YouSaid · the spoken record

Barack Obama

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291
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2009-09-24
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2016-09-24
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8
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un-general-debate

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  1. Instead, we have waged a focused campaign against Al-Qaida and its associated forces — taking out their leaders and denying them the safe havens they rely on. At the same time, we have reaffirmed again and again that the United States is not and never will be at war with Islam. Islam teaches peace. Muslims the world over aspire to live with dignity and a sense of justice. And when it comes to America and Islam, there is no us and them, there is only us, because millions of Muslim Americans are part of the fabric of our country. So we reject any suggestion of a clash of civilizations. Belief in permanent religious war is the misguided refuge of extremists who cannot build or create anything and therefore peddle only fanaticism and hate.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  2. Throughout history it has been used by those who could not prevail either by persuasion or by example.” (A/PV.1013, para. 96) In the twentieth century, terror was used by all manner of groups who failed to come to power through public support. But in this century, we have faced a more lethal and ideological brand of terrorists who have perverted one of the world’s great religions. With access to technology that allows small groups to do great harm, they have embraced a nightmarish vision that would divide the world into adherents and infidels — killing as many innocent civilians as possible and employing the most brutal methods to intimidate people within their communities. I have made it clear that America will not base its entire foreign policy on reacting to terrorism.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  3. But the science tells us that we can succeed in combating climate change only if we are joined in that effort by every other nation, by every major Power. That is how we can protect the planet for our children and our grandchildren. In other words, on issue after issue, we cannot rely on a rule book written for a different century. If we lift our eyes beyond our borders, if we think globally and if we act cooperatively, we can shape the course of this century as our predecessors shaped the post-World War Two age. But as we look to the future, one issue risks starting a cycle of conflict that could derail so much progress. That is the cancer of violent extremism, which has ravaged so many parts of the Muslim world. Of course, terrorism is not new. Speaking before the Assembly, President Kennedy put it well: “Terror is not a new weapon.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  4. But we will insist that all nations abide by the rules of the road and resolve their territorial disputes peacefully, consistent with international law. That is how the Asia-Pacific region has grown. And that is the only way to protect the progress going forward. America is committed to a development agenda that eradicates extreme poverty by 2030. We will do our part to help people feed themselves, power their economies and care for their sick. If the world acts together, we can make sure that all of our children enjoy lives of opportunity and dignity. America is pursuing ambitious reductions in its carbon emissions, and we have increased our investments in clean energy. We will do our part and help developing nations do theirs.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  5. And that is why we will continue to mobilize other countries to join us in making concrete commitments, significant commitments to fight the outbreak and enhance our system of global health security for the long term. America is pursuing a diplomatic resolution to the Iranian nuclear issue, as part of our commitment to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and pursue the peace and security of a world without them. But that can take place only if Iran seizes this historic opportunity. My message to Iran’s leaders and people has been simple and consistent: do not let this opportunity pass. We can reach a solution that meets Iran’s energy needs while assuring the world that Iran’s nuclear programme is peaceful. America is and will continue to be a Pacific Power, promoting peace, stability, and the free flow of commerce among nations.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  6. When nations find common ground — not simply based on power, but on principle — then we can make enormous progress. And I stand before the Assembly today committed to investing American strength and to working with all nations to address the problems we face in the twenty- first century. As we speak, America is deploying our doctors and scientists, supported by our military, to help contain the outbreak of Ebola and pursue new treatments. But we need a broader effort to stop a disease that could kill hundreds of thousands, inflict horrific suffering, destabilize economies and move rapidly across borders. It is easy to see that problem as a distant problem, until it is not.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  7. If Russia takes that path — a path that for stretches of the post-Cold War period resulted in prosperity for the Russian people — then we will lift our sanctions and welcome Russia’s role in addressing common challenges. That is, after all, what the United States and Russia have been able to do in past years — from reducing our nuclear stockpiles to meeting our obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and to cooperating to remove and destroy Syria’s declared chemical weapons. That is the kind of cooperation we are prepared to pursue again, if Russia changes course. That speaks to a central question of our global age — will we solve our problems together in a spirit of mutual interest and mutual respect, or will we descend into the destructive rivalries of the past?

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  8. America and our allies will support the people of Ukraine as they develop their democracy and economy. We will reinforce our NATO allies and uphold our commitment to collective self-defence. We will impose a cost on Russia for its aggression, and we will counter falsehoods with the truth. And we call upon others to join us on the right side of history, for while small gains can be won at the barrel of a gun, they will ultimately be turned back if enough voices support the freedom of nations and the right of peoples to make their own decisions. Moreover, a different path is available — the path of diplomacy and peace, and the ideals that this institution is designed to uphold. The recent ceasefire agreement in Ukraine offers an opening to achieve those objectives.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  9. When a civilian airliner was shot down from areas that those proxy forces controlled, those forces refused to allow access to the crash site for days. When Ukraine started to reassert control over its territory, Russia gave up the pretence of merely supporting the separatists and moved troops across the border. That reflects a vision of a world in which might makes right; a world in which one nation’s borders can be redrawn by another and civilized people are not allowed to recover the remains of their loved ones because of the truth that might be revealed. America stands for something different. We believe that right makes might, that bigger nations should not be able to bully smaller ones and that people should be able to choose their own future. Those are simple truths, but they must be defended.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  10. One hundred years ago, a World War claimed the lives of many millions, proving that with the terrible power of modern weaponry, the cause of empire ultimately leads to the graveyard. It would then take another World War to roll back the forces of fascism, the notions of racial supremacy, and form the United Nations to ensure that no nation can subjugate its neighbours and claim their territory. Recently, Russia’s actions in Ukraine have challenged that post-war order. Here are the facts. After the people of Ukraine mobilized popular protests and calls for reform, their corrupt President fled. Against the will of the Government in Kyiv, Crimea was annexed by Russia. Russia poured arms into eastern Ukraine, fuelling violent separatists and a conflict that has killed thousands.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  11. We reject fatalism or cynicism when it comes to human affairs. We choose to work for the world as it should be, as our children deserve it to be. There is much that must be done to meet the test of this moment. But today I would like to focus on two defining questions at the root of so many of our challenges. Will the nations represented here today be able to renew the purpose of the United Nations founding, and will we come together to reject the cancer of violent extremism? First, all of us — big nations and small — must meet our responsibility to observe and enforce international norms. We are here because others realized that we gain more from cooperation than from conquest.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  12. Too often, we have failed to enforce international norms when it has been inconvenient to do so. And we have not confronted forcefully enough the intolerance, sectarianism and hopelessness that feeds violent extremism in too many parts of the globe. Fellow representatives, we come together as United Nations with a choice to make. We can renew the international system that has enabled so much progress, or we can allow ourselves to be pulled back by an undertow of instability. We can reaffirm our collective responsibility to confront global problems, or be swamped by more and more outbreaks of instability. And for America, the choice is clear — we choose hope over fear. We see the future not as something out of our control, but as something we can shape for the better through concerted and collective effort.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  13. And yet there is a pervasive unease in our world — a sense that the very forces that have brought us together have created new dangers and made it difficult for any single nation to insulate itself from global forces. As we gather here, an outbreak of Ebola overwhelms public health systems in West Africa and threatens to move rapidly across borders. Russian aggression in Europe recalls the days when large nations trampled small ones in pursuit of territorial ambitions. The brutality of terrorists in Syria and Iraq forces us to look into the heart of darkness. Each of those problems demands urgent attention. But they are also symptoms of a broader problem: the failure of our international system to keep pace with an interconnected world. We, collectively, have not invested adequately in the public health capacity of developing countries.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  14. Today, whether you live in downtown Manhattan or in my grandmother’s village more than 200 miles from Nairobi, you can hold in your hand more information than the world’s greatest libraries. Together, we have learned how to cure disease and harness the power of the wind and the sun. The very existence of this Organization is a unique achievement, with the people of the world committing to resolve their differences peacefully and to solve their problems together. I often tell young people in the United States that, despite the headlines, this is the best time in human history to be born, for you are more likely than ever before to be literate, to be healthy and to be free to pursue your dreams.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  15. We come together at a crossroads between war and peace, between disorder and integration, between fear and hope. Around the globe, there are signposts of progress. The shadow of the Second World War that existed at the founding of this institution has been lifted, and the prospect of war between major Powers reduced. The ranks of Member States have more than tripled, and more people live under Governments that they elected. Hundreds of millions of human beings have been freed from the prison of poverty, with the proportion of those living in extreme poverty cut in half. And the world economy continues to strengthen after the worst financial crisis of our lives.

    2014-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 69 (2014)

  16. Who in this Hall can argue that the future belongs to those who seek to repress that spirit, rather than to those who seek to liberate it? I know what side of history I want the United States of America to be on. We are ready to meet tomorrow’s challenges with you, firm in the belief that all men and women are in fact created equal, each individual possessed with a dignity and inalienable rights that cannot be denied. That is why we look to the future not with fear, but with hope. That is why we remain convinced that this community of nations can deliver a more peaceful, prosperous, and just world to the next generation.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  17. That is the future that the people of the Middle East and North Africa deserve as well, one where they can focus on opportunity, instead of on whether they will be killed or repressed because of who they are or what they believe. Time and again, nations and people have shown a capacity to change, to live up to humanity’s highest ideals, to choose a better history. Last month, I stood where 50 years ago Martin Luther King Jr. told America about his dream, at a time when many people of my race could not even vote for President. Earlier this year, I stood in the small cell where Nelson Mandela endured for decades, cut off from his own people and the world. Who are we to believe that today’s challenges cannot be overcome, when we have seen what changes the human spirit can bring?

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  18. I saw this in Africa, where nations moving beyond conflict are now poised to take off. America is with them: partnering to feed the hungry and to care for the sick and to bring power to places off the grid. I see it across the Pacific region, where hundreds of millions have been lifted out of poverty in a single generation. I see it in the faces of young people everywhere who can access the entire world with the click of a button and who are eager to join the cause of eradicating extreme poverty, combating climate change, starting businesses, expanding freedom, and leaving behind the old ideological battles of the past. That is what is happening in Asia and Africa, it is happening in Europe and the Americas.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  19. Ultimately, that is the international community that America seeks — one where nations do not covet the land or resources of other nations, but one in which we carry out the founding purpose of this institution and where we all take responsibility; a world in which the rules established out of the horrors of war can help us resolve conflicts peacefully and prevent the kind of wars that our forefathers fought; a world where human beings can live with dignity and meet their basic needs, whether they live in New York or Nairobi, in Peshawar or Damascus. These are extraordinary times with extraordinary opportunities. Thanks to human progress, a child born anywhere on Earth today can do things that 60 years ago would have been out of reach for the mass of humankind.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  20. If we do not want to choose between inaction and war, we must get better — all of us — at the policies that prevent the breakdown of basic order through respect for the responsibilities of nations and the rights of individuals, through meaningful sanctions for those who break the rules, through dogged diplomacy that resolves the root causes of conflict and not merely its aftermath, and through development assistance that brings hope to the marginalized. And yes sometimes, all this will not be enough and there will be moments when the international community will need to acknowledge that the multilateral use of military force may be required to prevent the very worst from occurring.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  21. But sovereignty cannot be a shield for tyrants to commit wanton murder or an excuse for the international community to turn a blind eye. While we need to be modest in our belief that we can remedy every evil, and while we need to be mindful that the world is full of unintended consequences, should we really accept the notion that the world is powerless in the face of a Rwanda or a Srebrenica? If that is the world that people want to live in, they should say so and reckon with the cold logic of mass graves. I believe that we can embrace a different future.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  22. No one is more mindful of those problems than I am, for they resulted in the death of four outstanding United States citizens who were committed to the Libyan people, including Ambassador Chris Stevens — a man whose courageous efforts helped save the city of Benghazi. But does anyone truly believe that the situation in Libya would be better if Al-Qadhafi had been allowed to kill, imprison or brutalize his people into submission? It is far more likely that without international action, Libya would now be engulfed in civil war and bloodshed. We live in a world of imperfect choices. Different nations will not agree on the need for action in every instance, and the principle of sovereignty is at the centre of our international order.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  23. In East Africa, we are working with partners to bring the Lord’s Resistance Army to an end. And in Libya, when the Security Council provided a mandate to protect civilians, America joined a coalition that took action. Because of what we did there, countless lives were saved and a tyrant could not kill his way back to power. I know that some now criticize the action in Libya as an object lesson. They point to the problems that the country now confronts — a democratically elected Government struggling to provide security; armed groups, in some places extremists, ruling parts of a fractured land — and these critics argue that any intervention to protect civilians is doomed to fail. Look at Libya.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  24. That will require new thinking and some very tough choices. While the United Nations was designed to prevent wars between States, increasingly we face the challenge of preventing slaughter within States. And those challenges will grow more pronounced as we are confronted with States that are fragile or failing — places where horrendous violence can put innocent men, women and children at risk with no hope of protection from their national institutions. I have made it clear that even when America’s core interests are not directly threatened, we stand ready to do our part to prevent mass atrocities and protect basic human rights. But we cannot and should not bear that burden alone. In Mali, we supported both the French intervention that successfully pushed back Al-Qaida and the African forces who are keeping the peace.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  25. I must be honest, though; we are far more likely to invest our energy in those countries that want to work with us, that invest in their people instead of in a corrupt few, and that embrace a vision of society where everyone can contribute — men and women, Shia or Sunni, Muslim, Christian or Jew. Because from Europe to Asia, from Africa to the Americas, nations that have persevered on a democratic path have emerged more prosperous, more peaceful and more invested in upholding our common security and our common humanity. And I believe that the same will hold true for the Arab world. That leads me to a final point. There will be times when the breakdown of societies is so great and the violence against civilians so substantial, that the international community will be called upon to act.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  26. The danger for the world is that the United States, after a decade of war, rightly concerned about issues back home and aware of the hostility that our engagement in the region has engendered throughout the Muslim world, may disengage, creating a vacuum of leadership that no other nation is ready to fill. I believe that such disengagement would be a mistake. I believe that America must remain engaged for our own security, but I also believe that the world is better for it. Some may disagree, but I believe that America is exceptional, in part because we have shown a willingness, through the sacrifice of blood and treasure, to stand up not only for our own narrow self- interest, but for the interests of all.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  27. And so we believe that those same sectarian conflicts can be overcome in the Middle East and North Africa. To summarize, the United States has a hard-earned humility when it comes to our ability to determine events inside other countries. The notion of American empire may be useful propaganda, but it is not borne out by America’s current policy or public opinion. Indeed, as recent debates within the United States over Syria clearly showed, the danger for the world is not an America that is too eager to immerse itself in the affairs of other countries or to take on every problem in the region as its own.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  28. And while we recognize that our influence will at times be limited, although we will be wary of efforts to impose democracy through military force, and although we will at times be accused of hypocrisy and inconsistency, we will be engaged in the region for the long haul. For the hard work of forging freedom and democracy is the task of a generation. That includes efforts to resolve sectarian tensions that continue to surface in places like Iraq, Bahrain and Syria. We understand that such long-standing issues cannot be solved by outsiders; they must be addressed by Muslim communities themselves. But we have seen grinding conflicts come to an end before, most recently in Northern Ireland, where Catholics and Protestants finally recognized that an endless cycle of conflict was causing both communities to fall behind a fast-moving world.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  29. Our approach to Egypt reflects a larger point: the United States will at times work with Governments that do not meet — at least in our view — the highest international expectations, but who work with us on our core interests. Nevertheless, we will not stop asserting principles that are consistent with our ideals, whether that means opposing the use of violence as a means of suppressing dissent or supporting the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We will reject the notion that those principles are simply Western exports, incompatible with Islam or the Arab world. We believe that they are the birthright of every person.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  30. Our overriding interest throughout these past few years has been to encourage a Government that legitimately reflects the will of the Egyptian people and recognizes true democracy as requiring a respect for minority rights, the rule of law, freedom of speech and assembly, and a strong civil society. That remains our interest today. And so, going forward, the United States will maintain a constructive relationship with the interim Government that promotes core interests like the Camp David Accords and counter- terrorism. We will continue support in areas such as education that directly benefit the Egyptian people. But we have not proceeded with the delivery of certain military systems, and our support will depend upon Egypt’s progress in pursuing a more democratic path.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  31. Over the last few years, particularly in Egypt, we have seen just how hard this transition will be. Mohammed Morsi was democratically elected, but proved unwilling or unable to govern in a way that was fully inclusive. The interim Government that replaced him responded to the desires of millions of Egyptians who believed the revolution had taken a wrong turn, but it, too, has made decisions inconsistent with inclusive democracy, through an emergency law and restrictions on the press, civil society and opposition parties. Of course, America has been attacked by all sides of this internal conflict, simultaneously accused of supporting the Muslim Brotherhood and engineering its removal from power. In fact, the United States has purposely avoided choosing sides.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  32. But the current convulsions arising out of the Arab Spring remind us that a just and lasting peace cannot be measured only by agreements between nations. It must also be measured by our ability to resolve conflict and promote justice within nations. And by that measure, it is clear that all of us have a lot more work to do. When peaceful transitions began in Tunisia and Egypt, the entire world was filled with hope. And although the United States, like others, was struck by the speed of transition, and although we did not — and in fact could not — dictate events, we chose to support those who called for change. We did so based on the belief that while these transitions will be hard and take time, societies based upon democracy and openness and the dignity of the individual will ultimately be more stable, more prosperous and more peaceful.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  33. All of us must recognize that peace will be a powerful tool to defeat extremists throughout the region and embolden those who are prepared to build a better future. Moreover, ties of trade and commerce between Israelis and Arabs could be an engine of growth and opportunity at a time when too many young people in the region are languishing without work. So let us emerge from the familiar corners of blame and prejudice. Let us support Israeli and Palestinian leaders who are prepared to walk the difficult road to peace. Real breakthroughs on these two issues — Iran’s nuclear programme and Israeli-Palestinian peace — would have a profound and positive impact on the entire Middle East and North Africa.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  34. Already Israeli and Palestinian leaders have demonstrated a willingness to take significant political risks. President Abbas has put aside efforts to short-cut the pursuit of peace and come to the negotiating table. Prime Minister Netanyahu has released Palestinian prisoners and reaffirmed his commitment to a Palestinian State. Current talks are focused on final status issues of borders and security, refugees and Jerusalem. So now the rest of us must be willing to take risks as well. Friends of Israel, including the United States, must recognize that Israel’s security as a Jewish and democratic State depends upon the realization of a Palestinian State, and we should say so clearly. Arab States, and those who have supported the Palestinians, must recognize that stability will be served only through a two-State solution and a secure Israel.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  35. Likewise, the United States remains committed to the belief that the Palestinian people have a right to live in security and dignity in their own sovereign State. On the same trip, I had the opportunity to meet with young Palestinians in Ramallah whose ambition and incredible potential are matched only by the pain they feel in having no firm place in the community of nations. They are understandably cynical as to whether real progress will ever be made, and they are frustrated by their families enduring the daily indignity of occupation. But they, too, recognize that two States is the only real path to peace, because, just as the Palestinian people must not be displaced, the State of Israel is here to stay. The time is now ripe for the entire international community to get behind the pursuit of peace.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  36. We are also determined to resolve a conflict that goes back even further than our differences with Iran: the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. I have made it clear that the United States will never compromise our commitment to Israel’s security, nor our support for its existence as a Jewish State. Earlier this year, in Jerusalem, I was inspired by young Israelis who stood up for the belief that peace was necessary, just and possible, and I believe that there is a growing recognition within Israel that the occupation of the West Bank is tearing at the democratic fabric of the Jewish State. But the children of Israel have the right to live in a world where the nations assembled in this body fully recognize their country and where we unequivocally reject those who fire rockets at their homes or incite others to hate them.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  37. We are encouraged by the fact that President Rouhani received from the Iranian people a mandate to pursue a more moderate course. Given President Rouhani’s stated commitment to reach an agreement, I am directing John Kerry to pursue this effort with the Iranian Government, in close cooperation with the European Union, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia and China. The roadblocks may prove to be too great, but I firmly believe that the diplomatic path must be tested. For while the status quo will only deepen Iran’s isolation, Iran’s genuine commitment to go down a different path will be good for the region and the world, and will help the Iranian people meet their extraordinary potential in commerce and culture, in science and education.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  38. Those statements made by our respective Governments should offer the basis for a meaningful agreement. We should be able to achieve a resolution that respects the rights of the Iranian people while giving the world confidence that the Iranian programme is peaceful. But to succeed, conciliatory words will have to be matched by actions that are transparent and verifiable. After all, it is the Iranian Government’s choices that have led to the comprehensive sanctions that are currently in place. That is not simply an issue between the United States and Iran. The world has seen Iran evade its responsibilities in the past and has an abiding interest in making sure that Iran meets its obligations in future. But I want to be clear.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  39. Since I took office, I have made it clear, in letters to the Supreme Leader in Iran and, more recently, to President Rouhani, that America prefers to resolve its concerns over Iran’s nuclear programme peacefully, although we are determined to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. We are not seeking regime change, and we respect the right of the Iranian people to access peaceful nuclear energy. Instead, we insist that the Iranian Government meet its responsibilities under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and Security Council resolutions. Meanwhile, the Supreme Leader has issued a fatwa against the development of nuclear weapons, and President Rouhani has just recently reiterated that the Islamic Republic will never develop a nuclear weapon.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  40. On the other hand, Americans see an Iranian Government that has declared the United States an enemy and directly or through proxies has taken Americans hostage, killed United States troops and civilians and threatened our ally Israel with destruction. I do not believe such a difficult history can be overcome overnight. The suspicion runs too deep. But I do believe that, if we can resolve the issue of Iran’s nuclear programme, that can serve as a major step down a long road towards a different relationship, one based on mutual interests and mutual respect.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  41. Rather, such objectives are best achieved when we partner with the international community and with the countries and peoples of the region. So what does that mean going forward? In the near term, America’s diplomatic efforts will focus on two particular issues: Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons and the Arab-Israeli conflict. While those issues are not the cause of all of the region’s problems, they have been a major source of instability for far too long, and resolving them can help serve as a foundation for a broader peace. The United States and Iran have been isolated from one another since the Islamic revolution of 1979. That mistrust has deep roots. Iranians have long complained of a history of United States interference in their affairs and of America’s role in overthrowing an Iranian Government during the cold war.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  42. Just as we consider the use of chemical weapons in Syria to be a threat to our own national security, we reject the development of nuclear weapons that could trigger a nuclear arms race in the region and undermine the global non-proliferation regime. Now, to say that those are America’s core interests is not to say that they are our only interests. We deeply believe that it is in our interest to see a Middle East and North Africa that are peaceful and prosperous, and we will continue to promote democracy, human rights and open markets, because we believe that those practices help achieve peace and prosperity. But I also believe that we can rarely achieve those objectives through unilateral American action, particularly military action. Iraq has shown us that democracy cannot simply be imposed by force.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  43. We will confront external aggression against our allies and partners, as we did in the Gulf War. We will ensure the free flow of energy from the region to the world. Although America is steadily reducing its own dependence on imported oil, the world still depends upon the region’s energy supply, and a severe disruption could destabilize the entire global economy. We will dismantle terrorist networks that threaten our people. Wherever possible, we will build the capacity of our partners, respect the sovereignty of nations and work to address the root causes of terror, but when it is necessary to defend the United States against terrorist attack, we will take direct action. Finally, we will not tolerate the development or use of weapons of mass destruction.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  44. At the same time, the United States is blamed for failing to do enough to solve the region’s problems and for showing indifference toward suffering Muslim populations. I realize that some of that is inevitable, given America’s role in the world, but such contradictory attitudes have a practical impact on the American people’s support for our involvement in the region and allow leaders in the region, and the international community sometimes, to avoid addressing difficult problems themselves. So let me take this opportunity to outline what has been United States policy towards the Middle East and North Africa and what will be my policy during the remainder of my presidency. The United States of America is prepared to use all elements of our power, including military force, to secure these core interests in the region.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  45. What broader conclusions can be drawn from America’s policy towards Syria? I know that there are those who have been frustrated by our unwillingness to use our military might to depose Al-Assad and believe that a failure to do so indicates a weakening of America’s resolve in the region. Others have suggested that my willingness to direct even limited military strikes to deter the further use of chemical weapons shows that we have learned nothing from Iraq, and that America continues to seek control over the Middle East for our own purposes. The situation in Syria mirrors a contradiction that has persisted in the region for decades. The United States is chastised for meddling in the region and accused of having a hand in all manner of conspiracies.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  46. There is no great game to be won, nor does America have any interest in Syria beyond the well- being of its people, the stability of its neighbours, the elimination of chemical weapons and ensuring that it does not become a safe haven for terrorists. I welcome the influence of all nations that can help bring about a peaceful resolution of Syria’s civil war. As we move the Geneva process forward, I urge all nations represented here to step up to meet the humanitarian needs in Syria and surrounding countries. America has committed over a billion dollars to that effort, and today I can announce that we will be providing an additional $340 million. No aid can take the place of a political resolution that gives the Syrian people the chance to begin rebuilding their country, but it can help desperate people survive.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  47. The notion that Syria can return to a pre-war status quo is a fantasy. It is time for Russia and Iran to realize that insisting on Al-Assad’s rule will lead directly to the outcome that they fear — an increasingly violent space for extremists to operate in. In turn, those of us who continue to support the moderate opposition must persuade them that the Syrian people cannot afford a collapse of State institutions and that a political settlement cannot be reached without addressing the legitimate fears and concerns of Alawites and other minorities. We are committed to working this political track, and as we pursue a settlement, let us remember that this is not a zero-sum endeavour. We are no longer in a cold war.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  48. If we cannot agree even on that, then that will show that the United Nations is incapable of enforcing the most basic of international laws. On the other hand, if we succeed, it will send a powerful message that the use of chemical weapons has no place in the twenty-first century and that this Organization means what it says. Our agreement on chemical weapons should energize a larger diplomatic effort to reach a political settlement within Syria. I do not believe that military action by those within Syria or by external Powers can achieve a lasting peace, nor do I believe that America or any nation should determine who will lead Syria. That is for the Syrian people to decide. Nevertheless, a leader who has slaughtered his own citizens and gassed children to death cannot regain the legitimacy to lead a badly fractured country.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  49. But without a credible military threat, the Security Council had demonstrated no inclination to act at all. However, as I have discussed with President Putin for over a year, most recently in St. Petersburg, my preference has always been to work for a diplomatic resolution to this issue, and in the past several weeks, the United States, Russia and our allies have reached an agreement to place Syria’s chemical weapons under international control and then destroy them. The Syrian Government took a first step by giving an accounting of its stockpiles. Now, there must be a strong Security Council resolution to verify that the Al-Assad regime is keeping its commitments, and there must be consequences if they fail to do so.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)

  50. It is strengthened by the searing memories of soldiers suffocated in the trenches, Jews slaughtered in gas chambers, Iranians poisoned in the many tens of thousands. The evidence is overwhelming that the Al-Assad regime used such weapons on 21 August. United Nations inspectors gave a clear accounting of their findings that advanced rockets had fired large quantities of sarin gas at civilians. Those rockets were fired from a regime-controlled neighbourhood and landed in opposition neighbourhoods. It is an insult to human reason and to the legitimacy of this institution to suggest that anyone other than the regime carried out this attack. I know that in the immediate aftermath of the attack there were those who questioned the legitimacy of even a limited strike in the absence of a clear mandate from the Security Council.

    2013-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 68 (2013)