YouSaid · the spoken record

Popović

lines on the record: 335
first: 1953-09-24
most recent: 1963-09-24
sittings or episodes: 10
sources: un-general-debate

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“Effective negotiations must therefore be started as soon as possible, with a view to making this common platform effective. 23. Since we know that many more difficulties have to be overcome before general and complete agreement is reached, my delegation. considers that a formula must be found which will hinder or prevent, from now on, the continuation of the arms race. If we are already tackling this major task of achieving general and complete disarmament — which we rightly regard as realistic — why should it be less realistic to try immediately to prevent the extension, at least, of -he existing arm race?”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It is absurd to demand the application of the "troika" system to all international bodies; but it is equally unjustified to claim that, in order to avoid approval of such a system, the non- aligned countries must in all fields be treated in a discriminatory manner. 21. We still believe that the disarmament negotiations must be conducted exclusively under United Nations auspices. For all these reasons, we continue to insist that a special session of the General Assembly, or a special world conference, should be convened to consider the question of disarmament, as proposed in the Belgrade Declaration. 22. At present we are all agreed on the principle of general and complete disarmament, accompanied by strict international' control. The joint Soviet-American statement has enunciated other vital principles.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It is therefore essential that all countries should participate in efforts to safeguard and strengthen peace, while pressing the great Powers ever more intensively to negotiate and agree, on the basis of general interests which are, at the same time, the interests of peace. The exerting of such a positive influence in the field of disarmament must also be made possible through the composition of the negotiating body. It is essential that that body include representatives of countries not belonging to any bloc. The experience of the last few years has amply demonstrated that the blocs cannot, by themselves, reach any solution. 20. Here J must make it quite clear that we are not in the least convinced by the objection that this — what I have just said — would mean adopting the so-called "troika" principle.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Our conclusion must be that in the course of disarmament negotiations it will be very difficult to arrive at an effective solution if we do not, at the same time, make every effort to settle existing questions and disputes by peaceful means, by negotiation. The problem is therefore both a long-term and simultaneously a very urgent one, because of the direct effects which the arms race and the policy on which it rests have on international relations as a whole. 19. We are well aware that there can be no improvement in international relations without direct agreement between the great Powers themselves. Yet the question of war "and peace is one which concerns and interests the peoples to the highest degree. Peace is today, more than ever before, one and indivisible.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In other words, so long as the arms race — which in itself is simply the manifestation of a policy based on force — continues and grows more intense, the prospects of arriving at a state of affairs where this policy is really and truly renounced will remain remote. 17. - I am not saying that the great Powers do not desire disarmament. But the question is whether, in present circumstances, they are capable of desiring it. In this context, we should not underestimate the influence of specific groups which explicitly favour^ the arms race. 18. So what can we do? That is the way things are. Must we postpone disarmament negotiations until conditions favourable for them arise? Of course not.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The experience of recent years is the best evidence to that effect. We then had negotiations without a common platform. No progress was made. Now we have a common platform, but as yet we have no negotiations. We hope they will soon begin. However, even if negotiations should be started on a common platform and within the framework of a jointly designated body, that would not in itself guarantee rapid success. The reason is that the nature of the relations between the great Powers, one basic feature of which is the intensified arms race, militates against the rapid conclusion of an agreement.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“On 20 September the Joint Statement on disarmament made by the United States of America and the Soviet Union [A/4879] was published here. To this we should be happy if the twelve-Power draft resolution submitted at the fifteenth session^ had in any way contributed. We listened very closely to what President Kennedy said yesterday on the subject of disarmament [1013th meeting]. We shall study his proposals most carefully. We are particularly happy to share his opinion that the risk entailed by disarmament pales beside the risk involved in an unlimited arms race. The fact that, an agreement on principles should have been reached is certainly positive and encouraging. Nevertheless, I think it would be naive to believe that this itself constitutes a decisive step in this field.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It was in this spirit that we sent a special message to President Kennedy and Premier Khrushchev — leaders of the two greatest Powers, on whom the general state of international relations so largely depends — asking them to resume contact in order that, by negotiations, further aggravation of the international situation might be prevented and a way out of the crisis found. It is encouraging to note that, in their replies, both statesmen reacted positively to our appeal. 15. I do not wish to restate my Government's views on the major international problems. They are well known. Besides, we also have the Belgrade Declaration, in which the common positions of the non- aligned countries are clearly set forth. My delegation will make more detailed statements on all these questions in the various Committees. 16.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We tried, at Belgrade, to consider calmly and objectively the present state of international relations and its causes. In setting out our observations and conclusions, we did not claim that we were able, or were the only ones competent, to propose the best solutions for international disputes. We stated that reliance on force and war as a means of settling international problems has never been more absurd than it is today, and that never more than today have force and war constituted a threat to the very existence of mankind. At the same time we stated that never be"! ,re has there been, in the world, so great an awareness of this absurdity or so strong a resistance to the policy of threats and war preparations. 14.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We are furthermore convinced that the existence of different ideologies and social systems is not in itself a factor which causes, or must necessarily cause, a worsening of international relations. What brings about this worsening is the policy of placing other peoples in a position of inequality, the policy of interfering in their internal affairs — in short, the policy of force. Such a policy cannot be justified on ideological or any other grounds. We likewise consider, as was clearly stated in the Belgrade Declaration, that the way to peace lies solely in action designed to reduce the area of antagonism between the blocs, to overcome the resulting division of the peoples and to weaken the hold fastened by such antagonism on the rest of the world. 13.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Next — and this seems to me quite obvious — it is in the first place for the countries espousing a policy of non-alignment to define and apply their own policy. Otherwise — that is, if we adopted the criteria of blocs — we should find it impossible to pursue a genuinely independent policy. 11. Again, when some say that we must be regarded as anti-Western because of our attitude on the colonial question, we can only reply: on this point we have nothing to change. We can only cease to be anti-Western if you yourselves, in the interests of the colonial peoples and of world peace and in your own interest, radically change the colonial policies which you have so far followed. 12. We persist in our belief that every people has the right freely to choose its own ideology or social ay stem. That is entirely its own affair.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Others, on the contrary, reproach us with having been too definite in our action, in a manner corresponding, as they say, neither to our material strength nor to our international influence. Others again suspected us of trying to create a third bloc, and announced, when their- predictions were not fulfilled, that we had failed because we had not succeeded in that aim. 9. Yet others, both before and after the Conference, posed the problem in completely erroneous terms. Would the Conference, they asked, be more favourable to the East or to the West? We do not in any way consider that a given standpoint is pernicious or is to be rejected simply because it is endorsed either by the Soviet Union or by the United States. Quite the contrary — it gives us sincere pleasure when the number of such common positions is increased. 10.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“On that occasion they gave expression, in a clear and detailed manner, to their judgements and views on the international situation and the major world problems. Several important documents were issued as a result of their fruitful work. 7. Even before the Conference met, its objectives and the line of its work gave rise to various forms of preoccupation. After its conclusion, the most varied and contradictory judgements were passed on its value and its true meaning. 8. Some reproach us with not having been sufficiently practical and with having let slip the opportunity to play our role — by which, of course, is meant a role that would suit the particular interests of one or the other bloc.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In the first place, the colonial Powers, aided to various degrees by their allies in the same bloc, are seeking in various ways to maintain for as long as possible their position in Africa and elsewhere. The second cause lies in the ever more inflexible tendency of the major Powers in the two blocs to demonstrate and apply a policy of force, which in fact amounts to a policy of placing the world on the brink of war. The entangling of these two factors further complicates the situation and prevents the real causes of the disputes and crises from being identified. 6. During this same period we have witnessed a powerful statement of position by the so-called "non-aligned" countries. A large number of the highest representatives of these countries met at the Belgrade Conference from 1 to 6 September.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The war continues in Algeria, for which France is to blame. In Angola, the fight for liberation, in the face of brutal repression by Portugal, is becoming ever fiercer. The Laos crisis has not been settled owing to foreign interference. For the same reason it has been impossible to normalize the situation in the Congo, the alleged Katanga problem being nothing but an instrument of subversion in the hands of foreign colonizers. Lastly, the negotiations between East and West, which have been conducted on different levels on various subjects, have yielded no appreciable results. 5. What, in our opinion, are the reasons for the negative development of international relations? We think that there are two fundamental causes at work.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“What has happened in the course of the past year, and how has the present deterioration in international relations come about? I do not want, here, to recapitulate all the events and facts, with which we are all familiar. I shall mention only a few of them, those which I regard as basic. 4. There has been a worsening of relations between East and West which has revealed itself notably in connexion with the German problem, and more particularly the problem of Berlin. The arms race has continued and has been consistently intensified, without there being any hope of an early agreement. The Soviet Union has brought to an end the moratorium which France had not respected on nuclear tests, after which the United States, for its part, has proceeded to make underground tests. At the same time, the Geneva talks have been suspended.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation and myself I would like to offer you our sincere congratulations, on your election as President of the sixteenth session of the General Assembly. This election is particularly important owing to the fact that this is the first time the highest United Nations office has been assumed by a representative of one of the countries of Africa, a continent which already has twenty-six Members in our Organization and from which new nations expect to take their place soon by our side, free and with equal rights. 2. The work of the sixteenth session is going forward in a situation fraught with difficulties and uncertainties. This situation has been strongly marked by the tragic disappearance of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Dag Hammarskjold. 3.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“At the same time, however, it has revealed the great complexity of the international situation and has drawn attention to certain burning problems of the present day for which no solution has yet been found. The general debate on the questions included in the Assembly's agenda and the adoption of recommendations framed in the clearest possible terms will bring the solution of those problems closer and will help to strengthen the position and authority of the United Nations in safeguarding the peace of the world and in developing friendly co-operation between its peoples. As in the past, in accordance with the policy which I have just outlined, the Yugoslav delegation will do its utmost to contribute to the success of this session.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“We continue to be of the opinion that the only proper way to settle the matter is for negotiations to take place between the two belligerent parties on a footing of equality. The recent statement by the President of the French Republic, recognizing the right of the Algerian people to self-determination, besides being and undoubted step forward in itself, indicates a readiness to adopt a more realistic and constructive approach to the prerequisites for a just and agreed solution. The abandonment of the policy of pacific action by force which is clearly incompatible with the recognition of the right to self-determination is also, however, required. 46. I come now to the conclusion of my statement. The course so far followed by the general debate makes it clear that the outlook for the development of international relations has improved.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“We are in the presence of a legitimate armed struggle by the Algerian people for their independence and their right to self-determination. The mere fact that the war has lasted so long proves this and also demonstrates the illegal nature of the so-called policy of pacification. Moreover, this state of affairs has unfortunate and dangerous repercussions on international relations, even beyond the bounds of North Africa. The attitude of my country towards this problem is well known and is based on clear-cut principles which we shall continue to uphold. 45. Last year, most of the delegations in the First Committee adopted the same point of view. In the meantime, unfortunately, there has been no improvement in the position. The war still goes on.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Nevertheless, there is still some resistance to this inexorable process of the total liquidation of colonialism, and such resistance is a constant source of tension in the world. Here, therefore, we are faced with an urgent task; we must do everything in our power to facilitate the advance of colonial peoples towards independence and to help them solve the problems which will confront them even after they have achieved their independence, problems which affect not only those peoples but the whole of mankind. The proper and early solution of the colonial question is indeed part and parcel of the problem of maintaining and strengthening peace throughout the world. 44. In this connexion, the problem of Algeria, which is to be discussed at the current session, is of particular importance.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“The progress of these countries towards independence and towards other methods of exercising their right to self-determination will confront the international community with a growing number of questions which, in one way or another, will come within the sphere of responsibility of the General Assembly and of its various organs. It is to be hoped that the comparatively speedy and peaceful advance of Nigeria towards independence together with the precedents set by Ghana and Guinea, will have a favourable effect on the Administering Powers themselves and will induce them to come forward with bolder and more realistic solutions to the question of the future of the Non-Self-Governing Territories.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“It is, however, fundamentally the same problem; the only difference is that it involves people who have not yet achieved freedom and independence. 43. With the entry of an increasing number of Non- Self-Governing Territories into the family of independent nations, the process whereby the system of trusteeship is being eliminated is gathering momentum. The international significance of the problems of the Non-Self-Governing Territories will become greater as more and more countries in Africa, the last continent in which relationships of the colonial type are still widespread, become independent States.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Thus, today, it is to be found among the countries with the highest rate of development. 40. The fact that we are now able to give some measure of economic aid to other countries is evidence of the extent to which conditions in Yugoslavia have improved during the last fifteen years. 41. We realize that other countries, in which conditions at the outset are much less favourable than ours were, will be faced with graver difficulties than those which we encountered in the past. That, I think, provides further support for the view we have expressed here, namely, that it is urgently necessary to grant economic aid, in an organized and effective manner, to the countries which need it, 42. Another facet of this same problem of the uneven economic advancement of under-developed countries is the colonial question.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“We ourselves have received some international aid, but it should be noted that it formed only a very small proportion of our national income and no political strings were attached to it. But we had to grapple alone with the difficult problem of how to turn our own resources to account, a task which called for immense efforts. For years, our investments, including military expenditure and investments for social and cultural purposes, amounted to some 50 per cent of our national income. In the early stages, development had to be strictly controlled; later, the controls were relaxed. The results of these efforts are already apparent. In recent years, Yugoslavia has been able to achieve an annual increase of 12 per cent in production and of 8 per cent in personal consumption.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“The simultaneous development of self-administration in social matters and of a system in which the actual producers control the means of production and exercise a decisive influence on distribution was, however, a most important factor in mobilizing the domestic resources of my country and in firing the enthusiasm of the workers. 38. Furthermore, our firm support for the principle of peaceful coexistence provides the most suitable climate in which to speed up the advancement of those countries which do not aspire to dominate other countries and which are faced with the problems of their own development. For that reason, we have endeavoured to promote the greatest possible co-operation, both in economic and in other matters, between ourselves and the various States in the world, regardless of their social or political systems. 39.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“It is obviously a complex, long-term problem, for the permanent solution of which constant study and research is required. 36. It might perhaps be advisable to consider the possibility of suiting up for this purpose a suitable, permanent special organ of the United Nations, the sole function of which would be to deal with this vast and complicated problem. 37. In considering all these problems, my Government also takes into account the experience gained different though the circumstances were — in the economic and political development of our country. In our endeavours to extricate it from the backwardness in which we found it, we realized that the development of democratic institutions and systems of administration was closely linked to material progress.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“In that part of my statement in which I dealt with certain disarmament problems, I already referred to the idea' — which, in our view, is entirely realistic — that, without waiting for the conclusion of a general agreement, a suitable proportion of existing military budgets should be devoted to providing aid for the under-developed countries. In this connexion, I think it should be borne in mind that, in the majority of under-developed countries, per caput income is only one-quarter of the per caput expenditure for military purposes alone in certain industrialized countries. Of course, the question of aid to under-developed countries is not one which can be put down as yet another item on the agenda and solved immediately, finally and completely by the General Assembly.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“We have always held that the United Nations should have at its disposal a powerful executive body through which it could exercise a practical influence on the solution of all these problems. That is why we have pressed so strongly, and still do so, for SUNFED to be set up as soon as possible. 34. I have laid so much stress on the urgency and importance of this problem because we realize that progress towards a solution can be achieved only with the full co-operation of the great Powers. Their consent, as regards both the means and the form of assistance, is essential and cannot, of course, be obtained through a majority vote. In the present favourable international situation, such consent may perhaps be more readily forthcoming. 35.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“At this point I think it worth recalling the following explicit statement by so great an expert on the question as Mr. Paul Hoffman, the Managing-Director of the Special Fund. "...the industrialized countries have to a large extent failed to undertake economic development in the less developed countries as something good, desirable and rewarding in itself; too often they have extended economic aid to 'win friends and influence people' and as an instrument in the cold war". 33. For all these reasons, and without wishing to deny the fact that all these programmes will continue to make a useful contribution, it is our view that, where aid is concerned, increasing emphasis should be placed on the United Nations.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Furthermore, the capital and economic aid flowing into under-developed countries totals about $3,000 million a year, a figure which would have to be at least trebled in order to narrow the existing gap. 31. In present circumstances, under-developed countries are obviously not in a position to finance an adequate rate of economic growth from their own resources. Up to now, most of the aid given to underdeveloped countries has been provided under bilateral, regional and multilateral programmes. It has frequently been made subject to various conditions which have nothing to do with economics and those who bestowed it pursued certain special objectives, a state of affairs that has further reduced the effectiveness of such aid in related to the real needs of the countries concerned. 32.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“There is, I think, no need for me to quote figures which are familiar to everyone and which reveal the appallingly tow economic level of these countries compared with that of the highly-developed industrial countries, and the manifest inadequacy of the aid they have so far received through bilateral, or multilateral programmes. There are, however, two or three salient features to which I should like to invite your attention. Thus, it is a known fact that more than 1,000 million human beings in under-developed countries have an annual income of less than $120, and that the annual increase in the national income in many of these countries scarcely keeps pace with the rate of population increase.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“It is becoming more and more widely realized that a satisfactory solution to that problem would be as much in the interests of the highly developed contributing countries as in that of the beneficiary countries. Yet although we agree on that point, it is obvious that we have not yet succeeded in drawing the necessary practical conclusions. In any event, there is a wide gap between the recognition of the importance of the problem of the under-developed countries and the practical steps so far taken to solve it, whether by providing the necessary means or by finding the most appropriate forms of assistance. 30.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“These problems reached their present acute stage largely as a result of the cold war, but they have all deeper roots in the world situation and in particular in the profound imbalance find instability of the world economy. We feel that today there can be no question of achieving a lasting policy of peace unless a rational and effective solution can be found to that fundamental question. 29. Although the scope and nature of the question have been largely obscured by ideas and practices arising out of the cold war, I believe that it is almost universally recognized that one of the causes and principal sources of this instability is the backward economic state of a large part of the world.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“In other words, we agree to the Ten-Power Committee’s being composed of an equal number of representatives of each bloc because we regard that as a practical measure and not one of discrimination against other Members of the United Nations, because the Committee is a temporary body set up for a specific purpose and because the results of its work, which we shall follow with sustained attention, will contribute not to the perpetuation of the present division into Power-blocs but to its gradual abolition. 28. As has been stated, many of the political or economic, long or short-term problems which are awaiting solution are interdependent and interconnected to such an extent that it is now scarcely possible to classify them in this way.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Obviously, there can be no question of excluding the United Nations from the consideration of the disarmament problem, and we do not think anyone would wish to do so. In view of the questions involved and of the situation in which we are at present, we think it would be wise to avoid any artificial antagonism between the Ten-Power Committee and the Disarmament Commission. Since the great Powers have reached agreement regarding the renewal of negotiations, and since the problem cannot be solved without their agreement, we shall naturally do our utmost to exercise, together with all other countries, a positive influence and assist the Committee in its work. 27.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“The arguments which have been adduced against the idea have not convinced us, since they are based on reasoning of a strictly military nature. This solution would provide a means of solving part of the world disarmament question in certain well-defined areas and would open the way to a political solution which would go far towards improving international relations. The disengagement area would not relate only to disarmament; it would also form part of efforts to achieve in Europe, today torn in two and in conflict over the question of divided Germany, a wide basis of cooperation between the peoples on both sides of the line which now separates them. 26. We have already expressed our opinion in the Disarmament Commission (65th meeting) regarding the functions and membership of the Ten-Power Committee.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“I am thinking now of an agreed reduction in military budgets and the allocation of ail or a percentage to be determined of the resources so obtained for assistance to underdeveloped countries to be organized on an international basis. I can see no convincing argument against such a plan. Its general advantages are obvious; it would involve no danger to any country. It would be relatively simple to carry out. 25. The second question which, in our view, could be solved in the immediate future is that of the establishment of what might be described as a "disengagement area" of limited armaments in central Europe; indeed, responsible political circles and large sections of public opinion in. Eastern and Western Europe have already declared their support for such a solution.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Bearing in m ad certain ideas contained in the plans which have already been submitted to us, and considering that there has already been a genuine reconciliation of views on many points, we urge only that the problems which previously appeared insoluble should be reconsidered in the light of the present favourable prospects. 24. Although we do not know whether all the parties concerned are really prepared to accept a general disarmament plan, and hence when such a plan can be put into effect, it seems to us, as in the case of nuclear tests, that there are other problems also on which agreement might be sought and obtained without delay.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Nevertheless, we are aware — and we do not think anyone can deny it — that appropriate forms of control can and should be established simultaneously with the process of gradual disarmament. This is no vague or indefinite formula. We are firmly convinced of the possibility of and the need for a reasonable and specific agreement in that field. We think, too, that agreement has already been reached at Geneva on the question of control and inspection of nuclear tests and that the differences of opinion which remain are not insurmountable.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“We have often had the impression that the rigid insistence on certain priorities revealed, on the one hand, a feeling of doubt regarding the possibility of reaching any agreement and on the other, because of the existing circumstances and from a fear of prejudicing their own interests on the part of the parties concerned, a lack of any wish for or even a desire to prevent an agreement. 23. For example, let us lake the question of control. Every rational individual understands clearly, as we have already stated on various occasions, that the problem is not that of disarmament as a consequence of control, but of control as a consequence of disarmament. Hence, to insist upon giving absolute priority to control can only mean one thing: the prevention of the realization of an agreement.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Furthermore, when u» tests are suspended, the status quo is maintained, so to speak, automatically, without the existence of a control organ, and without any doubts being felt on either side concerning the mutual implementation of the undertaking not to carry out such tests entered into separately by both parties. I am merely stating a fact. I do not deduce from it that Control is unnecessary. In our view, with the introduction of a healthier international atmosphere, less importance should be attached to so-called priorities than in the past. 22.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“We will deal with the substance of these proposals in detail when they are debated in Committee, but I should like to make a few observations of principle here and now. 20. We know that the question of so-called priorities has been the principal obstacle to the success of the negotiations so far held with regard to disarmament. I have in mind the following questions: Does the question of nuclear tests come within the field of disarmament? Can it or can it not be dealt with separately, before the other questions? Which comes first — control or disarmament, nuclear disarmament or disarmament in conventional weapons, intercontinental missiles or bases? 21. It is clear from the facts that the question of test explosions could be settled without delay and |part from the other problems.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Moreover, if to be realistic means to continue in the course which has systematically led the world into constantly increasing international tension, I think it would be worth while at least to give idealism a trial, on the understanding that during subsequent discussions, we can confine ourselves to what is practicable, 19. While maintaining this view, we attach due importance to the proposal [798th meeting] submitted to us by Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom Mr. Selwyn Lloyd, which in our opinion is designed for the same purpose. In any case we consider that it is our duty to do our utmost to find the common features of all these proposals, in order that the process of disarmament should begin without further delay and should, if possible, rapidly be brought to a successful conclusion.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Yet we should not allow that fact to disconcert or surprise us, since the situation in which we find ourselves and the dangers inherent in it are equally exceptional. We realize that the proposal might appear unrealistic unless there were to be a substantial improvement over the whole field of international relations. The conclusion to be drawn is that, instead of delaying disarmament on account of the situation in other fields, we should on the contrary endeavour immediately to improve relations in all those other fields so as to enable a radical solution of the disarmament problem to be reached in the near future. In any event, negotiations are in themselves the surest way to assess the realism of the proposal.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“At a time when the realization of a complex general agreement could obviously not have been expected, my Government, as is known, adhered to the principle of initial and partial agreements. I believe that it was right. This has been confirmed by events and also by the holding of relatively fruitful negotiations on the cessation of nuclear tests, though those negotiations have not yet been concluded. 18. In the meantime, while awaiting the continuation of the proceedings which apparently are already following a satisfactory course, we shall of course support all endeavours to reach a general agreement. Thus we welcome and shall support the radical proposal [799th meeting] on disarmament submitted to us here in the name of the Government of the Soviet Union by Mr. Khrushchev, its Head. This proposal is exceptionally radical in nature.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“We recall that, only a few years ago, it looked as though there was very little chance of bringing about the practical cessation of nuclear tests and still less of making any progress towards an agreement through negotiations. Nevertheless, it so happened that the general interest won the day, and that the nuclear powers themselves found, when they came to analyse their own interests more closely, that it was also to their advantage. 16. The present situation can only be interpreted as an improvement in conditions which ought to enable an agreement to be worked out in the decisive field of general disarmament in which, so far — save in the case of the nuclear tests already referred to — no progress has been made despite all efforts, chiefly because of the failure of the great Powers to come to terms. 17.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“Its complexity is attributable to the cold war, the present distribution of forces of the various military alliances, the special positions of different countries, conflict of interests, mutual mistrust and the understandable anxiety of the various Powers to preserve their national security in view of present conditions, and other similar factors. The technical aspects, which have been the chief topics of discussion so far, are of course an essential element in the problem, but in our view, the chief difficulties do not lie in this direction. We believe that it would be comparatively easy to solve the technical problems if political conditions were favourable. We cannot be convinced that the complexity of the problems and the different philosophies of the parties concerned constitute an insurmountable barrier to agreement. 15.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“However, even if there have been acts committed on the Chinese side which are not in conformity with this procedure — the only one which is constructive — it merely reinforces our conviction that, apart from the question of principle, the full participation of the People's Republic of China in the work of the United Nations would help to avoid and to settle disputes of this kind and to prevent other similar disputes from arising. 13. I should like now to touch briefly upon a number of questions to which my Government attaches special importance. 14. First, disarmament. Clearly, this question is of vital importance from the point of view of peace.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)
“It is all the more regrettable, therefore, that the question of the representation of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations has still not been settled in a positive manner, because of the obstinate opposition, in particular, of the United States, and that it. has proved impossible even to attempt a settlement. However, this year once more, a comparatively long debate has taken place on this question. I think it has re-emphasized the arbitrary, unjust, and undeniably harmful nature of this negative attitude. If the present dispute on the frontier between China and India is invoked as a fresh argument in favour of this negative attitude, my answer is that Yugoslavia has always considered that such disputes should be settled peacefully by joint agreement.”
1959-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 14 (1959)