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Mudenda

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS MUDENDA

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1969-09-24
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1973-09-24
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  1. It is indeed gratifying to record that at the last OAU summit meeting, the forces of dialog suffered a resounding defeat by the outright rejection by the OAU of dialog with South African racists. They had hoped to divide Africa, but thanks to the political awareness of Africa they failed dismally. 162. Our position is, and has always been, that if the white racists in South Africa are interested in genuinely discussing the question of self-determination for the black majority, they should do it with the people's representatives inside South Africa. The Prime Minister of South Africa has often stated that the purpose of the so-called dialog with African Heads of State is to tell them how good apartheid is. This would, for all practical purposes and intents, be a monologue as opposed to a dialog. 163.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  2. If the world is genuine in its expression of horror at the systematic denial of human dignity and freedom to non-whites in South Africa, then it must refuse to play with apartheid. And in the process of refusing to play with apartheid we can build an international consciousness capable of genuinely confronting the apartheid system as a whole. 161. South Africa has begun to feel the mounting pressures of the liberation movement, which is constantly gaining strength every single day. In a desperate attempt to counter the effects of the liberation movement, it has embarked on a policy promoting what has popularly come to be known as "dialog" with certain independent African States.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  3. The special role of sport in South Africa makes it particularly vulnerable to world pressure. There is strong evidence that this pressure is having an important effect in opening up some of the cracks beginning to appear in apartheid. Within South Africa unprecedented calls are now coming from white sportsmen and sports bodies for more integrated sport in opposition to the Government's policies. Those calls may not be based on principled grounds, but at least the flame of non-racialism in sport is beginning to flicker on the horizon. It is as yet tenuous, and if we are to see concrete moves towards non-racialism it is important that world pressure be uncompromisingly maintained. It is equally important that white South Africa's few remaining avenues for sports participation be closed. 160.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  4. Gradually but relentlessly, South Africa's racialist sports structure has been forced into isolation as one by one its white sports teams have been thrown out of international sports organizations of the world. It is significant that in the process public opinion has been focused not merely on apartheid in sport but on apartheid as a whole. The white South Africans obviously consider it important to see their teams accepted on the sports fields of the world in competition with countries theoretically hostile to apartheid. And that is why international opposition to apartheid in sport has had such a devastating impact on South Africa. 159. We appeal to the nations of the world to continue pressure against the inclusion of racist South Africa in international sport. That is a particularly sensitive nerve within South Africans.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  5. The fact that South Africa has managed to defy the resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly and the decisions of the Security Council has led us to believe that that defiance is the result of the strong economic ties that exist between South Africa and parts of the Western world, whose citizens and corporations are benefiting by trade and economic transactions. 158. The inhuman actions of the Government of South Africa have aroused the feelings of nearly every country in the world in a manner unknown to exist towards any other people or any other regime. World • opposition to the tyranny of apartheid has probably expressed itself most effectively in the field of sport. It is certainly within sport that the international campaign against white supremacy in South Africa has recently met with the most dramatic series of successes.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  6. Apartheid is a policy based on racial segregation and racial discrimination. It is pursued in a most rigorous and brutal manner by a minority of whites against the large majority of Africans, Euro-Africans and Asians. In order to pursue such a policy a cruel regime has been established, supported by a police State and the most wicked "legal" system imaginable. South Africa is the only country in the world that proclaims the inequality of its citizens and its laws. I repeat that: South Africa is the only country in the world that proclaims the inequality of its citizens and its laws.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  7. We are aware that since June this year there have been sell-out talks between the Smith regime and Lord Goodman, a representative of the United Kingdom Government. We wish to remind the world that at one time the policy of "No Independence Before Majority Rule" (NIBMAR) was accepted by the then United Kingdom Government. However, it would now appear that the Conservative government is willing and ready to accept a so-called settlement that would indefinitely leave the African majority under the ruthless control of the white minority. We wish to warn the Conservative government that that approach will have unacceptable political and economic consequences. 157. My Head of State, H.E. Kenneth Kaunda, has already called apartheid a threat to international peace and security and an indescribable crime against humanity.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  8. We in Zambia never succumb to any kind of intimidation or blackmail, irrespective of its source. We wish to record our appreciation to the various Governments, church organizations and others in various parts of the world who have joined and are intensifying the struggle against apartheid, colonialism and racialism. 156. Although sanctions have been of doubtful political value, they should be maintained and tightened, because any abandonment of sanctions against the Smith regime would signal a general collapse of efforts to exert international pressure on it. The morale of the freedom fighters in Zimbabwe is boosted by the awareness that the international community supports their legitimate struggle.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  9. Although the Security Council has in paragraph 15 of its resolution 253(1968) and in paragraph 16 of its resolution 277 (1970) recognized our unenviable geographical proximity, we have continued to implement Security Council and General Assembly resolutions to the maximum extent possible. Our letter dated 10 July 1970 to the Secretary-General in response to the above-mentioned resolutions clearly stated that between November 1965 and 30 June 1970 we had reduced our imports from the rebel colony by 96 per cent. We shall continue our efforts to implement the decisions of the Security Council despite our geographical position. 155. Zambia has been the object of economic blackmail, mounted by its hostile neighbors, in an effort to influence the policies of the Government.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  10. Today force is the order of the day in Rhodesia, because the United Kingdom Government refused to accept our advice and instead embarked on a gradual policy of sanctions that were applied selectively and enforced half-heartedly. It was incredibly naive for the United Kingdom Government to expect selective sanctions to be effective in converting the white settlers to non-racialism. Nevertheless we supported the implementation of sanctions against the rebel colony because we did not want to give the United Kingdom Government cause for blaming their lamentable failure to crush the Smith regime on us.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  11. It has embarked on a systematic campaign of extermination directed against the African people and their leaders, who are being held in detention camps without trial. It is important that we reaffirm our condemnation of the illegal declaration of independence by the Smith, regime. 154. In 1965, after the unilateral declaration of independence by the Smith regime, we called on the United Kingdom Government to use force to crush the rebellion, which they officially acknowledged to be illegal and unconstitutional. We called for the use of force-not because we were blood-thirsty but because we were convinced that force would have averted bloodshed.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  12. We condemn Portuguese colonialism in the strongest terms, and we also condemn its criminal acts of aggression directed against independent African States whose only crime is that they support the just cause of the peoples under Portuguese colonial domination. 153. Since the unilateral declaration of independence by the white minority regime in Salisbury several unrealistic attempts have been made by the United Kingdom Government to find a settlement. The rebel regime has continued to drift at an unabated pace along the path to apartheid and to a certain extent has b *en aided by the administering Power. The Smith regime has consolidated its political, military and economic position.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  13. We have glaring examples of Portuguese aggression against the sister countries of Senegal, the Republic of Guinea, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the People's Republic of the Congo, the United Republic of Tanzania and our own country, Zambia, 152. Portugal's position as an ally of NATO in Europe is particularly anomalous. However much the Western Powers may protest that they accept no responsibility for Portuguese actions outside the NATO perimeter we do not believe that alliance politics play no part in the Western attitude towards Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) or that NATO assistance to Portugal does not directly further its war effort in Africa. Despite frequent denials to the contrary, it is common knowledge that the NATO allies have since the 1950s consulted regularly on developments in Africa.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  14. The patience of the African people is not unlimited, and if the colonial authorities in Lisbon cannot come out of their shell of illusion and reconcile themselves to the facts of modern change and development the people of Africa have no alternative but to intensify the struggle by providing moral and material assistance to enable the people under Portuguese oppression to rid themselves of foreign domination. 151. We know that there are some Western countries within and outside the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] which have continued to support Portugal in its criminal wars against the people under its domination and also against independent African countries.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  15. It is also a reaffirmation of our knowledge that Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) are an integral part of Africa and not part of the dreamland of the Iberian Peninsula, We in Zambia will be among the first to extend a fraternal hand to Portugal as soon as it has granted the right of self-determination to its colonial peoples in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). We believe that this step will lead to cessation of wars of attrition, massacres and hostilities. 150. Colonialism cannot coexist with freedom, and our claim for a free Africa is incomplete if any parts of the African continent are still tormented and exploited.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  16. Membership of the United Nations calls for more responsibility than has so far been demonstrated by the fascist colonial regime in Lisbon. 149. The Government and people of Zambia salute the achievement of our brothers and sisters in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) for the heroic struggle they are currently waging. We note with pride and satisfaction that, since the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly they have registered even greater victories. We salute these patriotic sons and daughters of Africa because we are beginning to see a ray of hope-a hope of regaining a personality that has for many years been brutally crushed and destroyed by a colonial Power.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  17. The Secretary-General of our Organization has recently described the failure of millions of people to exercise their right to self-determination in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and the Charter of the United Nations "as a direct challenge to the Charter and an anachronism unacceptable to the membership of this Organization" [A/8401/Add.l, para. 55], 148. I should now like to address myself to the question of Portuguese colonial wars in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). Portugal's refusal to implement General Assembly and Security Council resolutions on the granting of freedom and independence to all people under Portuguese colonial domination cuts across the very spirit of the United Nations Charter. This arrogant attitude on the part of Portugal reduces the United Nations to virtual impotence.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  18. His efforts and his contribution towards the cause of peace and justice cannot be erased from the minds of those who knew him and what he stood for. May his soul rest in peace, 147. The colonial situation in southern Africa continues to be a grave threat to international peace and security. The General Assembly, the Security Council, the Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, the Organization of African Unity, and many other international forums have adopted numerous resolutions calling for an unconditional end to the colonial situation which exists in southern Africa and other parts of the world.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  19. The success which crowned our last session is attributable in no small measure to his able and wise leadership. Our Secretary General, UThant, as always, deserves our gratitude, support and encouragement. We are indebted to him for his tireless efforts in the cause of peace and justice. His is an immeasurable service to mankind; and we wish him well. 145. We extend a cordial welcome to the three new Members of the United Nations family-Bhutan, Bahrain and Qatar. We are confident that they will contribute positively to the work of the United Nations. 146. On a sombre note, allow me also to pay a tribute to one of Africa's elder and outstanding statesmen, William Tubman, the late President of Liberia, who spent his last 28 years in the service of humanity, The Government and people of Zambia deeply mourn his loss.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  20. 143. Mr. President, my delegation congratulates you whole-heartedly on your election to the high office of President of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly. We see in it a recognition on both of your high personal attributes and of the contribution and positive role which your great country has made in the United Nations and in the non-aligned movement. Your credentials give my delegation complete confidence that you are eminently qualified to guide the proceedings of this session of the General Assembly. You can count on the unstinting support and co-operation of my delegation to make your tenure of office a success. 144. Permit me also to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Edvard Hambro of Norway, who presided over the deliberations of the momentous twenty-fifth anniversary session with firmness and fairness.

    1971-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 26 (1971)

  21. We also hope that as we enter the 1970s priority will be given to the improvement of the quality of life, the elimination of exploitation of man by man, and the increased educational programmes to prepare our youth for work in national reconstruction and in helping to make this world a happy place to live in. 56. In conclusion, I should like to re-emphasize our firm conviction in the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and to reiterate our belief in the equality and sovereignty of all States, as well as in the right of self-determination. We believe that unless all nations of the world begin to proceed from and to be guided by the tenets, the peace of the world cannot be assured. We, for our part, pledge our fullest co-operation in pursuit of these noble objectives.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  22. We, in Zambia, have always attached great importance to the role of the United Nations, not only in the political but also in the economic, cultural and social fields, and we express our whole-hearted appreciation of the endeavours of the United Nations and ifs agencies in seeking to improve the lot of man. As we enter the Second Development Decade, it is the hope of my delegation that precise attention will be paid to reducing the economic gaps that exist between the rich and the poor. nations and, between the developed and developing States of the world. The small and economically weaker:nations cannot for ever depend on aid from developed nations, but must be assisted in the development and exploitation of their own resources.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  23. The presence of foreign troops in South Korea militates against a dialogue between the North and the South. Those troops must be withdrawn at once, for if there is to be any peace in Korea, it will be a peace worked out by the peoples of that country alone, The United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea has obviously outlived its usefulness and shall therefore be dissolved. 55. I have given an incomplete balance sheet of the international conflicts and tensions that have existed for some time now. Grave and intolerable as they are, they still do not shake our confidence and the trust we place in the United Nations.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  24. We meet today in the sad memory of the death of one of the great revolutionary leaders of all time, Ho Chi Minh. He was a man of great courage and determination. Through self-sacrifice and personal defiance of the forces of oppression, he rose to be one of the world’s greatest leaders. We would have peace in Viet-Nam if it were not for so much external interference. It stands to reason that until Viet-Nam is ruled and controlled by the indigenous people of that country we cannot honestly hope for any peace. My delegation takes note of President Nixon’s token withdrawal of United States troops from Viet-Nam and hopes that all foreign troops will be withdrawn as quickly as possible to enable the people of Viet-Nam to decide their own destiny without outside influence. 54. My delegation holds a similar view regarding the situation in Korea.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  25. The small nations of the world can do nothing but appeal to the consciences of the big Powers to limit the production of nuclear armament and equipment that might lead to the eventual destruction of humanity. In the words of our illustrious Secretary-General, the inclusion of the People’s Republic of China in disarmament talks would at last break the “mad momentum of the arms race” and point out the road to a world free from fear. We believe that those who seek to exclude the People’s Republic of China from the important deliberations of the world community by imposing prohibitive conditions are indeed unaware of the hard fact that international peace and security will be determined by the type of relationship that exists between Peking on the one hand and Washington and Moscow on the other. 53.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  26. My delegation understood that statement to mean that, during the course of this General Assembly session, the delegation of the United States would accept the proposal to welcome the People’s Republic of China to the fold of the international community and to the resumption of its permanent seat in the Security Council and its role in this Organization. Indeed we make a mockery of peace and nuclear disarmament if we do not. include so powerful a nation as China and invite it to take part in the orderly conduct of international affairs according to the Charter of the United Nations. 52. No argument can be taken seriously that ignores the realities of twentieth-century Asian politics and the preeminence in Asia, and for that matter the rest of the world, of China as a great and powerful nation.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  27. We stand solidly behind the 22 November 1967 resolution of the Security Council and we call upon both parties to create an atmosphere in which an honourable settlement can be reached. We do not believe that these conditions of peaceful negotiation are possible outside the terms of this resolution. The world has witnessed continuous violations of cease-fire pledges and other forms of violent actions culminating in wanton destruction of sacred edifices. Surely it is time that parties to the Middle East conflict modified their attitudes in order to bring peace to that disturbed area. 51. In his address to this Assembly on 18 September 1969, President Nixon referred to the “self-imposed isolation” [1755th meeting, para. 70] of the People’s Republic of China.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  28. Any such attempt, however, must recognize the fact that there are two sides involved in the conflict, and these must be invited together to a round-table conference. The problem is one of determining the future juridical and political structure of Nigeria and Biafra. This must be decided upon by the people of that part of Africa, for it is they who know what is best for them. My Government and people will do their utmost to see to it that under the right conditions—and one of them is an immediate cease-fire—peace and stability are restored to that region of Africa so badly torn by fratricide. 50. It now remains for me to refer again briefly to yet another conflict continuing in the Middle East.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  29. Over the last two years and a quarter the war between Biafra and Nigeria has been brought to a complete stalemate. The victims of this war are the innocent children and the helpless women. The conflict is still far from being solved. We believe that, in the effort to bring about a settlement, the means tried so far have failed. Apparently, the Governments of the United Kingdom and the USSR believe that the solution lies in increasing the supply of weapons of mass destruction. We submit that the greatest contribution the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union can make is to use their high diplomatic offices to impress upon the parties to the conflict the need and urgency for a negotiated and peaceful settlement.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  30. As long as these vicious forces exist, the peace and security of the world in general, and that of Africa in particular, will continue to be threatened, In its pursuit of colonial wars in Africa, Portugal has already violated the territorial integrity of the sovereign States of Senegal, Guinea, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Tanzania and Zambia. We condemn these violations most strongly and we urge Portugal to reappraise its policies immediately. By doing so it ‘will lessen the number of areas of conflict, and tension in the world, clearly amplified in the Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa which was endorsed by the Assembly of African Heads of State and Government recently held in Addis Ababa. 49. Let me touch briefly on another subject which my delegation views with considerable sorrow and grief: the Biafra-Nigeria conflict.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  31. We understand both the absurdities and the tragedies of individual losses of life, the stagnation of the economy and the general impoverishment of the indigenous peoples of southern Africa resulting from the oppressive activities of a decaying Portuguese empire and the implacable domineering element made up of its racist. minorities in Rhodesia and South Africa. With the best will in the world, the free and independent African countries bordering on southern Africa cannot escape a bloody involvement unless the world body takes positive preemptive measures for its prevention. 48. Permit me to say that if I have dwelt at length on exposing the fierce threat of a racial war in the southern part of Africa it is to inform this body that Africa is still a victim of colonialism and imperialism.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  32. In Angola, the same pattern is manifest, Military activity has spread from northern and eastern Angola as far as the Caprivi Strip. The annual loss of life for Portugal in Angola alone has increased by some 30 per cent, and, while Portugal’s total armed forces now stand at 180,000, a majority of these are in colonies distributed roughly as follows: 55,000 in Angola, 30,000 in Guinea (Bissau) and 65,000 in Mozambique. The cost of maintaining these troops for the period 1965 to 1967 constituted some 44 per cent of the total public expenditure and covered some 50 per cent of the annual income. The figures for 1969 show that, out of a budget of about 25 billion escudos, about 11 billion are earmarked for defence and security. 47. We live very close to the scene of racial strife in southern Africa.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  33. We also know that in Mozambique military activity has spread to the north and north-western parts of Tete District. These clashes have reached such proportions that the Tete Regional Hospital has been turned into a military hospital. Because of these clashes, villages close to the Zambian border have been regrouped into special villages. 46. The liberation and nationalist movements now control at least one fifth of Mozambique and have at their disposal thousands of patriots prepared to make even greater sacrifices to ensure the total liberation of their motherland. In 1968 not only did activity in the Tete District break out into the open, but liberation movement meetings were held for the first time in Mozambique itself.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  34. My delegation must warn Portugal and its supporters that the oppressed people of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea (Bissau) will not give up the struggle until they actually govern and shape the destinies of their own countries. It is an irony of modern imperialism that a country as poor, as illiterate and as comparatively backward as Portugal should allot the greater percentage of its budget to arms and weapons in order to suppress a people so far away from the Iberian Peninsula. Allies of Portugal, particularly members of NATO, must urge it to refrain from pursuing such a disastrous policy. 45. We learn with satisfaction that the African freedom-fighters in Guinea (Bissau) have already, through their own determined efforts, seized a substantial part of their own territory from the Portuguese colonial grip.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  35. 43, The position in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau) remains, of course, unchanged. Portugal now maintains about 150,000 troops to support its colonial war effort in Africa: This is possible because of the active support that Portugal enjoys from its allies in NATO. On the other hand, as. expected, the freedom movement in these territories is gaining strength. South Africa is also intervening as much in Angola and Mozambique as it has done in Zimbabwe. Regarding the Portuguese colonies in Africa, the new Caetano administration has so far shown no sign of modifying the hard-line oppressive administration of Salazar. 44.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  36. If the United Nations must rid the world of oppression, racial discrimination and intolerance, it is vitally urgent that effective measures be adopted to terminate any pretended claims which the South African Government may have over any part of Namibia. The United Nations Council for Namibia, created by the General Assembly, must be given full support and assistance by all Member States of the United Nations so that it can assume the responsibility entrusted to it to prepare the indigenous people for self-determination and independence. The latest Security Council resolution [269 (1969)], adopted on 12 August 1969, prescribed 4 October 1969 as the definite date of withdrawal by the Government of South Africa from the Territory of Namibia, and my delegation would like to see effect given to-this resolution.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  37. My delegation deeply regrets the fact that in spite of General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI) terminating the authority of the Government of South Africa over Namibia no effective steps have yet been taken by the United Nations to establish the Organization’s authority in the Territory. This body must bring more pressure to bear on the Pretoria Government. The oppressed people of the world who look upon the United Nations as the only hope for the future have begun to ask questions regarding the effectiveness of this body. Self-respecting nations feel disillusioned now that Namibia is being segmented into the meaningless political units called bantustans, and is the immediate target of the policy of apartheid. 42.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  38. Instead, the United Kingdom resorted to manoeuvres which ultimately aimed not at quelling the rebellion any longer, but rather at ending illegality.” 40. The appeal we made to the Security Council on 13 June 1969 is valid even today. It is the view of my delegation that, with only a little goodwill and despite the oppressive developments that have taken place in Rhodesia since then, the Government of the United Kingdom could alter the course of events in that country. Rhodesia, we repeat, is Britain’s responsibility and we cannot acquit it of this responsibility until the people of Zimbabwe attain majority rule. 41. Let me now turn briefly to the situation in Namibia with which this Organization is so familiar.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  39. “If, however, for reasons of trade and colour, or racialism, as well as global military strategy, certain members of the Council are not prepared for a confrontation with South Africa, the alternative is the use of force in Rhodesia itself. We have been realistic enough to know that the loss of life would have been, and would still be, minimized if the administering Power had used that force, rather than the Security Council-or any other organ of the United Nations. Unfortunately, however, hitherto the United Kingdom—and we must stress that Rhodesia is its responsibility-while at first talking about its intention to quell the rebellion, to restore constitutionality and ultimately prepare the people for majority rule in Zimbabwe, has ruled out the only weapon it could have used to achieve those objectives.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  40. And in this connexion I can do no better than restate what I said to the Security Council on 13 June 1969 [1475th meeting] when I last addressed it on the question of Rhodesia. I said then: “If the Security Council wishes to succeed in Rhodesia, then it must be prepared to apply the provisions of Articles 41 and 42 of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. South Africa and Portugal will have to decide whether to co-operate with the noble efforts of the Council or to obstruct this Council’s decisions for the sake of merely supporting an illegal racist minority régime in Rhodesia and, therefore, be prepared for the consequences.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  41. We submit further that, unless backed by effective means of enforcement, the policy of sanctions cannot bring about the required change. Although the United Kingdom has broken off diplomatic relations with Rhodesia, there are still British financial corporations conducting open trade and investing heavily in Rhodesia through their agents and subsidiaries based in South Africa, thereby giving aid and comfort to the rebels. Besides stating that it cannot apply force in Rhodesia, the United Kingdom Government has also stated that because of its vital economic interests in South Africa it cannot lay on an embargo against South Africa and Portugal which are aiding the rebel colony. 39. It is necessary for me at this stage to reiterate briefly the kind of steps we in Zambia believe are necessary to bring about the desired results in Rhodesia.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  42. For nearly four years now, a clique of white settlers in Rhodesia have been living in a state of continuous rebellion refusing to surrender the political power wrested from the metropolitan Power unwilling to topple the rebel régime. 38. My Government believes that, so far, the half-hearted measures lied by the United Kingdom Government in trying to normalize the situation in Rhodesia, have been deplorably ineffective. We in Zambia believe that this is a result of deliberate indifference on the part of Britain. Bilateral talks between the United Kingdom Prime Minister and the chief representative of the rebels, Ian Smith, the self-styled Prime Minister of Rhodesia, have failed; and they were meant to fail. We submit that the policy of economic sanctions adopted by the Security Council has also failed dismally.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  43. The principle of self-determination of countries and peoples-a principle, time and again reaffirmed by this international body—will continue to be flouted with impunity. This spectre of decadence appears in varying shapes and degrees all over the world and in its most objectionable form Zimbabwe, South Africa, Namibia and the territories controlled by colonialist Portugal. 36. Coming from a country sharing common borders with minority régimes, I would be failing in my duty if in discussing international peace and security I did not draw the attention of the world to ‘the miserable plight of millions of Africans who continue to be denied the human rights enshrined in the Charter and so cherished by the United Nations. 37.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  44. The Charter’s most cherished, fundamental clauses have been honoured by so many of us more in the breach than in the observance; injustice, exploitation of man by man and of State by State have become the order of the day, breeding tension bound to lead to international strife and the rupture of peace, security and stability. Certain Members of this Organization have repeatedly committed acts contrary to the spirit of the Charter and have defied all appeals to accept their obligations under the Charter. As long as this defiant attitude prevails and people continue to sit in this Assembly year in and year out, speaking of peace and justice and of equal rights for all men without meaning what they say, these monstrous crimes against humanity will continue.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  45. Another important function of the Organization is to promote international trade on a world-wide basis and to encourage co-operative and complementary development in the economic, scientific, social and cultural fields. 34. If, therefore, Madam President, the Zambian: delegation has sought your permission to speak at this stage, it is to remind ourselves of these lofty aims and objectives of the international Organization. All of us representing our countries here today have resolved to honour these invaluable objectives and to turn them into reality. 35. But, alas, it is also fact that many of us have expediently chosen to make a mockery of our obligations under the Charter.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  46. The Organization is expected to take effective measures to prevent and remove threats to peace, to suppress acts of aggression and other breaches of the peace and by peaceful means in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, to bring about adjustments in or a settlement of international disputes. It.is also expected to prevent situations likely to lead to a breach of the peace. It cannot hope to succeed by taking negative measures only of a curative nature. A more important task is for the Organization to foster the development among nations of friendly relations based on respect for the principles of equal rights and self-determination of all peoples.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  47. Ever since he came to office in the shadow of that tragic event the loss of his predecessor, Dag Hammarskjöld, he has grappled with the ceaseless spate of international crises, and it is to his credit that we are still sitting together to nurse the wounds of the past years and to review progress towards a better world in which nations can, hopefully, put an end to intolerance of race and internecine wars. We are all aware that our world is prone to disintegration. 33. The United Nations is charged with the grave responsibility of maintaining international peace and security.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  48. On a personal note, Madam President, allow me to recall a friend, Tom Mboya, Kenya’s late Minister for Economic Development and Planning, who for the greater part of his life devoted himself to the noble causes of freedom; the right to self-determination and development of the nations and the peoples of Africa. The Zambian delegation deeply mourns his death. His efforts and contribution cannot be erased from the minds of those who knew him. 32. The Secretary-General, as always, deserves our gratitude and encouragement.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  49. I should also like, Madam President, to pay particular tribute to your predecessor, the late Dr. Emilio Arenales of Guatemala for his unforgettable devotion to duty during his short but eventful tenure of office. It is only after he has gone that the endurance of the man in his very last year of life can be appraised. All of us who remember the way he steered the meetings over a very eventful period still cherish a warm and respectful admiration for him. We are indebted to him for his tireless efforts in the cause of peace and justice. May his services to mankind never be forgotten. 31.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  50. 29. Madam President, once again the General Assembly is graced by the election of a woman as President. It is symbolic that this mother of assemblies should be guided by a woman, especially one of such outstanding accomplishments and qualities. On behalf of my delegation I wish to congratulate you most sincerely on your election to the very high office of President of the United Nations General Assembly at its twenty-fourth session. Your credentials, Madam President, show clearly that you are eminently qualified to conduct, to the satisfaction of all, the business of the current session of the General Assembly. You will be able to count on the co-operation of my delegation in making your tenure of office as successful as, I am sure, it will be enjoyable.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)