YouSaid · the spoken record

Calvani

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS CALVANI

lines on the record: 135
first: 1969-09-24
most recent: 1973-09-24
sittings or episodes: 5
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“Christopher used to help travellers across the river by carrying them on his shoulders. 131. The river is under-development; St. Christopher the developed countries; the travellers, the developing countries. Up until now the developed countries have carried us on their shoulders. 132. If violence is not to take over the world, and if peace is to reign on earth, changes will have to be made. 133. It will be necessary for St. Christopher to give travellers a helping hand, and no longer to carry them on his shoulders. Thus, and only thus will the travellers one day be' able to cross the river by themselves. 134. The way lies before us. It is called "international social justice."”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“128. That methodology can and should be improved on, and even supplemented. Just as the trade union movement of the developed countries created its own security, economic, social and financial structures, so too there would be no obstacle to the primary-commodity producing developing countries initiating experiments towards the same goal. 129. There are difficulties involved in putting into practice the idea we propose. Stultifying national egotisms will have to be surmounted. But did not the trade unions encounter many and even greater obstacles in their struggle to improve the lot of the workers? This is the great challenge for the under-developed countries: to find their own way. 130. In conclusion, allow me to make a comparison. According to legend, St.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“We cannot sit at the negotiating table if v/e have no power to negotiate, and that power can be acquired only by having representative organizations backed by numerical strength. * 125. It will therefore be of paramount importance to organize the primary-commodity producing countries on a sectorial basis. 126. This would be a unique way for the developing countries, for the producers of primary commodities, to organize, and a way that requires no promises of the kind that are made to be broken, a way that would change the structure of power between developed and developing countries. 127. It is a methodology that is taking its first steps in the field of petroleum, and it will not prove fully effective until we are able to extend it to other significant primary commodities — namely, those without which there can be no development process.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“They moved from the national to the international level. 123. Let us transpose that experience to our own struggle against under-development on the international level. The primary-commodity producing countries would form organizations at the international level, enabling them to achieve their just aspirations on the world market. That is what we affirmed at the third session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD], held at Santiago in 1972, in Santiago. 124. It has sometimes been said, "more trade, less assistance". And that would be so if trade were fair. But how can the terms of trade become more just unless the developing countries unite?”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“The Club of the developed countries, Eastern and Western, is still exclusive and excluding. 121. We believe that it is possible for each country to find its own course. It is based on the methodology of the trade union struggle, an historic experiment that has proved to be effective'. What were the trade unions? They were associations of workers who by combining their weaknesses turned them into strength. 122. The trade unions, however, soon realized that in order to be truly powerful they had to unite. And so the trade union federations came into being. These, in turn, realized that they, too, had to unite to acquire even greater authority. In fact, just as not all trade unions had the same strength, so too not all federations had the same power. Thus did the trade union confederations emerge.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“For its part, pluralist solidarity presupposes a system of coexistence where it is not enough to "tolerate" those who are different, but where it is actually necessary to "want" to be different, in order to achieve the common historic goals which we place over and above our contingent momentary differences. In other words, we sacrifice our present differences — which are merely contingent — for a future which is permanent and for the sake of which we must all unite. 119. It would be a serious mistake to begin to build the world of tomorrow on existing models. The results are before us. 120. History bears witness to one certain fact: underdevelopment will not be surmounted by the use of familiar, known methods. We are aware of no under-developed country that has overcome its under-development. Other ways must be found. . . .”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“It goes one step beyond ideological pluralism, because this can be viewed as a part of a system of "coexistence", namely, a system whereby one country accepts that another should have a different conception of its own economic, political and social order. However, such a system does not preclude there being a latent state of war, since one of the parties regards the internal order of the other as unjust, feels that it should cease to exist and is waiting for it to disintegrate, or even goes as far as to try to bring about deliberately its downfall, in a struggle for world hegemony. 118.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“In point of fact, it is tantamount to invoking in the international order the self-same right that 'is denied in the domestic order. 114. I should like now to refer to Latin America. In the international concert of nations there are countries that are bound by very special ties. This is particularly outstanding in the case of the Latin American countries. 115. For us, Latin American unity is a historical necessity . if the countries of Latin America are to play their part in the development of mankind. 116. My Government is convinced of this historic reality. The President of the Republic, on a recent tour of a number of countries in South America, proclaimed the urgent need for that unity within what he termed "the pluralist solidarity". 117.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“It follows as a corollary from the aforementioned principles, and it is in this context that it can be correctly interpreted. 111. Ideological pluralism implies the coexistence, at one and the same time, of different ways of establishing the scale of values according to which a society is structured and organized. 112. Because of its origin and source, if we wish to be consistent, ideological pluralism at the international level presupposes — or at least should presuppose — the application of the same principle that is applied at the national level, with the consequent right to dissent. 113. To invoke ideological pluralism at the international level while denying it at the national level reveals a serious inconsistency.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“For analogous reasons also, every national community in turn has the legitimate right to fulfil its own destiny and, consequently, to carry out in full freedom its historic mission within the international community. The existing system has enshrined that right in a number of principles, namely: legal equality and mutual respect among States; the self-determination of peoples and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. 110. The diversity of economic and social regimes and systems which exist in the various States on the one hand, and, on the other, the need to establish conditions of legal security for the benefit of peace, have ushered in a new phase in the relations between peoples that we call "ideological pluralism".”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“It also requires that States respect each other, and hence exclude any abuse of power by the stronger against the weaker. 106. The realities of the present-day world prompt us to speak on the subject of ideological pluralism. May I be permitted to make a few remarks in this connexion to dispel any possible misunderstanding. 107. Man is a rational and free being. As a human being he is responsible for his destiny. Hence, he has the right to act out his role in life. That is why we speak of self- determination and the fulfilment of the human being. 108. Similarly, in a national community, the various human groups, legitimately constituted, have the right to pursue and give expression to the various conceivable ways in which their purpose may be realized. This, logically, implies the right to dissent and to express dissent. 109.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“We were right when we stated, on several occasions, that the wealth of the developed countries has its roots in the poverty of the developing countries. 104. Let us also consider the over-all aspects of foreign investments from the point of view of international social justice. True, the developing countries need foreign capital to attain their own development. However, those investments should not be prompted either by a profit motive or by a desire for ideological invasion, because, in either case, such investments lead to the subjugation of the country in which they are made. 105. International social justice, on the contrary, demands that foreign capital investments be directed towards the development of the individual and of all the men in the country where such investments are made.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“We could hardly cry out against the injustices of the great Powers if we were to practise among ourselves the very acts of injustice which we reproach them for. 103. In the light of the principle of international social justice, the whole range and outlook of the unsuitably termed "international aid" takes on a completely different complexion and perspective. It is not a question of a favour, but of a duty. The greater the possibilities, the greater the obligations. On the other hand, it is inadmissible that a "developed" country should demand of a "developing" country a counterpart equal to, or even greater than, the "value" of the "assistance" rendered. And it is even more inconceivable that the "assistance" should be used to pressure or to coerce the "assisted" country. How can underdevelopment be overcome in such conditions?”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“The rights and duties of the different peoples must therefore be measured in terms of the capacities and needs of each, in order to make peace, harmony and progress possible and so that we may all develop in a spirit of genuine friendship. "If we believe that an international community exists, if we honestly maintain that all men constitute a great society and that that great society has the right to exist and prosper, then it is essential that the burdens and responsibilities taken on for its sake be in keeping with the relative opportunities, the strength, and the degree of development and wealth of some people." 102. Furthermore, this principle applies to developing countries such as ours. Among us, too, those who have the most must accept greater obligations.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Why should we not use the set of values that enabled men to change substantially the internal situation of many countries? Why should we not use that set of values as a principle to transform the international order and thus rid it of the injustices on which it is based? At this point I should like to yield to President Caldera and quote from his address to the United States Congress: "Just as 'society', in the national ambit, has the right to impose different relations among its members, so the 'international community' demands that the peoples of the world participate according to their capacity, that 'all' may live a human existence.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Justice was the regulating principle, seeking to restore the balance between the "haves" and the "have-nots", between the strong and the weak, the rich and the poor, the employers and the workers, the socially strong and the socially weak. 100. In the name of social justice, fiscal legislation was changed and it seemed perfectly logical that those who had the most should shoulder the heaviest burdens. In the name of social justice, labour protection laws were passed to restore the balance between employers and workers. In the name of social justice, an entirely new perspective of struggle and global transformation emerged and a new concept of economic and social relations was defined. 101. Why should we not bring that social justice into the international order?”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“The industrial revolution brought in its wake profound poverty among the workers, who were subjected to the law of supply and demand. Wages declined steadily, while their needs grew. In this situation, the workers became aware of their poverty and sought a principle that would raise their spirits and lend weight to their claims. That principle was the principle of social justice. They combined their efforts and turned their common weaknesses into strength. The first trade unions came into being, and with them the development of the labour movement. 99. Social justice became the dynamic moving force behind a multitude of economic, social, political and cultural changes.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“This necessarily implies the formulation of a global and comprehensive world economic policy aimed at the development of humanity; the universal common good — and not merely the development of a group of privileged countries. In the name of that universal common good we must question the development patterns followed by the modern industrialized countries, both in the East and in the West. 97. Every action has to be inspired and guided by an underlying principle. Hence at the international level we must have a set of values, that is to say, a principle towards which our action is directed and which guides our action. That principle is the principle of international social justice, which has been proclaimed with ardent conviction by the President of our Republic in many international forums. 98.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“How can we fight pollution and. the destruction of nature unless we take a loftier view that compels us to be ever mindful of the supreme interests of humanity? 95. How can we radically change the existing unjust structure in the international division of labour, where some countries export their manufactures at increasingly higher prices and others export their raw materials at increasingly lower prices, other than by the conception of an economy on a world scale? 96. The universal common good presupposes a system for the international distribution of production; or, in other words, all countries being members of the community of nations must be able to be a part of a real and effective system of universal economy that provides for all stages of the economic process.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Thus the outbreak of a contagious disease in one part of the world endangers the whole world. As we stated in 1971 before the General Assembly: "Thus there emerges a new concept: that of mankind. We think of mankind as all the peoples of the world and, thus conceived, mankind appears to us as a world-wide society which encompasses us all and which is in opposition to individual societies or States, having their own lives, it is true, but dependent on the development of that greater society. "Thus, then, as it does internally where each State seeks the realization of the common good of all its citizens, in the universal society of nations there is also need for a Universal Common Good which is the objective and raison d'etre of international authority and of the action of each of the States making up mankind." 94.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Development, however, cannot be of any kind. It must be a development that is harmonious, fair and balanced, both within each country and among all nations. Therefore we must not confuse development with economic growth, or material well-being with progress. Man does not live by bread alone. Development must encompass the total man, and all men, the whole nation, and all nations. 92. On the other hand, the harmonious and human development of civilization transcends all divisions within States or among States. Art, science, philosophy, literature, are in our times more than ever before the fruits of collective endeavour. 93. The scientific and technological revolution has brought men and peoples closer than at any other time in the history of mankind.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“The very precariousness of peace teaches us that the system of international relations under which we live cannot lead us to the objective so earnestly desired by all, namely, peaceful coexistence and the harmonious development of peoples. It is essential that we build a new international order, inspired by lofty and enduring principles and not by considerations of practical expediency. 90. We consider that the fundamental goal of the present- day world is development. Pope Paul VI, in his now familiar phrase, stated that the new name for peace was development. Indeed, as long as there are inequalities existing between men and an unjust distribution of the benefits of progress, in both the domestic and the international field, there can be no peace. Inequalities are a sign of injustice, and injustice in the end engenders violence. 91.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Under the ideological system of subjection, the developing countries are prey to the developed countries' desire for ideological penetration and we see their structures infiltrated, falling under the control of the developed countries and, ultimately, losing their economic freedom and their political independence. 89. On the other hand, we are well aware that the international order engendered by the policy of blocs and the balance of power has not achieved peace. It has only succeeded in preventing a global conflagration, but armed conflicts have not ceased since the very moment when the Second World War ended.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Four main instruments help to shape these patterns of subjection: so-called international aid, the deterioration of the terms of international trade, foreign investments and the power which weapons and money give. 87. Although any generalization invariably conceals a simplification, we might perhaps describe the patterns of subjection at present prevailing in the world as falling into two categories: a system of subjection based on economics and another based on ideology. 88. Under the economic system of subjection the underdeveloped countries, being a prey to the developed countries' desire for gain, suffer economic domination, which in turn leads to the loss of their political and cultural independence.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Nevertheless, we can affirm that the world is divided into two major sectors, namely, a minority of countries which have everything and a majority of countries which have little or nothing. 84. The imbalance between the developed and the developing countries grows day by day. Wealth and progress are still in the hands of the same States. Whichever way one looks at it, there is a lack of three indissolubly linked fundamental elements of development — capital, educational level and technology — that engender a vicious circle of poverty. 85. These serious inequalities, added to the desire for domination and the ambition for power over human communities, have given rise to and maintain actual patterns of subjection exercised by the developed countries over the under-developed ones. 86.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“It is also the fifth time that I am addressing this august Assembly. 82. For that reason, in the present general debate I shall refrain from giving in detail our position on the specific items on the agenda. My delegation will express the views of my Government in the relevant debates. In this unique United Nations forum I shall, on the other hand, refer to the fundamental principles that have guided the course of the international policy of my Government during these last five years in its endeavours to contribute to the coming into being of a new, just and humane international order. 83. Profound economic, social, political and cultural differences separate the peoples of the world. It is true that there are varying degrees of wealth and power, of poverty and weakness.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“It is also a just recognition of your many and varied personal merits and virtues, of your long career as a public figure, and of your unflagging devotion to the cause of peace. 79. On this occasion it is likewise fitting to express our special appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Stanislaw Trepczynski, whose equanimity has garnered the sympathy and affection of us all. 80. It is particularly gratifying to us to take this opportunity to extend a cordial welcome to the new States Members of the Organization: the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. 81. This twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly is of special significance to me personally. It is, in fact, the fifth and last year of the constitutional term of office of the President of Venezuela, Mr. Rafael Caldera.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“78. Mr. President, the distinguished speakers who have addressed this Assembly before me from this rostrum have offered their sincere congratulations to you on the great honour which the Assembly has conferred on you by electing you to preside over this session. On behalf of my Government and on my own behalf, may I tell you how pleased we are to endorse those significant tributes. Your election is a well-deserved tribute that we pay your country, which is so closely linked to ours by so many different ties, especially by the imperishable figure of our common Liberator, Sim6n Bolivar, and which is a land admirable for its natural beauty and the noble quality of its men.”
1973-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 28 (1973)
“Thus, before the final judgment of history and mankind, those responsible for omission or surrender of the necessary political will are as guilty as the irrational agents of violence themselves. 155. The struggle against violence is, therefore, not only a juridical but a political, economic, social, cultural, ethical and religious fact as well. It is a task devolving on us all. It entails individual and collective, national and international action. It likewise entails the institution of a new international order in which relations among peoples lead towards the attainment of the universal common good inspired in international social justice. Indeed, in the final analysis, the struggle against violence is the building of peace itself.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“But at the same time, we affirm that neither classical pacifism nor the dialectics of atomic horror, nor a Utopian international ideology will either singly or jointly suffice to solve the crucial problem of the violence and exasperation of the present-day world. Ideological hatred, generator of mistrust, misunderstanding and fanaticism, continues to be the major factor responsible for violence. 154. But violence is not exercised exclusively through action. Omission and negligence in the face of a state of violence may be equally compromising. The spirit guilty of routine and the status quo of inertia and immobility in the face of conflicts and divergences are the direct cause of the irrational paroxysm of violence.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“The latter carries within it its own lethal dialectics: one act of violence is followed by another in a dynamic crescendo of recourse to violence. 152. In man's every thought and heart-beat there is always a direct relationship between the positive-evolutionary forces and the instinctive-regressive violence. That dangerous relationship makes it possible to assess the risks and the advantages. And there will always be more risks than advantages, because hatred and violence spring from animal instinct, whereas understanding and friendship are created and recreated in the heart guided by reason. 153. We reject as anti-human the postulate of inevitable violence, since its blind outbreak implies the very surrender of the human condition.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“For instance, innocent persons, quite removed from the drama surrounding them, could not be attacked, and any kind of violence against the different means used by man to bring together the peoples of the world would be inadmissible. 150. The principles we have just enunciated are based on the thinking of great philosophers and are still valid today. We believe that we should not forget them; that we should take them into account, in order that, in attempting to fight violence we should not fall into a serious error which could be used as a pretext by tyrannical regimes to maintain the unjust order. 151. Having made this reservation, we condemn terrorism in all its forms because we condemn recourse to violence.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Great harm will ensue as a result of that struggle. In other words, it is necessary that the system, by its very injustice, leaves no other alternative but force. 147. The system to be instituted must be more just than the one that is combated, which presupposes that to destroy the existing one without preparing the regime that is to follow would not be admissible. Moreover, it is the justice of the system to be instituted that, among other reasons, makes legitimate the right to institute it. 148. Definite prospects of success are required, so as not to subject the people to greater evils than those that are being fought. 149. Ultimately, we cannot resort to any means indiscriminately. These, too, are subject to ethical norms.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Therefore, it is essential that at the same time that we proclaim the legitimate right of peoples to fight against the different forms of violence we should proclaim the right of peoples to rebel against the different forms of oppression. We are not trying by this means to allow the very violence we wish to combat. Indeed, the exercise of the legitimate right of peoples to rebel against the different forms of oppression is embodied within very specific ethical and political principles. We shall enumerate them briefly. 145. It is necessary for the prevailing system to be unjust as a whole that is to say, as a system. 146. All lawful means of combating the unjust order must have been exhausted. It is not, therefore, a question of irresponsibly exercising the right of recourse to force against the unjust order.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“In other words, the struggle against violence is aimed at ensuring man's dignity and safeguarding a just system of international relations. It is for this reason that all we have said does not, of course, preclude the right of peoples to rebel against tyranny, colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism or any other form of oppression. Indeed, in this case, it is the oppressors who practice violence; and the right to rebellion, legitimately exercised, represents the effort of the people to restore the infringed juridical order. 144. All this is perfectly logical, since the different forms of oppression are attempts directed against the eminent dignity of the human person and, by disregarding it, are lacking in legality.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“That is why it is necessary to identify acts with great accuracy and to regulate those that command the consent of the largest number of nations which believe in the eminent dignity of the human person. Consequently, the most appropriate thing to do would be to address ourselves to fundamental situations: those most relevant to the universal common good, the ultimate objective of international law. To proceed otherwise would be to risk a regulation that would be impossible to apply adequately, through lack of universal ratification. 143. The principles that should guide the struggle against violence and its various manifestations are the defence of the eminent dignity of the human person and the safeguarding of justice in international relations.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“From the standpoint of the law and its purposes, it would be a contradiction in terms to dictate a juridical norm and not to apply it. At the international level this presupposes, moreover, the possibility of ratification by the largest possible number of States, especially in the case of the regulation of an act having multiple international repercussions. 142. For all these reasons we believe, justifiably, that in any attempt to regulate acts of violence having international repercussions, prudence which does not exclude firmness must be exercised. We must, in like manner, proceed gradually that is to say, step by step, as results are obtained. Furthermore, the greatest possible number of national approvals should be sought, in order to make the provisions as effective as possible.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“In other words, juridical regulations, from the point of view of the technique of law, are limited by the principle of juridical security. This is the basis for the Roman aphorism, "summum jus, summa injuria". Consequently, any juridical regulation which seeks to embody sanctions against acts of violence having international repercussions cannot disregard these fundamental ideas. Thus, for example, there is in the Latin American countries a very wide traditional concept of the right of asylum. In any possible regulation the true and real humanitarian character of this institution must be safeguarded. 141. On the other hand, every juridical norm must tend, by its very nature, towards its effective implementation.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“We said in simple terms like a great Belgian jurist, Professor Jean Dabin, that on the legal plane not everything that was desirable was feasible and conversely not everything that was feasible was desirable and that it was in the balance between the desirable and the feasible that the optimum juridical norm could be located. We then added that it was therefore obvious that terrorism, because it was a complex phenomenon which was still undefined, could not be regulated in its entirety other than to the extent that clear social situations were being established to which clear-cut laws could be applied. 140. Positive law is oriented towards the attainment of the common good, inspired in an ideal of justice, within the limits established by juridical security.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“For all the aforesaid reasons, I believe that terrorism cannot be considered in isolation; rather it must be considered within the overall context in which it is engendered. It is that context that we have endeavored to summarize. 138. We understand the desire to submit terrorist activities having international repercussions to juridical regulation of universal character. However, while placing ourselves in the field of law, we cannot lose sight of the principles that should inspire any juridical regulation. 139. In our statement at the third special session of the General Assembly of the Organization of American States on 26 January 1971, we said in this connexion that law arose to encompass the life from which it proceeded and moved between the desirable and the feasible.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“The eclipse of such values, though momentary, has a negative effect as the appeal to the ever-implicit ethical elevation of man is obscured. 135. Racial discrimination is still, in today's world, an uninterrupted source of violent conflicts. Man's rejection of man for reasons of race gives rise to unending hatred, often aggravated by various other factors that are intermixed with it. 136. This brief analysis we have outlined shows the complexity of the phenomenon of violence. One of its specific manifestations-perhaps the one that has the greatest impact is terrorism. Terrorism is one of the items on the agenda of the current session. I therefore wish to refer to it specifically. 137.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Similarly, the technological advances made in the means of social communication, place at the disposal of States possessing them a hitherto unknown power of cultural control over other States. Today, a nation may well lose its personality as the victim of a cultural invasion which has all the appearances of being a peaceful act but which is none the less fraught with psychological murders. 133. On the other hand, morally speaking, technological progress per se is neither good nor bad. It all depends on the use men make of it. For that reason, technological progress can and in fact does provide its refinements to the various manifestations of violence. 134. The crisis in religious values also has an unfavorable effect, especially in those countries whose religions actively advocate love of one's neighbor and solidarity among men.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Thus, systems of permanent subversion are created; conflicts of every kind become more acute, and the most refined means of psychological action are used to submit the will. 131. There is an atmosphere of ethical pollution that is gradually extending to all nations. This process is facilitated by the disintegration of the values by which mankind has so far lived. As a result, several phenomena of social disorder emerge, such as an alarming increase in drug traffic, an increase in crime and the release of primary instincts, phenomena which in turn become polluting agents. 132. The progress achieved in the means of social communication also contributes to the climate of violence. The "cultural patterns" they impose surreptitiously through their productions not infrequently contain an exaltation of the violent and therefore of violence.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“A European Minister in this connexion commented, in rather malicious terms: "Assistance for development is what the poor people in the rich countries give the rich people in the poor countries". 129. The desire of States for power and their ambition to dominate engenders the various forms of economic and ideological imperialism. On the other hand, situations of oppression and tyranny at the national and international levels are proliferating. 130. New ideological trends are assuming radical positions and acquire messianic and, to a certain extent, apocalyptic features. Fanatically determined to destroy the existing structures by any means, they resort to systematized violence in order to compound their psychological effect through terror.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Profound social and economic differences wealth and near-poverty, opulence and misery, a vast number of inadmissible contrasts in a human society separate the various national groups within States, particularly in the developing countries. 127. At the international level, the centers of power and decision are concentrated in a few nations. Whether in the balance of blocs or through multi-polarization, various methods of subjection are erected to the benefit of the great Powers. 128. Quite often the financing of development gives rise to situations of economic and political subjection which moreover and not infrequently strengthen the unfair structures of the developing countries.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“They forget that if an unjust act and because unjust therefore violent is answered with a violent act-and because violent therefore unjust we shall have changed nothing on earth since qualitatively we shall be on exactly the same plane of injustice. 124. It is a complex social reality, an effect with multiple causes and the cause of multiple effects. It involves many diverse dynamic factors. Let us analyze briefly the most conspicuous ones. 125. A very small number of States the so-called developed States control the greater part of the wealth and the scientific and technological knowledge of the world. On the other hand, the nations of the developing world see that with each year that passes the existing imbalance between them and the industrialized countries grows wider. 126.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“On the other hand, violence signifies the illegal use of force meaning the indiscriminate use of force not in accordance with pre-established principles." [1841st meeting, para. 108. ] 123. The new development in the contemporary world is the deification of violence. It is paid almost religious reverence. We are faced with an existentialist attitude and, consequently, with a new set of values. The ends make the means good. A violent act becomes good if it permits the achievement of the objectives pursued. The followers of the new religion of violence maintain and proclaim that they will stop at no crime to put an end to injustice.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Indeed, on the one hand, never as in our time have more efforts been deployed to achieve solidarity and understanding among men and peoples. The strongest proof of this fact is the constant increase in the large number of international organizations and activities oriented to serve mankind. 122. Yet, on the other hand, never before, perhaps, has the world been so submerged in an atmosphere of violence as it is today. But at this point it becomes necessary to define our terms. In this connexion, in my intervention before this Assembly at the twenty-fifth session I stated that: • "In ordinary language violence is often confused with force. But this is an error. Force is the body of all means and procedures" of every kind: physical, psychological, economic, and so on" used by law for the enforcement of law.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“In point of fact, truth is intermingled with error to the extent that it is not possible to discern where the truth is. On the other hand, error is clothed as truth to the point that it is no longer possible to discover where the error lies. Such a situation engenders a reversal of values and the most serious mental confusion, creating a fertile ground for the proliferation of every kind of extremism and sectarianism. 120. Viewed from this angle, the world today appears to be compressed between two opposite movements: one, which accumulates motives for division and violence, the other which reveals the possibility of a unity which, for the first time, is truly expanding to embrace the whole of the human race. 121.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)
“Paradoxically and just as man is beginning to feel the unity and solidarity of mankind, just as he is feeling closer than ever to all men, we witness what would appear to be the collapse of all the values on which his conduct and behavior were based. This phenomenon affects the whole of mankind, and there is no country on earth where all the principles that have governed man's, life hitherto are not questioned. There is thus born an attitude of rebellion against every rule and of challenge to all authority. 119. Within that society of the masses, a very important role is played by all the public opinion manipulation procedures, for, through them, it is possible to distort reality to the extent of leaving man as if he were suspended in a vacuum.”
1972-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 27 (1972)