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KHOMAN

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1959-09-24
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1971-09-24
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un-general-debate

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  1. It will rather supplement the role of the Secretary-General, whose good offices and intervention will always be needed in more delicate situations where what is known as "quiet diplomacy" is particularly suitable. The organ which we have in mind will be working more in the open incases which do not require strictly discreet negotiations or which have become a matter of general interest and knowledge. 83. It has been said that such a committee would be within the United Nations framework but not necessarily a part of it. The committee will, however, keep close contact with the United Nations, other international agencies and' organizations.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  2. I believe that now more than ever there is a need for such an international organ which could be called upon to move quickly into an international difficulty or dispute so as to prevent it from endangering the peace and harmony between nations. If this idea, which has already been in the air for some time, should present an appeal, the details for developing it further should not be too difficult or complicated. It may. be expected that, owing to the great variety of existing and future divergences, clashes of interest and even disputes, such a machinery, if one can be established and given adequate means to function properly, will undoubtedly prove to be of some usefulness. It will not in any way supplant the services which may be rendered by the Secretary-General and which have already demonstrated their high value.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  3. Among them, the United Nations peace force project, which has existed for some time in blueprint form and was recently improved upon by the Scandinavian countries, should be taken off the shelf for further study and implementation. Such United Nations peace units may well prove highly useful in cases of limited local incidents which, if not dealt with promptly, may spread further and develop into conflicts of major proportions. 82. This Organization should also give its attention to setting up instruments and institutions for settling disputes between nations. Two years ago I had the privilege of suggesting from this rostrum [1027th meeting] the creation of what I might call a "service for peace committee".

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  4. Although the tasks of that Committee are mainly technical and only partially political, that fact should not be an obstacle to the transferring of the responsibility to those high personalities, if we all come to believe that they can perform such a task in a more effective manner than technicians and diplomats. I feel certain that the Foreign Ministers and Ambassadors who, up until now, have had to shoulder that heavy burden will be greatly relieved in handing it over to their superiors. 81. On the other hand, and so far as the United Nations is concerned, concrete measures should be devised for setting up peace-keeping machinery.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  5. It seems obvious to us that renewed efforts should be deployed to expand the scope of the limited nuclear test ban treaty so that it will encompass all dimensions of nuclear testing, including those conducted underground and, at the same time, to ensure proper safeguards, inspection and control. Following this, disarmament negotiations on nuclear as well as conventional weapons should be vigorously pursued until tangible results are achieved. In this connexion, a number of proposals have already been put forward in this Assembly, in particular, the one presented by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union [1208th meeting] who advocated a summit meeting of Heads of Government or State represented in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. Such a proposal, like others, deserves careful consideration.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  6. Although in the past, the United Nations and most of the nations of the world have had to concentrate their efforts in order to handle crises, it appears that our attention and preoccupation from now on may have to be devoted to the even more difficult task of handling the complicated problems of peace, or at least improving the international situation. The question that presents itself seems to be, how can the United Nations and the world at large employ their resources and energy to improve further the international situation? What steps should be taken to consolidate the small gains already made, to move ahead towards more concrete and substantial achievements and ultimately to reach more secure and peaceful conditions of international life? 80.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  7. Although the birth of Malaysia has been accompanied by unfortunate events resulting in the rupture of relations of two of its neighbours, we firmly hope that the difficulties will be only temporary. After all, these countries have many affinities with one another. They belong to the same region and it is an inescapable fact that, somehow or other, they will have to live with one another not only as friends, but even as brothers and sisters. My country will certainly not be derelict in its duty and will assist them in every way it can to bring back good understanding and harmony among all its friends. 79. As may be seen from the above, the problems which beset the world and its many regions are multifarious.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  8. However, these good intentions must be reciprocated and Cambodia must treat relations between sovereign nations as a matter of importance, and not lightly as something which it can turn off and on. If such an attitude is adopted by Cambodia, then the present difficulty is likely to be resolved. 77. However, amidst the clouds which have descended upon our region, there has, fortunately, been a bright spot. A new nation, Malaysia, has emerged in South-East Asia with the accession of the territories of Singapore, Sabah or North Borneo and Sarawak to the previous Federation of Malaya. Thailand welcomes this friendly nation and wishes it continued success and prosperity. Malaysia, as one of our closest neighbours to the south, is certain to bring an important contribution to the peace, progress and prosperity of the region. 78.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  9. For the sake of South-East Asian solidarity alone, if for no other reason, my Government has made it clear that it is prepared to meet and discuss with Cambodian representatives matters of mutual interest and concern. On various occasions, we have stated that Thailand entertained no animosity towards the Cambodian nation. We do not have any ill design against them, nor do we covet anything that rightfully belongs to them. We may be old-fashioned enough to believe in the sanctity of international treaties and agreements as well as the obligations which may result therefrom. If Cambodia could do likewise there would be no problem between our two countries. We wish them well, as we wish all our South-East Asian neighbours well.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  10. Thailand, for its part, is also willing to forget and forgive the destruction and depredations wrought in the past upon the towns and homes of the Thai people, as well as the treacherous actions of a certain Phya Lawaek. 76. Cambodian leaders would do well to realize and appreciate the sustained efforts made by my country to promote greater solidarity and co-operation among the nations of South-East Asia and, if possible, to contribute to this historic trend of regional co-operation, rather than stay out of it and even aggravate it by the recent decision to cut off official ties with South Viet-Nam, thus adding further disunity and instability to the region.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  11. My country deeply deplores the unnecessary losses of lives and hardship suffered by the Buddhists in that country and hopes that the authorities concerned will take appropriate measures with greater wisdom and compassion so that complete freedom of worship will be recognized for Buddhists in equality with the people of other faiths. 75. Another unsatisfactory situation is that which prevails between Cambodia and Thailand. The relations which were broken off by Cambodia for the second time in 1961 have not been re-established despite the valuable good offices provided by the Secretary-General and his special representative, Mr. Nils Gussing of Sweden, as well as Mr. Narasimhan of the Secretariat, for which the Thai Government feels deep appreciation and gratitude.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  12. This attitude will be readily comprehensible for those who know the complex problems the nations of Asia have to face. For not only are the dangers of aggressive expansionism constant and pressing, as has been seen in the case of Laos and Viet-Nam, but a great many other difficulties have also been added to complicate the situation further. In South Viet-Nam, for instance, in the midst of a life and death struggle, religious discontent broke out which could have been satisfactorily resolved with sufficient understanding and tolerance. Nevertheless, because of the lack of realization of the magnitude of the problem, the difficulty got out of hand.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  13. Therefore, while projects of great vision, such as the one suggested by the President of the United States, to plan and carry out a joint expedition to the moon with the Soviet Union, will undoubtedly enhance co-operation between the major Powers and represent a notable advance in the field of science and human progress, we wish it could also be possible for parallel efforts to be made to rid this earth from the scourge of subversive activities and insidious aggressions so as to make the simple life of our grassroots people in the less developed countries safer and more worthwhile. The day when a treaty banning subversive activities of every kind is signed by all the countries in the world will be the day of triumph for all humanity. 74.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  14. For these reasons, while we applaud and wholeheartedly endorse the mildly successful efforts made by the great Powers to bring about better understanding between themselves as embodied in the recent nuclear test ban treaty, our hearts and minds are still filled with concern and apprehension about the dangers which lurk around our towns and villages and which are even more real and immediate to our simple folk than those of a nuclear or global war.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  15. The struggle is going on in spite of relaxation in the general world situation, and the new understanding which appears to have been reached between the major Powers has little, if any, effect on the local conditions in our part of the world. 72. Likewise, in South Viet-Nam sporadic fighting continues to ravage the country. There again the aim of the neighbouring North Vietnamese regime is no less than to take over the whole country and to annex it under its domination. Although these efforts have yielded little result, thanks to timely help extended to South Viet-Nam by friendly countries, the war is still going on exacting a heavy toll in life and resources. 73.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  16. Then recently, not satisfied with the results of its obstructive efforts, the Pathet Lao resorted to political murders and even armed actions to place more territory under its control, thus bringing back to that unfortunate land chaos and turmoil. Moreover, from its bases in Laos, the Pathet Lao has tried to send its agents into Thailand to carry out its nefarious activities of infiltration and subversion and even to prepare the way for eventual insurgency with outside support. Facing this insidious threat, my Government has had to devote a great deal of effort and resources to war doff the danger that Is likely to imperil our security and freedom.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  17. On the contrary, military clashes continue to take place in Laos with the active penetration and intervention from its aggressive and expansionist eastern neighbours. In spite of the 1962 Geneva Agreements, which gave the rebelling faction, namely the Pathet Lao, legal status and participation in the Government of National Union, the country remains divided and enjoys no stability. The coalition Government has not been able to carry out its task because of the obstructive tactics and intransigence of the Pathet Lao, which refused to carry out the terms of the Agreements. The International Control Commission, hamstrung by one of its members and receiving no co-operation from the Pathet Lao, which controls a good part of the territory, has not been in a position to perform its taskfully and effectively.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  18. Such a danger to their free existence comes not so much from a nuclear or global war as from other insidious means which have been and are still being employed to sap our strength, to undermine the structure of our society and ultimately to reduce us to dependence and subjection. Even at this time when the tensions among the great and powerful countries show signs of reduction, other activities of lesser scope and import continue unabated, causing loss of lives and property. 71. It is certainly welcome news to hear that no further nuclear tests from the three Powers will pollute the air we breathe. It will be even more satisfying if we are assured that the guns are silenced in the swamps of South Viet-Nam or in the high plateaux of Laos. That is, unfortunately, not quite the case.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  19. Our aim is to support and promote efforts to bring nations closer together so that they may join hands in constructive endeavours for the benefit and welfare of their respective peoples. 70. While we may agree that the relationship between great Powers and, as a result, the world situation in general has witnessed some improvement which has given rise to a cautious optimism, we cannot and should not be carried away by premature enthusiasm. Experience of tile past has shown that signs of amelioration in the international situation may be only ephemeral. On the other hand, the other aspect of the problem, namely the relationship between the larger Powers and others, still represents a cause of concern. In fact, the danger to smaller nations has in no way decreased, still less disappeared.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  20. In this respect, Thailand has joined scores of other nations to endorse that treaty with the hope that this first step, however small, may be followed by others which will tend to consolidate still more positive evidences of international harmony and concord. My country for one sees no advantage in watching those who have the wherewithal to wage devastating warfare locked in an ominous struggle and engaged in a deadly race to produce the most lethal and destructive weapons. We certainly do not profit, nor do we expect to profit in the future, from the present division of the world. Indeed, we abhor dissensions either among others or between ourselves and other nations.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  21. But the most important consideration of all is perhaps a more acute realization that a continued arms race, especially with nuclear armaments and their proliferation, constitutes a grave danger to the preservation of peace. Somehow or other, a conflict may be ignited either on purpose or by miscalculation, and nuclear Powers are probably better placed than any others to know that the results would be utterly disastrous for themselves as well as for the rest of the world. In any event and whatever motivations have prompted the nuclear Powers to conclude the said limited test ban treaty, their agreement has undoubtedly contributed to the easing of international tension and appears to be of a more tangible nature than any other spirit of understanding and conciliation which might have appeared in the past, 69.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  22. They may do so under the pressure of international public opinion or simply because they realize that the accumulation of radio-active particles in the air enveloping their countries is not far from reaching a danger point. On the other hand, even highly industrialized nations may begin to feel the increasing strain on their resources, which have been taxed heavily by the cost of nuclear experiments. If these could be halted, a great deal more could be done for the material living comfort of their people whose demands for more consumer goods at reasonable prices have been growing lately. For some nations it has become plain that it is increasingly difficult, if not entirely impossible, to have both the most advanced missile weaponry and at the same time an adequate standard of living.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  23. In the Congo, the scene of grave clashes of various interests, the situation took a better turn. Then on 5 August 1963 the first treaty of some international significance was agreed upon between the great Powers. Three nuclear nations undertook not to engage in further tests of nuclear weapons in the air, on the ground and under water. Although this Treaty is limited in scope and relatively simple in nature, it carries with it nevertheless a political meaning which should not be overlooked. 68. From the international standpoint, it may mean that nations of the two camps into which the present world is divided have agreed, at least for the time being, to call a truce in the development of their nuclear arsenal which represents the source of their might and power.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  24. A storm which gathered in the Caribbean over Cuba threatened to break loose and even plunge the world into an unprecedented catastrophe. Thanks to the sustained efforts of the United Nations, its able Secretary-General and many others, the world was spared a devastating collision between the two major world Powers. 66. As a blessing in disguise, the storm cleansed the international atmosphere of some elements of dissension and conflict, and from the brink of the precipice to which some had inched so close, the lesson seemed to have been learnt that it would be to no one's advantage to confront another with a dire threat to his national existence. The outcome would have been inevitable, and disaster then would have ensued. 67. Once a way out was found, the international situation steadily, if slowly, improved.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  25. Indeed, one has to trace back some four years to recall a comparable easing in international tension. Then the Assembly gathered soon after the Heads of the two great world Powers got together in a Maryland farmhouse and were reported to have reached a vague understanding on some major world issues. The Assembly then was pervaded with what was known as the spirit of Camp David, which, unfortunately, vanished as quickly as it came about, and the euphoria with which the world, for a brief while, was bathed was soon replaced by the usual grim threats of disagreement and conflict. 65. However, the turbulent international conditions reached their climax last year when the seventeenth session was still in process.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  26. Mr. President, I wish at the outset to offer you the warm congratulations of my delegation, to which I add my own. At this time when the world and the General Assembly face a critical situation attended with many possibilities forpeace.it is highly appropriate that a distinguished son of Latin America should preside over our deliberations, I should like to offer you, Sir, my good wishes for your success. 64. It is not often that the United Nations General Assembly can be said to have the good fortune of meeting in a climate of comparatively relaxed international conditions. Usually it is the other way around; and most sessions that we can remember were convened either under the threats of an impending crisis or in a heavy atmosphere of strained relations among nations.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  27. None of the political concepts so far advanced by the various groupings now in existence appeals to it, for each and all of them suffer from apparent defects and do not suit the character or the aspirations of our people. Nor do we wish to derive benefits wherever they offer themselves. What we seek is to be truly free to determine our individual and national life, to be completely objective in facing both national and international issues, and, finally, to be fully independent in order to reach decisions on our own. In this manner, we hope to serve the interests of our nation as well as the cause of peace and international amity. It is our earnest hope that the United Nations, as well as those who are friendly to us, may help us to achieve this high objective.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  28. Instead of staying apart, we want to see our nations and peoples joined together, not for the negative purpose of being opposed to anyone, but in a common, constructive endeavour to build up a promising future. 156. This encouraging trend has been further strengthened by the settlement of the West New Guinea or West Irian question between the Governments of Indonesia and the Netherlands, which portends a greater stability and a more fruitful co-operation among all concerned. 157. In a world marked by deep division, by incessant struggle and turmoil, Thailand wants to be its own self. It wants to be free and independent to follow its own destiny without being tied to anyone's coat-tail.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  29. We are convinced that, as the result of the Royal Visit and many other joint endeavours for the good of our respective peoples and the region in general, our mutual co-operation will continue to grow and prosper, 155. Likewise, in a similar manifestation of friendly and practical collaboration, the Association of Southeast Asia, which joins together the Federation of Malaya, the Republic of the Philippines and Thailand, has made encouraging progress within a short period of only a little more than a year. There is no doubt that such a mutual undertaking, which aims only at increasing the prosperity and welfare of the peoples concerned as well as those of the area, responds to the present needs and provides great opportunities for their future development.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  30. We want to serve our own people, but at the same time we intend to be helpful to our neighbours, for we fully realize that the stability of our region will be beneficial, not only to ourselves, but also to the world at large. That is why we fondly cultivate the friendship of neighbouring nations, and, with only one unfortunate exception, we may claim to have succeeded. The Thai people feel rewarded by the cordial feelings reciprocated to them by those friendly nations of the area. My delegation is particularly touched by the cordial and generous words spoken by the Chairman of the Australian delegation, Sir Garfield Barwick. I can certainly say that the Thai nation highly and heartily values the friendship of such a stalwart and progressive people as the Australians, with whom we are gratified to be closely associated.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  31. These requisites for international understanding, goodwill and harmony may be a long-range hope and prospect for a better world community, but we firmly believe, however, that they are worth striving for. If achieved, they will bring the most satisfactory dividends, as well as the assurance of a genuine friendship and co-operation among all the peoples of the world. 154. Thailand is a small nation which is devoted to peace, to its freedom and independence. Our means are limited, therefore our interests cannot be extended throughout the world. But within the limits of our means, we intend to play an active and, we hope, a useful role for the peace, progress and prosperity of our region.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  32. Much to the contrary, they contribute to the deterioration of existing situations. It is our hope that nations will refrain from carrying out such disturbing actions, especially in areas which are already afflicted by international problems and disputes which may turn simmering crises into larger conflagrations. 152. As regards the problem of prejudice, one may say that while their effects are felt mainly within the bondaries of nations, they may have also far wider repercussions in the international scene. The Thai people have never shared those feelings of prejudice against anyone, and will steadfastly oppose the prevalence or practice of such prejudices. We hope that as time goes on and progress is brought about in our present world, they will completely disappear and be replaced by feelings of human brotherhood. 153.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  33. Another source of difficulty in the present world stems from acts of provocation which unfortunately are frequently resorted to by far too many nations. Short of actual hostilities, they disrupt friendly understanding and relations among peoples and may endanger the peaceful and orderly life of the international community. In particular, when such acts of provocation take the form of military measures, including the provision of arms and military equipment, the danger to international peace obviously is greatly increased. We readily subscribe to the indignation that has been aroused in this Assembly against the so-called "stuffing" of a nation with all kinds of arms. We believe that such measures are not calculated to enhance the chances of peace and good understanding.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  34. Our people, however, do not feel attracted to any of the systems offered to us. On the contrary, we feel that these systems are tainted with certain peculiarities and have been devised to satisfy the requirements of limited racial or ideological groups rather then the universal human needs. We prefer to keep faith in our own system of human and moral democracy, which is inspired by the teachings of Lord Buddha and transmitted to us through long generations. According to this creed, human beings have their worth and values, not because they belong to certain ethnological origins, or because they subscribe to certain political thoughts, but because as humans they are bound by time- honoured ethical principles and by traditional love of freedom and independence. 151.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  35. Propaganda goes on without interruption day and night, and takes multifarious forms ranging from the crudest to the most subtle ones. Its objective is always the same; to wage a battle of words to capture men's minds and to win them over to a particular cause or ideology. For that purpose, each side will try to expound the merits and virtues of its own political and social system and will not hesitate to claim that such a system represents the coming trend of the future, while other competing ideologies are doomed to failure. This sort of propaganda is particularly aimed at the less developed nations, and is designed to sway the latter's thinking and sympathy in the hope that more practical support will be gained. 150. My country, like many others in the world, has also been exposed to that kind of propaganda campaign.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  36. In more extreme cases pressure may lead to actual conflict if the victim decides to resist and even to retaliate. Consequently, it may be concluded that pressure may result in the deprivation, of the right of nations freely to determine their own course of action, and in some cases in the compulsory abandonment of a policy or a line of action to the detriment of the interests of those nations, with the result that ill will is created and the seeds of conflict thus sown may develop into more serious disturbances. 149. Propaganda is another common by-product of the present division of the world into many camps. All nations, with hardly any exception, are enveloped by it and have to submit to it, whether they like it or not.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  37. By itself, and with only its limited means, little if anything can be done to bring about the desired results. What is required of the nations of the world is not simply a declaration, but also the willingness to accept and uphold the four freedoms for nations — namely, freedom from pressure, propaganda, provocation and prejudice. 148. Among the occurences a nation has to face in its daily life, pressure is perhaps the most constant hazard. It presents itself in varying degrees, from a more or less gentle persuasion, from threats of the possibility of resorting to certain measures to the actual adoption of those measures. Most important of all, it may come from friendly as well as from not so friendly sides. Its effects may be more or less harmful, depending on the nature of the methods resorted to.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  38. We in South-East Asia can validly claim to have broad experience in this kind of international venture and are well placed to know that destruction does not come only from general warfare, but may also result from clandestine operations, from infiltration and subversive activities. The outcome is unavoidably the loss of freedom, and if in some cases independence is still maintained for the sake of appearance, it is purely nominal and without much meaning or significance. 147. The issue, then, remains that real peace, real security and stability are yet to be achieved, and this will add to the problems with which the United Nations will be confronted. What this Organization can do to bring this undertaking to a successful conclusion is a matter that requires continuous thinking and preparation.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  39. Once a wedge has been driven into even homogeneous entities, intense divisive measures will be progressively applied, with the result that families, communities and even nations may be torn apart. Political support, as well as men and "materiel", would flow into the area of conflict; and if that was still not enough, threats of intervention or even open warfare might be brought into action. These kind of disturbances, which at the start may be purely local, may develop into issues of national or even international significance. The disturbances generally end, either with a complete ideological change of régime, or at an international conference table where agreements concluded after prolonged negotiations sanction the bisection or trisection of the formerly unified and united entity.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  40. In other words, even if nuclear testing is banned and disarmament agreed upon, it does not necessarily follow that there will be as yet a real and long-lasting peace. In point of fact, even now there are instances in which Governments proclaim their aversion to war and their longing for peace, but at the same time there are assertions of support for what is called wars of national liberation — which to all practical intents and purposes, means that interference and even intervention will be condoned in national societies which may have dissident elements within their own internal structures. Or, if no such elements existed, efforts would be made to create misunderstanding, to foster local grudges and dissatisfactions so as to develop them into dissenting movements of major proportion.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  41. Perhaps we shall have to wait until the day when the principal parties concerned are themselves convinced that a continued arms race will bring about certain destruction for them, as well as for others; only then may an agreement to halt the arms race be closer at hand. 146. At any rate, even though an agreement were to be concluded tomorrow to put an end to the arms race and the testing of nuclear weapons, it would not seem justified to claim that peace had been won and secured. The most one could say would be that the chances of an outbreak of large-scale hostilities had been somewhat reduced. For, while a total war or nuclear war may be the most redoubtable occurrence, other kinds of clashes and conflicts are also destructive.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  42. If they remain unsolved, it is no doubt due to the fact that the parties concerned, even with the participation of non-nuclear nations in the deliberations, feel in no mood to consent to the give-and-take process which alone can bring about an agreement. Armaments, conventional or nuclear, remain for some, if not for all, a very important instrument of national policy and ambitions in peacetime and a vital means of victory and survival in time of conflict. Therefore, those who possess them do not willingly agree to surrender them unless they are assured, on the one hand, of adequate guarantees for their own defence and, on the other, of being provided with worthwhile substitutes for carrying out their national policy. 145. As things now stand, the consensus appears to be that the likelihood of an agreement being reached is remote.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  43. Furthermore, it should be realized that, if the United Nations is to be successful in its momentous tasks of keeping the peace and bringing progress to the world community, it has to depend in no small measure on the Member States themselves. For, after all, this Organization is but a machinery, the sum total of all its Members. It will be strong if the Members want it to be strong. It will remain weak if Members neglect their duties and fail to accept their share of the responsibility. 144. This reality applies with particular force to the thorny problem of disarmament and its corollary, the question of the suspension or banning of nuclear testing.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  44. It is indeed inconceivable to deny it the funds which are needed to carry out its functions. My country, on its part, is ready and willing to bear its share of the financial burden. If it had not yet effected payment of the last assessment of the Congo operations cost and had not yet made a pledge for purchasing its share of the United Nations bonds, it was because we strongly felt the inequity of the fact that those who enjoyed a position of high responsibility and influence had refused to bear their allotment of expenses and let the weight of the burden fall on weaker shoulders. We hope there will be a reversal of such an attitude which will permit this Organization to return to a more healthy and more normal financial position, thus increasing its ability to perform its useful functions. 143.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  45. Obviously this Organization of ours is facing a crucial moment in its young history and it needs much strengthening through active and concrete support; so that it will be able to play a vital role in our less than ordinate international society and to perform, as we expect it to do, the highly exacting tasks of preserving peace and preparing for a progressive development of our world community. Contrary to what some may say, it is not too much to ask the United Nations to discharge the duties I have just mentioned. There seems to be a certainty that every nation here represented intends to require the United Nations to do just that — for there is no one else to whom we may turn. 142. However, if that were to be the case and if we expect the United Nations to work for us all, it is only reasonable to give it the necessary wherewithals.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  46. For what accomplishment does it bring to this Organization, if wise words flow from this rostrum while bullets also fly elsewhere, like in South Viet-Nam, striking indiscriminately at women and children and at those who refuse to submit themselves to attempts at their enslavement. Similarly, what useful purpose does it serve when themes of freedom and independence are developed in this gathering while a wall grows higher and more impenetrable every day in Berlin, barring people from having access to one another, separating and disuniting those who want to live together, to exercise their basic right of self-determination and to follow their own destiny. 141.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  47. The Government of Thailand did this because it is innocent of the charges, because it has nothing to hide, because it wants the whole world to know the truth and because it believes in the impartiality and the worth of the United Nations and its able Secretary-General for whom Thailand entertains the highest consideration and in whom we place our full confidence rather than in other more controversial authorities. 140. I brought out these facts for no other purpose than to illustrate my country's unswerving loyalty to, and support for, the United Nations. We say so, not only with our words but also with our deeds. At this juncture, opinions seem to agree that the United Nations is in far greater need of supporting deeds and actions than of mere words.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  48. They do not wish, however, to see world public opinion deluded, nor do they think that the puerile, if enervating, practice of inventing stories of imaginary threats and danger should be allowed to complicate still further the already delicate situation; they consequently appealed once more to the Secretary-General of the United Nations to send one or more representatives to Thailand and to South-East Asia to investigate the situation.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  49. "It is this wide difference of ideological preference which makes it impossible to compare the case of our three countries with that of France and Germany." In other words, Prince Norodom Sihanouk considers that the obstacles which stand in the way of friendly relations between Thailand and Cambodia are its differences in ideology, and that is why he said that the countries, namely, Thailand, Cambodia and South Viet-Nam, cannot be compared to France and Germany. 138. Thirdly, the Chairman of the Cambodian delegation expressed the desire that Cambodia should remain an island of peace. I wish simply to say this, that Cambodia can become an island of peace if it has a greater respect for truth. 139. In spite of all this, my Government and the Thai nation prefer to live by ourselves and have observed all restraint.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)

  50. President, I should like to read just a very short passage of an article written by none other than Prince Norodom Sihanouk in Réalités Cambodgiennes of 27 July 1962, The text is in French. It reads: "Cambodia has chosen to be neutral in the face of the ideological conflict that sets the free world and the communist world against each other. "Thailand and South Viet-Nam ... have chosen to identify themselves with the enemies of the communist camp.

    1962-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 17 (1962)