope that other countries will do the same, thereby keeping him fully briefed about the possibilities in respect of personnel and services that would be available In case of need. 19. Another central sector in our positive work for peace is the endeavour to advance along the road of disarmament.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  14. However, the different organs of the United Nations, including the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Secretary-General, have shown wisdom and inventiveness in breaking new ground in the field of peace-keeping. Rich experience has been gained which constitutes a valuable asset for the future. It is our belief that all Member States, also those who up till now have been doubtful or negative, will become increasingly aware hereof. It is true that the endeavours to lay down guide-lines for the future have so far failed. This is to be regretted but need not lead to despondency as to the efficiency of the Organization. If and when the need arises for a peace-keeping operation, the ability of the United Nations to take the necessary measures will as hitherto hardly depend on any pre-arranged formulas.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  15. Further, my Government continues to give firm support to all endeavours to maintain and to develop the United Nations capacity to carry out the type of measures which have come to be called peace-keeping operations. We have been reminded by recent events in the Middle East of the characteristic features of these operations, which is that they are voluntary or, to use another word, consensual. This does not diminish their usefulness, but it does indicate that they are no substitute either for the ability of the United Nations to contribute to the solution of conflicts or for its capacity to act under Chapter VII of the Charter.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  16. We address this appeal to a nation whose ideals of liberty, shown not least during the two world wars, the nations of Europe have particular reason to remember with gratitude. 16. The efforts to make the United Nations better equipped to deal with threats to the peace and to contribute to the peaceful solution of conflicts must be energetically pursued on all fronts. This is part of the motivation of the Swedish Government's consistent position that the People's Republic of China should take China's seat in the different organs of the United Nations. If one wishes to give a realistic direction to the work of the United Nations, one must deplore that a country which holds one fifth of the population of the world still stands outside the Organization and appears to be becoming increasingly isolated from the outer world. 17.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  17. It has been said from the North Viet-Namese side that talks could be opened if the bombing of North Viet-Namese territory ceased unconditionally. It appears to me a matter of great urgency that this way of approaching the conference table be tried. Like Secretary-General U Thant, I believe that a cessation of the bombing may lead to a solution or to the beginning of a solution. No effort to bring this conflict to an end can be left untried. As long as the war continues the threat remains of its spreading further in Asia, with unforeseeable consequences for world peace. 15. Therefore, we appeal to the most powerful party in the conflict to take the initial step. We appeal for a willingness to start the de-escalation process which can lead to peace for the people of Viet-Nam.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  18. The sacrifices are such that one can well understand the feeling of millions of Viet-Namese that their country's national identity and ancient civilization are at stake. This brave people, which has experienced the horrors of war for over a quarter of a century, should now at last be allowed to live in peace and dignity without foreign interference. This must be the dream of all Viet-Namese. It is an aspiration with which we all sympathize. 14. It is now generally agreed that the war can be terminated only through negotiations, through apolitical solution as the United States representative, Mr. Goldberg, emphasized here yesterday [1562nd meeting]. How then is a beginning to be made to bring about negotiations?

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  19. At the same time we are obliged to note that it is a third conflict in the world — not on our agenda — which constitutes the darkest cloud on the political horizon, The United Nations seems powerless to deal in a meaningful manner with the Viet-Nam conflict. This may lead to more doubts as to the usefulness of this Organization as an instrument for peace. So much the more important is it, therefore, that Member States should use this debate to express their opinions on the problem. 13. The war in Viet-Nam rages with increasing intensity. Bombs continue to fall over North Viet-Nam, In South Viet-Nam a total civil war is in progress. Viet-Namese inflict death and destruction on each other. There is outside intervention on a massive scale.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  20. We are also made aware how important it could be to increase substantially the economic assistance to African countries, in particular those in the immediate vicinity of the countries where racial regimes still hold sway. I wish to say here that if such programmes can be worked out in the United Nations, Sweden would be willing to play its proper part in making them effective, I wish to add that we favour an increase in educational assistance to Africans from the countries concerned in order to strengthen the cadre of trained personnel who can give stability to those countries when freedom is achieved. 12. It is these two centres of conflicts — the Middle East and southern Africa — which will take up a considerable part of our attention, our patience and our energy at this session of the General Assembly.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  21. More information, more debate and increased contacts between the peoples are the necessary means to break this tragic trend which, If unchecked, can only lead to more injustice, more violence, more brutality, more wars. 11. Continuous education for greater understanding and tolerance between the races is of direct importance in order to hasten the abolishment of racial oppression in Southern Africa when the factual conditions for a change become ripe. Some of these conditions are the continued political struggle for freedom in the territories concerned and a strengthening of the economic and political power of the independent African countries. Seen in this perspective, the debates and resolutions here in the United Nations become meaningful.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  22. One reason is that the debates and the decisions of the United Nations have contributed to creating and maintaining a world opinion directed against racial oppression. That is essential. Looking back only some twenty or thirty years, one is struck by the dramatic changes which have occurred in the psychological attitudes of many peoples, Including the Swedish people. It is of utmost importance that the younger generation all over the world should be educated to resist the mentality of fear and superiority which is at the root of racial discrimination. Many of the conflicts in the world today are caused or intensified by racial antagonism. Some of them threaten to develop into wars, civil or international.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  23. We must not forget that the United Nations during the last twenty years has been a moderating factor in the Middle East. 9. With respect to the problems In southern Africa it is equally important to view in the correct perspective the capacity of the United Nations to influence developments, There is disappointment and bitterness that a minority régime in South Africa can continue to pursue and to intensify a policy of racial discrimination explicitly condemned by the United Nations and described by a large majority as a threat to the peace. Appeals for freedom and independence for the peoples of South Africa, South West Africa, Southern Rhodesia and the territories under Portuguese administration are left unheeded. But are we, therefore, compelled to give up our endeavours as doomed to failure? 10. My answer is a clear no.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  24. It seems to me that a realistic political solution, fair to all parties, would be greatly facilitated if these principles could be stated by the United Nations in some authoritative form. 8. Although it did not prove possible to prevent the outbreak of hostilities, nor to find a basis for a lasting solution, the role of the United Nations was, however, of essential importance and still is. It was in the Security Council [resolutions 233 (1967) and 234 (1967)] that agreement was reached on a cease-fire. It is through the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization in Palestine that this agreement is made effective. And it is through contacts within the United Nations that it may be hoped, at some stage, to establish a situation of peace and justice in the area. The United Nations remains a truly indispensable instrument for this purpose.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  25. Turning to the disturbing situation in the Middle East, I should first like to express deep regret that it was not possible to prevent and to resolve the threatening crisis as it developed during the spring and clearly pointed to the risk of an armed conflict, Further, it is a matter of serious concern that during the fifth emergency special session all attempts failed to lay down guide-lines for the establishment of conditions of peace with justice in the area. This is all the more unfortunate as there was near unanimity on the principles themselves: non-recognition of any rights resulting from military conquest and recognition of the right to existence in security and peace for all countries in the Middle East.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  26. The United States requested that the Viet-Nam problem should be placed on the agenda of the Security Council. The Soviet Union took the initiative in convening the General Assembly to consider the grave situation in the Middle East. There are different opinions about the motives behind the decisions to request United Nations intervention on these and other problems. But there can be nothing but appreciation of the tendency to take the burning questions of our day to the United Nations and to subject them to the judgement of world opinion. It is not the violent debates in these halls, the sharp differences and the bitter accusations expressed here which jeopardize the continued existence and the influence of the United Nations. The real danger would be indifference, silence and passivity. 7.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  27. But we must not forget that, since the creation of the United Nations, the actions of all States can be, and are being, judged by the standards of the Charter. Government leaders become increasingly aware of this constant scrutiny and examination. When furthering their own national interests they are compelled to pay some attention to the international ideals as represented and expressed by the United Nations. 6. We might also note that many countries, including great Powers, are attempting to find solutions through the United Nations to problems which directly concern their interests. The United Kingdom sought the cooperation of the United Nations to combat the rebel regime in Southern Rhodesia and to lay the foundation for a future in independence and peace for the people of South Arabia.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  28. The United Nations reflects the international reality but it also affects that reality. This is evidently true with regard to the problems and conflicts which are placed on the agenda of the Organization and lead to debate and to resolutions. But it also applies to situations, such as Viet-Nam right now, which, for various reasons, we have not been able to discuss constructively with a view to reaching decisions. These situations cannot be seen as isolated from the United Nations. By its mere existence, the United Nations in manifold ways influences all situations which involve the peace of the world, and is in turn influenced by them. We see incessantly cases of violation or neglect of Charter principles.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  29. Situations which undoubtedly constitute threats to the peace or breaches of the peace—even a major war like the one in Viet-Nam — can continue for years without any United Nations intervention at all. Some Member States, like South Africa, can with impunity ignore injunctions of the United Nations supported by an almost unanimous world opinion. With the aid of some Members, amongst them South Africa, the rebel régime in Southern Rhodesia has been able to withstand the pressure of mandatory economic sanctions decided upon by the Security Council. 4. No wonder there is disillusion. The question arises how the United Nations can retain the confidence of the peoples, in spite of the discrepancy which evidently exists between promise and accomplishment, obligations and factual behaviour, ideal and reality. 5.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  30. It seems to me that it would serve a useful purpose if some part of this general debate could be devoted to a candid discussion of the role of the United Nations in the present world situation. What are the objectives, and what are the possibilities of constructive action? The debate might then allow us to discuss the road ahead and to determine the responsibilities of Member States. 3. It must be frankly admitted that the United Nations is subjected to much criticism. It is widely felt that the organs of the United Nations seldom arrive at clear-cut decisions and unambiguous positions on the really important problems. And even when decisions are reached they often remain on paper. Conflicts and crises which these organs are expected to solve take their course seemingly unaffected by warnings and demands of the United Nations.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  31. 1. Mr, President, I wish to congratulate you most sincerely on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly at this twenty-second session. Your eminent qualities as an experienced European statesman are certainly well known to all of us. Your remarkable efforts in furthering international co-operation inspire great confidence in your Presidency. 2. This year has been a period of strain and stresses for the United Nations, a period of trial. Although our Organization has, on many occasions, clearly demonstrated its value as an instrument for peace, there is, in many quarters, a feeling of disappointment and impatience at what is seen as ineffectiveness and paralysis.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  32. These are immense tasks, and there are moments in history when a few throws of the dice determine its course. Greater and heavier than ever is the burden of responsibility resting on those statesmen who are entrusted with the destinies of their peoples. Even if it is not possible to master all these problems in the near future, this need not imply that the United Nations is in the midst of a crisis. The real crisis will come on the day when we no longer discuss such issues. As long as Member States, great and small, make use of the United Nations for consultations and for joint action, the hope remains that our Organization will step by step develop into a decisive force for peace.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  33. Our Organization is indeed faced with gigantic and almost superhuman tasks. We have to take effective action to put an end to developments in southern Africa which spell the threat of racial war. We must achieve control over the means of destruction, the use of which can mark the end of civilization. We must at long last advance on the road to disarmament and direct our efforts towards the establishment of a world economy capable of providing all nations of the globe with fair and truly humane living conditions. We must today, above all, try to contribute to a peaceful solution of the Viet-Namese conflict, which limits and paralyses the possibilities of progress in other fields. We must maintain and strengthen the peace-keeping capacity of the United Nations.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  34. At the same time, it is a fact that four fifths of the staff of the United Nations are active in the field of economic and social development and that the overwhelmingly greater part of the financial contributions from Member countries is spent on such work — and very rightly so. The gap between the standards of living of the richer and the poorer countries widens more rapidly than ever. The population explosion in large parts of the world threatens to nullify all endeavours to raise, even to a modest extent, the per capita income. It is essential that efforts be intensified to assist the developing countries to reach as soon as possible the stage of self-sustaining growth. 166. It is often said that the United Nations right now is in a crisis. In one sense that is true.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  35. For the proper and effective functioning of the United Nations in all fields — not least that of peacekeeping the office of the Secretary-General occupies a vitally important position. We are fortunate to have in this office a man of rare skill and deep wisdom, enjoying the respect and affection of all. It is the sincere hope of the Swedish Government that U Thant will find it possible, and that all Member Governments will do what they can to make it possible for him, to continue in office. 165. In the debate concerning the activities of the United Nations, public attention is mostly focused on the more dramatic moments.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  36. It is the view of the Swedish Government that the General Assembly, and also other organs of the United Nations, should devote great and continued attention to this matter and make new attempts to improve the capacity of the United Nations to work actively in the interest of peace. The timing and the setting for such attempts should be carefully considered. What is important above all is that nothing should be done to detract from the fund of experience and practice acquired during many years. If we were to let it be understood that no new peace-keeping operations were ever possible, or even desirable, we should be depriving our Organization of one of its most valuable instruments in promoting the cause of peace. In particular, the smaller States might come to regret such a development. 164.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  37. The true nature of the danger that threatens us must be known and understood, We therefore think that the Secretary-General has acted wisely in proposing an extensive study of the impact and implications of nuclear weapons against the background of the rapid development of modern technology [see A/6301/Add.1, p. 4]. 163. I should like to say a few words specifically about the subject of peace-keeping operations. The Special Committee that was set up last year [see resolution 2006 (XIX)] to review the whole question has not reached any result. Its proceedings have reflected a certain amount of apathy and, in any case, considerable reluctance on the part of the smaller Powers to commit themselves on questions where the opinions of the great Powers differ. All this is surely disappointing.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  38. We have noted with disappointment that the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament has again not been in a position to report any concrete results, We are convinced, however, that that committee is a valuable forum for technical discussions to prepare the ground for agreements, and an instrument for reminding the great Powers of their particular responsibilities. In other words, we suggest that its mandate be renewed. 162. Only two nuclear bombs have ever been used in war. But the memory of these events is still strong. As time passes and a new generation grows up, however, there may be a tendency to forget or underestimate the horrors of a nuclear war.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  39. The non-aligned delegations in Geneva have concentrated their efforts on certain other partial measures which might be of importance in stopping the further spread of nuclear weapons as a form of national production and which would at the same time involve certain obligations on the part of the nuclear Powers also. National production of nuclear weapons would, of course, become impossible if there were a test-ban treaty covering all tests and a ban on production of fissionable material for military purposes. 160. Much of the preparatory work for a comprehensive test-ban treaty is already completed. My country has worked together with seven other nonnuclear Powers to bring about an international exchange of seismological data. We think that this work might significantly facilitate the completion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. 161.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  40. In another field also, efforts to achieve a detente are being carried on. I refer to the problem of disarmament. During the past year, the question of non-dissemination of nuclear weapons occupied most of the time and efforts of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament at Geneva. The principal remaining question, that of nuclear sharing within military alliances, remains unsolved, but the respective positions have become more clearly defined. We hope that further progress will be possible, perhaps even during this session. 159.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  41. The efforts undertaken by the United Nations for helping the victims of apartheid and for training deserve the whole-hearted support of Member countries. Sweden is prepared to continue and increase its contributions to these activities. Along with the other Nordic countries, we shall make proposals regarding co-ordination of the various programmes in order to achieve the highest possible efficiency. 157. We are glad to note that in spite of the increased international tension, caused largely by the war in Viet-Nam, no raising of the political temperature in Europe has been registered. The present situation in Europe is characterized by increased mobility and rapidly increasing contacts between all countries, not least between the Eastern and Western European peoples. We in Sweden consider this trend desirable and worth encouraging. 158.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  42. It should be considered as a matter of urgency by the Council. In particular, a study should be made of the problem of equitable sharing of the economic burdens resulting from sanctions and falling heavily on certain countries. The Swedish delegation has already focused attention on this problem, last year. I believe that we are dealing here with a question of central importance, if we wish to increase the United Nations capacity to remove threats against peace. We all know that in the case of South Africa large economic interests are involved. I am convinced, however, that it would be possible, through international co-operation and solidarity, to overcome the economic consequences. In a universal perspective, these economic obstacles do not appear insurmountable. 156.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  43. The United Nations places this question prominently on its agenda not only because it is a source of tension and disquiet in an important part of the continent of Africa; what is at stake is in reality something even more serious - coexistence in the future of different races in the whole world, a world where the population explosion will create a continuous and rapid increase of contacts between all races and nations. Against that background, my Government is of the opinion that the problem of apartheid must be considered as a threat to international peace and security. 155. I should like, therefore, to emphasize once more how necessary it is that the Security Council should tackle the problem anew as soon as possible and try to find a solution. The report of the Expert Committee on sanctions has been before us for over a year now.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  44. How the United Nations should act thereafter to fulfil in actual practice its responsibility for the Territory, until the population there can exercise its right to self-determination, is, in our view, a question that should be carefully studied and considered. 154. The common denominator for all problems in southern Africa remains, however, as I have just said, the policy of racial repression that the South African Government has made into a dogma. While the rest of the world has realized the necessity of equitable and harmonious relations between different races, the ruling minority in South Africa clings to the belief that remnants of old-time colonialism can be preserved in southern Africa.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  45. Obviously the slow effect of the sanctions recommended by the Security Council is due to the fact that the recommendation has been largely ignored by South Africa and Portugal and that it does not seem to have been consistently applied by a number of other countries. There is little chance of achieving a satisfactory result if we content ourselves with the present recommendation. The Swedish Government maintains its opinion that the Security Council would be justified in deciding upon mandatory economic sanctions in the case of Southern Rhodesia. 153. With regard to South West Africa, the Swedish Government contends that South Africa by its deeds has forfeited every right to administer that Territory. We also consider that the time has now come for the United Nations to draw the proper conclusions from this and to revoke the Mandate.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  46. When the Security Council recommended sanctions against the Smith regime after its illegal declaration of independence [resolutions 217 (1965) and 221 (1966)] my Government, immediately and as a matter of course, complied with that recommendation. Sweden at once broke off all relations with the Rhodesian regime. This reaction followed from our conviction that sanctions must be applied completely and consistently if they are to succeed. Furthermore, Sweden had since the beginning of the crisis found it justified to describe the situation in Southern Rhodesia as a threat to international peace and security, that is to say as a situation which might call for action under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. 152.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  47. If the South African Government had not been so blind in its racial policy, the problem of South West Africa would not have reached such a tragic and critical stage. 151. The various problems of southern Africa must be tackled in turn, using the means at our disposal. With regard to Southern Rhodesia, we find it inconsistent with our ideas to call for the use of force in order to solve a difficult problem of international significance. But we do consider that the weapon in the United Nations arsenal called economic sanctions could and should be used fully, something which has not yet been the case.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  48. It cannot be in the interest of our Organization that a Government that for almost two decades has ruled the mainland of China should not also be allowed to take China's place in the United Nations. 150. I now turn to the other heavy cloud looming over the political horizon: the situation in southern Africa. We are confronted with a set of interrelated problems arising from developments in that entire area. If the illegal Smith regime in Southern Rhodesia had not been able to count on understanding and sympathy from the white minority in South Africa, it probably would not have dared to break openly with the United Kingdom Government. If Portugal had not had friends in Pretoria, the possibilities of convincing the Lisbon Government that its colonial policy belongs to a bygone era might have been greater.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  49. The important statement made by the representative of the United States in this debate [1412th meeting] encourages me to believe that a solution along those lines will ultimately prove to be within the realm of the possible. The United States has expressed its desire to see the conflict ended. If the conditions mentioned by the Secretary-General are fulfilled, then the hope will grow that peace in freedom will some time come to the people of Viet-Nam who now only know the horrors of war. In their interest, and in the interest of the whole world, an end must be put to this cruel war. 149. Inevitably, in any discussion of the situation in South-East Asia, one has to remark on the fact that the Government of the People's Republic of China is not represented in the United Nations.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)

  50. We have held for a long time that a military de-escalation must begin at some stage as a preliminary to, or an accompaniment of, a meaningful dialogue between the parties. In view of the special nature of this war it must be recognized that the difficulties are formidable, if one asks for exact symmetry as to timing and numbers. Is it unreasonable to suggest that the party disposing of a clear numerical superiority take the first step? Is it then unreasonable to suggest that a response be given by the other party? 147. Thirdly, it is obvious that all belligerent parties, thus also the National Liberation Front, should participate in the negotiations if these are to lead to a durable solution. 148.

    1966-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 21 (1966)