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1977-09-24
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  1. One is the denial to the Palestinian people of the right to a homeland and State of its own; the other is the occupation by Israel of Egyptian, Syrian and Jordanian land. We support the right of the Palestinian people, led by the Palestinian Liberation Organization, to have a State of their own; we support the right of Egypt, Syria and Jordan to use all appropriate means to recover their territory; and we energetically condemn Israel's murderous military attacks on Lebanon. 22. To come nearer our own country: we consider that the island of Mayotte is part of the Republic of the Comoros and support that country's aspiration to maintain its political unity and territorial integrity. 23. My delegation notes that Korea remains divided. We appreciate the Korean people's desire for peaceful reunification.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  2. We call for greater co-operation from the great Powers and the major maritime users of that ocean in the efforts and negotiations aimed at implementing the 1971 United Nations Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. 20. The Cyprus stalemate persists, at the cost of great human suffering. We urge the parties concerned to give momentum to the initiative taken earlier this year by our Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, so that apolitical settlement may be achieved, based on the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non- alignment of the Republic of Cyprus. 21. In the Middle East peace remains as elusive as it was at the time of our last session. My delegation believes and supports the view that peace cannot obtain in this region while two gross injustices are allowed to continue and to become entrenched.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  3. Power rivalries have a habit of spilling over into the third world, causing local wars, tension between small and poor nations, and the continual diversion of scarce human and material resources to national defence. Therefore, the arms race among the big Powers contributes to world-wide inflation and increased poverty in the third-world countries and militates against co-operation for development among them. My delegation therefore supports and renews the call for general and complete disarmament under international supervision. 19. As one of the littoral States of the Indian Ocean, my country notes with great concern that over the past few years great-Power military presence has greatly increased there.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  4. Considerable human and material resources are tied up in armament programmes, to the detriment of development, particularly for the third world. 17. Only limited measures have been achieved in dis-armament, from the 1963 test ban Treaty to the current agreements reached within the framework of the second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT]. And sometimes one is constrained to wonder if these treaties do not set the rules for spurring the arms race, rather than stopping it. Nevertheless, they do give some encouragement, because they are a pointer to the fact that the will to negotiate, to reach a broad level of disarmament, is not lacking. 18. The developing countries have a vital interest in disarmament. They must be concerned about the ever-growing military complexes in the powerful countries in this world.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  5. We recall that Morocco once laid claim to the whole of Mauritania as part of its territory, refusing to recognize Mauritania's independence. But in the end it had to give up that claim. We hope that sooner, rather than later, Morocco will be persuaded to accept the right of the people of Western Sahara to self- determination and national independence. 16. We are at the end of the Disarmament Decade, as well as the Second United Nations Development Decade. The General Assembly resolutions which declared the Disarmament Decade envisaged a relationship between disarmament and development, anticipating that resources saved from the arms industry would be diverted to social and economic development for the benefit of the population of the world. Today this objective has not been achieved.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  6. During its thirty-third session, the General Assembly affirmed the inalienable right of the Saharan people to self-determination and independence, I want to seize this opportunity sincerely to commend the Government of the brotherly Republic of Mauritania for the great statesmanship it has displayed in dealing with the problem of Western Sahara. The decision of the Mauritanian Government to withdraw from Western Sahara should be saluted by all people of good will. The people of Western Sahara, like any other people, have the right to self-determination. My Government has always given unqualified support to the Saharan people through their authentic representatives, the Frente POLISARIO, in their struggle against colonial occupation. 15.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  7. Secondly, the United Nations now must impose sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter. Censure, in the circumstances, is not enough; it is in fact the same as condonation. 13. In South Africa itself the regime's enforcement of the policy of apartheid has become more vicious as it receives and develops more weapons of oppression against the majority African people. More Western investment flows into the country to provide the economic buttress of apartheid and the vilest system of oppression of man by man. Once again the United Nations must institute effective measures, including sanctions, to force South Africa to abandon apartheid. To stretch the Organization's tolerance further will do great damage to its credibility. 14.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  8. South Africa has blocked the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), thus dealing a contemptuous blow to the expectations of a settlement by peaceful means. Not only has South Africa continued to defy the will of the international community over Namibia, but it continues to use that Territory to commit repeated aggression against neighbouring African States, killing and maiming thousands of defenceless refugees and engaging in the wanton destruction of property. 12. The responsibility of the United Nations is clear: it, in its turn, must answer the challenge of South Africa. The United Nations must reaffirm and demonstrate increased support for the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the sole and legitimate representative of the people of Namibia, which is committed to ending South African occupation.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  9. We stress the imperative, affirmed by the United Kingdom Government itself, that independence should not be given to Rhodesia by the United Kingdom on the basis of principles and conditions essentially different from those which applied at the accession of other former British colonial territories to independence. 10. The talks in London provide a last opportunity for a negotiated settlement. Should they fail to live up to the Lusaka agreement, there is only the alternative of war to the finish. And my country will support the Patriotic Front so that it can intensify and win that war. 11. Namibia, which is a United Nations Territory, continues to be occupied illegally and with impunity by South Africa.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  10. The new Government of the United Kingdom has called a conference in London of all the parties to the Rhodesian conflict following the Commonwealth agreement reached at the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, at Lusaka in August, on the way to proceed to a negotiated settlement, I should like to reiterate my country's attitude to these talks. 9. We support the Commonwealth agreement on Rhodesia. We welcome the talks and believe that they can produce agreement on a genuinely democratic constitution and on the modalities of free and fair elections acceptable to the international community to put such a constitution into effect. Ian Smith, who is avowedly against majority rule, together with his black puppet Government, must not be allowed to stand in the way of an agreement.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  11. In what is now almost an annual ritual, this General Assembly will address itself to the questions of Southern Rhodesia, Namibia, and South Africa, in conformity with the various resolutions of the OAU, the non-aligned movement and the United Nations. Over the past year we have seen a lot of movement but no basic change in the political situation in the region. 7. In Rhodesia, the illegal racist regime succeeded, through a constitutional fraud and an electoral farce, in entrenching white minority rule with a front of black faces. No Member State has been deceived by these manoeuvres, and we urge the maintenance of sanctions against that regime, and the denial to it of international recognition. 8.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  12. Tanzania salutes the invaluable contributions made by the United Nations in enhancing the cause of peace and the freedom of millions of peoples from colonial domination and oppression. From the time the General Assembly adopted resolution 1514 (XV), 19 years ago, many countries, including my own, have joined the ranks of free and independent nations whose tribute to the United Nations is their presence in this chamber as equal Members. In this session we have admitted to membership the new State of Saint Lucia and I take this opportunity to congratulate that State and to welcome its representatives in our midst. 6. This Organization's decolonization agenda is not yet finished; in fact, what remains is the most critical phase.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  13. The association ripened in the post-independence years as, along with the other front-line States, we met, planned and worked together to discharge the duty entrusted to us by the OAU to act as a firm rear base for the armed struggle for the liberation of southern Africa. With his passing, Africa has lost a great son, a great patriot, a great freedom fighter, a great revolutionary thinker and a great statesman. I ask the Angolan delegation to convey my delegation's heartfelt condolences to the family of the late President, to the MPLA Workers Party, and to the Government and people of Angola. 5. Since the United Nations was founded over three decades ago, visible and significant success has been achieved m the process of decolonization.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  14. I also recall his fruitful attendance at the sixteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] in July in the Liberian capital—Monrovia— where he made a comprehensive review of the state of the world today. By the dedication and constructive role Mr. Waldheim has charted for his office, the prestige and the hopes that we have in this world body have been very much enhanced. We wish him continued good health. 4. We learnt with deep shock of the untimely death, early this month, of Mr. Agostinho Neto, the President of the People's Republic of Angola. Mr. Neto and his countrymen have had a long association with my country and people, a relationship which deepened through Angola's armed struggle for independence.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  15. We are certain that you will discharge your responsibilities with skill and distinction, and thus do credit to the African region and the non-aligned group of nations to which you and your country belong. 2. Your predecessor, Ambassador Lie'vano, distinguished himself in office by his dedication, patient diplomacy, fairness, courtesy and competence. We hope his record will be an inspiration to you, and we wish him continued success in the service of his great country, Colombia. 3. Allow me now to pay a tribute to the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who has had a very busy year. His untiring efforts in search of solutions to the complex problems of the world have taken him to many places around the world. I want to recall particularly his unfailing efforts to solve the problems of southern Africa.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  16. It is with great pleasure, and a modest measure of pride, that I congratulate you, Sir, on behalf of the Tanzania delegation, upon your assumption of the high office of President of this General Assembly. Your special relationship with us needs no explanation. All we are left to do is to wish you great success and assure you of our total co-operation in the honoured role in which you have been placed by the international community. I wish, at the same time, to express our thanks through you to the States Members of the United Nations. The United Republic of Tanzania sees in your election to the presidency of the General Assembly a mark of appreciation of its contribution to the endeavours of this world body to promote international peace, understanding and co-operation.

    1979-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 34 (1979)

  17. Indeed, at no time has there been a greater need to intensify our collective efforts to try to put an end to the injustice and tyranny that continue to afflict millions of people. At no time has it been more compelling to put an end to the escalating arms race. Indeed, at no time has it been more urgent to strive for a new political, social and economic order. More than ever before we must persevere in the search for a world of nations in human equality, prosperity and solidarity: a world at peace.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  18. It is true that the special session was able to produce a Programme of Action [resolution S-10/2, chap. III]. But a Programme of Action is no substitute for concrete action. The true success of the special session will only be seen when and if actual disarmament starts. Previous experiences and the continued existence of the crisis demand that we do not yet congratulate ourselves. 32. This has been a very eventful year in the United Nations' search for the resolution of many problems that bedevil our world. At the end of this year we shall be commemorating the thirtieth anniversary of the historic Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Yet, despite all these efforts aimed at the resolution of conflict and promotion of a better and safer world, the state of international affairs leaves a lot to be desired.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  19. The Korean people, of both the North and the South, want the reunification of their motherland and nation, peacefully and without foreign interference. Tanzania will continue to lend its support to these efforts. 30. In May this year the United Nations General Assembly began a special session devoted entirely to the most critical problem threatening mankind: the existence and further production of stockpiles of nuclear arms and other weapons of mass destruction. Indeed, the tenth special session was a milestone in the dialogue on this problem. That session succeeded in drawing the special attention of the world to the peril of extinction that mankind faces and the critical choices the situation poses. But, beyond that, we are reluctant to attribute any substantive achievement to the special session. 31.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  20. In the Mediterranean region, the problem of Cyprus has remained a source of anguish to us all, in spite of the serious efforts by the Secretary-General to help resolve it. Despite the setbacks that have so far always prevented movement towards a solution, we cannot afford to resign ourselves to total despondency, for in that problem principles of far-reaching implications are threatened, quite apart from the immediate threat to the sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of that country. Both communities have a stake in the defence of these principles and their nation. We cannot but hope that the two communities will finally come together for the unity, peace and prosperity of their nation. 29. In the Far East, no solution appears yet to be in sight for the Korean problem.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  21. In reaffirming our firm support for the just struggle of the Palestinian people, led by the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], for self-determination and the creation of an independent State, as well as our unequivocal support for the termination of the consequences of the 1967 war of aggression, we wish to underscore the fact that these two elements are prerequisites for a just and lasting settlement in fee Middle East. It remains our considered judgement that the key to the attainment of permanent peace and security in the Middle East lies both in the resolution of the real cause 'of the conflict, namely, the attainment by the Palestinian people of their legitimate national rights, and in the refusal to give any recognition to the enjoyment of the fruits of conquest. 28.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  22. In this context, we reaffirm our support for, and solidarity with, the people of Western Sahara, under the leadership of Frente POLISARIO, in their struggle for self-determination and independence and we pledge our unshakeable support to the Government and people of Belize in their legitimate struggle for self- determination and independence and the preservation of their territorial integrity. 26. The Middle East situation continues to pose a serious threat to international peace and security. The continued occupation of Arab lands, the denial of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and the escalation of violence and civil strife in Lebanon, compounded by Israeli intervention there, have made the situation in the region even more explosive. 27.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  23. Even to appear to side with the regime lends support to the continued existence of the racist regime and with it a protraction and spreading of bloodshed and suffering within the beyond South Africa itself. We cannot cease to call on the Western countries, in particular, to reconsider their relations with that neo-Nazi regime. 25. Beyond southern Africa, where undoubtedly colonialism and racism are in their most entrenched and ugly forms, there still exist a number of other countries and peoples suffering the indignities of colonialism. Tanzania's support for these peoples right to self-determination is equally firm, for the right of decolonized people to self-determination and independence is universal and must be respected as such.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  24. If at this stage in history anyone can still imagine that the blacks there will give up and resign themselves to the inferior status to which the white man has attempted to condemn them, it must be the result of total ignorance of the trend of historic events. 24. The only choice before all of us is between supporting the anti-racist struggle, which is sure ultimately to succeed, on the one hand, and equivocating, which only amounts to lending support, albeit by default, to the doomed regimes, on the other. However, the implications of our choice, it must be stressed, are far-reaching, not only with regard to peace and human life in South Africa itself but with regard to international peace and security.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  25. The people of Namibia and of Africa see this as a test case. 22. There is no room for equivocation. There is an incontrovertible logic to these negotiations. South Africa must either comply with the will of the international community over an area of international jurisdiction or be made to comply with this will. For our part, we believe that this Organization has more than deferred to South Africa's sensitivities, to the extent that they legitimately exist. This time has come to resort to all the provisions of the Charter, especially under Chapter VII, to demonstrate to South Africa that the will and conscience of the international community must prevail. 23. Inside South Africa itself, racial tension continues to mount, and by now not even the white population could claim to enjoy mental or physical security.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  26. We do not that the participation of any black leaders in an in settlement will bring about independence based on majority rule and in conditions of peace and stability. 20. We support the unity of the Patriotic Front. We shall work for the consolidation of its unity on the diplomatic front and that of the armed struggle against Smith's minority regime. 21. In Namibia, the illegal occupation regime of South Africa, after months of pretending reasonableness in negotiations for a settlement, has defied the five Western authors of their proposals. It has also defied the United Nations, which endorsed both the proposals and their implementation programme. Much is at stake here: the earnestness of the five, the seriousness of the international community, the word of the United Nations Security Council.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  27. At present these proposals are seriously eroded, for negotiations within their framework have been either haphazard or unprincipled. Our support for them was contingent on two prerequisites. The first is that Smith has to go. He cannot be a part of the solution of the problem. Rather, he has been the problem. The second is that his power structure—and especially his army of oppression—has to be dismantled and a new army of an independent Zimbabwe built with the freedom fighters of the Patriotic Front as its base. 19. Smith's response to the Anglo-American proposals was the internal settlement of 3 March, which denied those two prerequisites. In view of the orchestrated drama of momentum, vacillation and indecision of the past few months, I wish to stress that those two prerequisites are the key to a successful negotiated settlement.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  28. The people there have' to take up arms and violently overthrow their oppressors in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, or, in the face of a disposition by the minority regime to agree to a transfer of power to the majority of the population, take the path of negotiated settlement. The two alternatives are not parallel and mutually exclusive; they may" in fact be complementary. We for our part have always pursued both. 18. In Zimbabwe, the Anglo-American proposals offered a framework for a negotiated settlement. The possibility of this was endorsed by the front-line States, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations, which later authorized the Secretary-General to appoint a Special Representative.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  29. Yet even over that common heritage of mankind there rages in the current Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea a desperate tug of war between the developed countries and the developing countries, because the developed countries will not give up the prospect of adding more wealth to their existing wealth, with almost total indifference to the plight of the millions of the destitute who make up the vast majority of the third world. 16. The total liberation of our continent remains the overriding concern of Tanzania's external policy, and for this reason the deteriorating situation in southern Africa .has become an increasing preoccupation. 17. There continue to exist two. paths to decolonization and the establishment of majority rule in southern Africa.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  30. It is because of this interrelationship between national development efforts and the external environment which affects such efforts that we consider collective self-reliance and the establishment of the New International Economic Order to be complementary. 15. If change in the economic relations of nations is a problem because it involves some form of sacrifice, the same cannot be said of the refusal of the developed countries to place the wealth from minerals of the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction at the disposal of an international institution to help the developing countries.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  31. We recognize that the primary objective of technical co-operation among developing countries is to promote the development of the developing countries on the basis of national and collective self-reliance and thereby improve the living standards of the peoples of the third world. But we also view technical co-operation among developing countries as one of the important instruments which should be applied in the process of restructuring the present international economic system, which has been not only the source of the sharp contrasts between the affluent countries of the North and the poor countries of the South but also a major obstacle to the development efforts of the developing countries.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  32. In this respect it must be recognized that the tolerance of the masses of people condemned to the vicious circle of poverty and malnutrition has its own limitations. 13. The struggle for the establishment of the New International Economic Order has been given new momentum by the conclusions and recommendations of the recently concluded United Nations Conference on Technical Cooperation among Developing Countries. My Government believes that implementation of the Plan of Action adopted by that Conference, which we hope will receive the unanimous support of this Assembly, would contribute significantly to our search for peace, justice and equality. 14.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  33. The Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-VI)] recognizes the interrelationship between the prosperity of the developed countries and the growth and development of the developing countries and that the two can no longer be isolated. It also follows, therefore, that those who use political and economic barriers to delay or even prevent the establishment of the New International Economic Order are by their actions creating obstacles to growth and prosperity for all mankind. The international community will be justified in holding those people responsible for the lack of progress in the establishment of the New International Economic Order and for whatever consequences their actions may have on relations among nations and on the world community as a whole.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  34. These negative attitudes have led to the inability of the international community to agree even on the mandate of the body for continuing the North-South dialogue. 11. The North-South dialogue can produce concrete results only if all parties are prepared to engage in genuine negotiations with the necessary political commitment to establish just and equitable economic relations among nations. The disappointing results of the negotiations taking place in various forum?, dearly demonstrate that certain developed countries are not yet prepared to part with the privilege derived from the present unjust system. 12.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  35. What is more disappointing, however, is that even where general agreement has been reached, procedural arguments are applied as a pretext for inaction. The most recent example of these delaying tactics was manifested during the inconclusive sessions of the Committee of the Whole or the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174. While the contents of that resolution, including the mandate of the Committee, were negotiated by all interested parties and adopted by the General Assembly by consensus, some developed countries have chosen to associate the mandate of the Committee with only one function, to the exclusion of the other three. We are told that the Committee should merely engage in periodic exchanges of views on the problems of the world economy without reaching formal agreements.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  36. the negotiations on both the individual commodity agreements and the common fund in "spite of general agreement on the integrated programme for commodities. The United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities has yet to be reconvened after having twice been suspended last year without reaching agreement on the basic elements of the fund. In the multilateral trade negotiations and in the negotiations on the reform of the international monetary system progress is also negligible because of increasing resistance to structural change. The conference of plenipotentiaries on the conversion of UNIDO into a specialized agency, failed to adopt a constitution for UNIDO as a specialized agency because of opposition from some developed countries. 10.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  37. Unfortunately, the urgency of the establishment of the New International Economic Order is not often felt by some developed countries because of their satisfaction with the inequitable world based on selfish and short-term interests, as can be clearly seen from the disappointing record of inconclusive negotiations on various aspects of international economic relations. Thus, although the international community has the capability of redressing world imbalances and inequalities and the prescriptions for such problems are known, lack of political will on the part of these few developed countries has prevented progress in various negotiations on the New International Economic Order. 9. It is this lack of political will, for example, that is holding back progress in.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  38. The increasingly severe economic crisis—including widespread unemployment, galloping inflation, currency fluctuations, instability in commodity earnings, indebtedness and protectionist tendencies in international trade continues to place serious constraints on the development efforts of the developing countries. All evidence suggests that these problems are manifestations of the malfunctioning of the present international economic system and its inability to cope with the new realities of today's world of interdependence. These are structural problems which require structural solutions through the establishment of a New International Economic Order. 8.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  39. We would like first to agree with the Secretary-General that, in spite of the many frustrations experienced—and indeed because of them—we cannot afford to succumb to cynical pessimism, for our peoples want to live, and they aspire to the better life this Organization has promised them. 6. Action to banish these frustrations can come if and when all concerned have woken up to the reality not only of the perilous precipice on which the very survival of .all mankind is delicately balanced but also of the general unhealthy physical and psychological conditions in which both poor and rich, powerful and weak, are being engulfed. The future is bright and secure either for all or for none. 7. The international environment is at present most unfavourable for the development needs of the developing countries.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  40. This year yet another nation was born, an important event in the process of decolonization. The Tanzanian delegation joins other members of the United Nations General Assembly in rejoicing over the attainment of' independence by Solomon Islands and in extending a warm welcome to this one' hundred and fiftieth Member of the United Nations. 4. I wish to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his succinct and penetrating survey and analysis of developments in the period since the last session which was contained in his report on the work of the Organization. His statement provides a useful starting-point for, an assessment of the international situation. 5. I wish to underscore in particular the timely warning of increasing areas of frustration to which the world community is daily subjected.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  41. 1. Mr. President, on behalf of the Tanzanian delegation I offer you my sincere congratulations on your unanimous election to and . assumption of the high office of President of the General Assembly. Your personal qualifications and experience guarantee that you will guide the Assembly to a successful conclusion. The Tanzanian delegation is glad to welcome you, and pledges its co-operation in the smooth and successful discharge of your responsibilities. 2. Allow me also to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Mojsov of Yugoslavia, for the distinguished service he gave this Organization as President of the last General Assembly session and the three special sessions over which he presided. We are both proud of and indebted to him. 3.

    1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)

  42. These aspirations are the linchpins of the Charter of our Organization, and our people look to the United Nations to promote them. 76. We have both the means and the capacity to solve the problems of peace, prosperity and security. All that is asked of us is that we summon the will to address them, sustain the courage to persevere on the course, and stretch the flexibility to adjust to changing perspectives. Before us, as individual leaders and individual countries, lies the challenge of problems, the honour of participation in the solution of these problems, the excitement of struggle, the promise of co-operation and the safety of success. 77. I pledge our delegation's firm commitment to the cases of forging a stronger United Nations family, on this, our one earth.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  43. The most appropriate course of action that the Western countries can take, even at this late hour, is to impose a total arms embargo and an economic boycott of the South African regime. A mandatory arms embargo under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter is long overdue. The partners to South African economic prosperity should not be enraged by accusations of hypocrisy if on the one hand they condemn apartheid and on the other they refuse to support the adoption and enforcement of political, economic and military pressures against apartheid by the international community. 75. Each session of this Assembly marks lost time in arresting various dangerous trends in the world. But it also offers a new opportunity to strengthen our resolution. Our people want peace, prosperity and security.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  44. Once again the answer must be found in the actions of those nations whose attitude and, in particular, their economic relations with South Africa, have placed priority on profits from investments over the lives of the victims of apartheid 74. Let me also stress that the perpetrators of apartheid will not be induced to change their attitudes or their system by the application of half measures. They will not change because of the verbal condemnations of their system by the Western countries. They will change only when the major Western countries cease completely all economic and military relations with the South African regime. Any collaboration with that regime means only one thing. It means the strengthening of the regime and the intensification of terror against the non-white populations.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  45. As regards the Republic of South Africa itself, we see the situation changing for the worse rather than improving. Since June 1976, when the international community was once again brutally reminded of the meaning of apartheid by the wanton massacres of Soweto, the South African regime has intensified its reign of terror. Schoolchildren and innocent people are being arrested, detained and killed. Steve Biko is but the latest well-known victim of apartheid. Yet Biko's death does not tell the full story about apartheid and its victims. For hundreds have died and their names and their numbers will never be known by the international community. 73. When apartheid has been condemned by the whole international community as a crime against humanity, why does it continue to exist?

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  46. South Africa has been able to defy all United Nations actions and international pressures because of the support it receives from Western Powers, principally from the five Western Powers which are now engaged in the current initiatives. These five, together with several other countries in the Western camp, have been responsible through their support to South Africa, for South Africa's refusal to comply with the decisions and resolutions of the United Nations as regards Namibia. It is thus imperative to stress that these Powers have; a particular responsibility for ensuring that South Africa complies with the decisions of the United Nations, in particular, Security Council resolution 385(1976) on Namibia. It is equally relevant to 'emphasize that they should in the future refrain from shielding South Africa in the Security Council. 72.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  47. The General Assembly, the Security Council and the United Nations Council for Namibia have adopted various resolutions calling on the South African regime to terminate its illegal occupation of the Territory, but to no avail. On the contrary, the regime has brought in more troops to consolidate its occupation of the Territory. It has intensified its oppression and repression of the Namibian people, and the situation has gone from bad to worse. 70. Several members of the South West Africa Peoples Organization have been arrested on framed-up charges. Others have been detained or imprisoned in South African jails. Many continue to flee from Namibia to safety in neighbouring countries. 71. What we have said for Rhodesia is also true for Namibia.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  48. With regard to the situation in Namibia, Tanzania has noted with close interest the initiative of the five Western members of the Security Council to help bring about majority rule to Namibia. I believe, however, it is too early at this stage, to render- substantive judgement on this initiative. 67. But there are certain basic and known facts which should not be overshadowed or ignored in whatever initiatives are undertaken by the five Western countries with regard to Namibia. 68. Namibia is a United Nations Territory. In addition to its illegal occupation of the Territory, the South African regime has implanted in Namibia its abhorrent policy of apartheid. 69.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  49. A genuine solution to the problem of Zimbabwe does not lie in attempts to safeguard the privileges of the white minority. It clearly rests on the achievement of a genuine freedom and independence where all citizens, irrespective of race, colour or creed, will be treated as equals and would equally contribute to the development of their country. To overemphasize the rights of the white minority is to ignore the reality in Zimbabwe. It is to evade the fundamental challenge. For the issue is not the rights of the white minority but the rights of all Zimbabweans. We must stop making a cause celebre of those who through all these years have arrogantly defied the United Nations and ruthlessly oppressed the African people. 66.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)

  50. In this connexion, it is essential that the United Nations should now devise means of compelling the South African regime to implement fully the sanctions against Rhodesia. A heavy responsibility lies with those Western countries which maintain economic and other relations with the South African regime. 64. There is one disturbing tendency in respect of the attitude of some Western countries, in particular those involved in the current initiatives. This element is especially manifested with regard to the question of Zimbabwe. This is their excessive- indeed almost obsessive—preoccupation with the rights of the white minority. Need we stress that what is really at issue is not the rights of minorities but the flagrant denial of the rights of the African majority. 65.

    1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)