YouSaid · the spoken record

Robert Mugabe

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154
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1999-09-24
most recent
2017-09-24
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11
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un-general-debate

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  1. Iraq today has become a vast inferno created by blatant and completely illegal and defiant acts of aggression by the United States, Britain and their allies, in the full trail of which the world has witnessed mass destruction of both human lives and property, and with them our human rights, values, morality and the norms of international law as enshrined in our Charter. We are now being coerced into accepting and believing that a new political-cum-religious doctrine has arisen, namely, that there is but one political god - George W. Bush - and that Tony Blair is his prophet. It is the Koran writ anew in Baghdad. The United Nations Charter remains the only and most sacred document and proponent of the relations of our nations. Anything else is political heresy.

    2004-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 59 (2004)

  2. At the fifty-eighth session, I spoke alongside others about the need to reform the United Nations and its related bodies so as to make them more democratic. I stressed the perils inherent in the status quo, particularly with regard to the dominance of global politics by one super-Power and its closest allies. While we welcome the current debate on enhancing the authority and role of the United Nations, we wish to stress the need to address the core issue of the democratization of international governance. Debate on the reform of the Security Council has been too long drawn out because of attempts calculated to protect those whose interests are best served by the status quo. Ironically, it is some of those same forces that, since last year, have been raining bombs and hellfire on innocent Iraqis purportedly in the name of democracy.

    2004-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 59 (2004)

  3. I am delighted to congratulate Mr. Ping, a distinguished son of Africa, upon his election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. Indeed, at a time when the community of nations has committed itself to paying due attention to issues that relate to development in Africa through support for the New Partnership for Africaís Development and other mechanisms, his presidency gives us the hope and confidence that our concerns and aspirations and those of others will remain high on the agenda of this body. Let me also express our sincere appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, for the efficient and exemplary manner in which he conducted the business of the fifty- eighth session.

    2004-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 59 (2004)

  4. My country remains committed to playing a positive role in peacekeeping efforts carried out under the auspices of the United Nations. Indeed, we have so far played our part fully and magnificently.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  5. We are encouraged by the increase, under a Chapter VII mandate, of the force levels of the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as well as by the imposition of a 12-month arms embargo over areas in the troubled eastern part of the Congo. We also urge the international community to rally behind the peace initiative of the Economic Community of West African States aimed at bringing peace to Liberia. The transition to peace in Liberia has confirmed that, with international goodwill and support, African solutions to African problems are possible. To strengthen the peace process, we call upon the international community to address the humanitarian crisis facing the Liberian people as a result of a debilitating civil war.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  6. We call upon the international community to complement our efforts. The situation in the Middle East remains grave and troubled. A conflict that is quite costly on both sides of the divide continues unabated, with the only response from the international community coming by way of episodic judgements that maldistribute blame on the basis of individual national interests. Especially 4 wrong is the belief that settlement can come only through ostracizing and even eliminating the leadership of the Palestinian people. Assassinations and extrajudicial killings must be rejected as a formula for peace. Zimbabwe welcomes the measures adopted by the Security Council aimed at strengthening the peace process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  7. We urge the North to engage in honest negotiations and to desist from trying to use the WTO forum for hegemonic ends. Zimbabwe and other countries in the subregion continue to grapple with the effects of the HIV/AIDS scourge. To combat the epidemic, my Government has declared HIV/AIDS a national emergency. We have embarked on a national programme of prevention, the highlight of which consists of mass mobilization to deepen awareness and understanding of the disease. As a result of that campaign, our infection rate in the sexually active 15 to 49 age group has come down from 35 per cent to 24 per cent. Through our national efforts, the AIDS levy has to date raised $8 billion. That money is being distributed through a decentralized structure that ensures accessibility right down to the village level.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  8. A land review committee recently set up by my Government to assess the whole reform programme has now submitted its findings, which will help us in mapping the way forward to achieve sustainable development in the agricultural sector, in line with the criteria and objectives we set ourselves. In the area of world trade, Zimbabwe believes in a multilateral trading system that serves well all members of the trading nations. It is therefore a matter of some grave regret that the developing countries of the South and those of the developed North could not reconcile their differences, and thus rendered inconclusive the Cancún mid-term review of the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) Doha Development Agenda. We in the South were right to reject the so-called new issues that the North insisted be negotiated first.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  9. Notwithstanding that determined and resolute attempt at frustrating our land-reform programme, the fast-track phase through which we reasserted our sovereign right over our land as a principal resource is largely concluded, and is now yielding tangible benefits to the vast majority of our people. There is a new sense of empowerment, yielding a happy sense of ownership, which has brought thousands upon thousands of hitherto marginalized families back into the economic mainstream. Zimbabwe’s National Economic Revival Programme gives clear priority to agriculture as the engine for economic revival and growth. We are forging ahead on the basis of our own efforts and support from nations of good will. We are determined to move on and succeed.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  10. The extraneous conditionalities of the Bretton Woods institutions, imposed by the powerful countries for the qualification or disqualification of beneficiaries, are intended to further the national interests of the big Powers and to justify wanton interference in the affairs of small nations. Is it not a baffling irony that a small country like Zimbabwe, which, after it responded positively to a distress call by a neighbour suffering aggression — even by United Nations reckoning — was deemed ineligible to access IMF and World Bank funding for the very reason of having gone to the rescue of that neighbour? One hopes that the new, recent realization by the World Bank that land reforms are at the heart of poverty eradication mark the beginning of a new outlook on its part.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  11. 96] In the light of that stark reality, it is evident that the decisions of the Security Council, which have a decisive impact on events in the real world, increasingly lack legitimacy in the eyes of the developing world. Even the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, popularly known as the World Bank, whose raison d’être was to provide assistance to the developing world, have succumbed to the whims and caprices of the major Powers. The Bretton Woods institutions, in their current form and practice, are designed to deny developing countries the capacity to chart their independent developmental path.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  12. What is good for the goose must surely be good for the gander. The present autocracy in global governance must be challenged stoutly so that all nations, big or small, have an equal 3 say and equal power in the way in which we govern world affairs. The Security Council just has to democratize, and that means re-examining its composition and the way in which power is distributed, and therefore exercised, within that crucial body. I am happy that the Secretary- General’s current report entitled “Implementation of the United Nations Millennium Declaration”, is in agreement with our concerns that “The composition of the Security Council — unchanged in its essentials since 1945 — seems at odds with the geopolitical realities of the twenty-first century.” [A/58/323, para.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  13. The reality today is that we cannot treat the United Nations system as given. The institutional arrangements in place were relevant only for a specified period, and must inevitably be adapted, transformed or even radically modified as material circumstances have changed and prevailing meanings, practices and purposes have been challenged by new inter-subjective voices. In today’s unipolar world, what can the Security Council do to one of its permanent members whose actions threaten world peace? At a time when citizens everywhere are pressing for a greater say in national governance, it is imperative for us as heads of State and Government to seek, in turn, a fairer representation through the democratization of multilateral organizations such as the United Nations, the Bretton Woods institutions and the World Trade Organization.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  14. At its foundation, the United Nations collective system allowed two classes of response. If a minor Power committed aggression and there was unanimity among the five permanent members of the Security Council, a collective response could follow. However, if a permanent member was opposed to such action it could use its veto. In historical terms, that approach represents the institutionalization of a particular form of world order, namely, the immediate post-1945 world order, which sought to reward and empower the allied Powers as the only competent stewards of world peace. But the world has changed a great deal since then. Just as many new nations have emerged since then, the allied Powers have also evolved in ways that easily make them actors of injustice, and therefore threats to world peace. Global power is now unipolar.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  15. It is the absence of the same ingredients that explains our indignation and our sharp censure of the so-called coalition of the willing that does not seem to recognize that both the Iraqis and the world are unwilling to sanction the means employed and the end achieved. The inadequacies of existing international institutions in dealing with present challenges is a sad testimony to their flawed foundational conceptions amidst changing circumstances. We have anachronistic institutions relying too comfortably on traditional norms to address new challenges. Decades after the defeat of Nazi Germany, does the world still need to rely on a system founded on the principle of rewarding the allied Powers for defeating Nazi Germany and thereby bringing post-world war peace?

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  16. Let it not be said that Zimbabwe enjoys criticizing the United States and Britain for the sake of criticism. Our criticisms are founded on sound, fundamental principles. Let it not be forgotten that Zimbabwe was in the chair when the Security Council authorized the first Gulf War. We stood firmly then by the United Nations and the countries, including the United States and Britain, that removed Iraq from Kuwait. We did so on the basis that expansionism and occupation of a sovereign country and people cannot be right, can never be just and warranted under any circumstances. We admired the deployment of power to just ends, under the auspices of the United Nations.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  17. We hope the coalition that willingly went to war with Iraq without Security Council sanction is now willing to admit that defeating others is not always the same as winning peace and that wars are ended not by proclamations, but by just settlements. Indeed, we hope that they have learned from their costly mistakes and are willing to let the United Nations reassert its authority in the broader search for peace and security in Iraq. If we are to overcome crises that could result in calamitous wars and social breakdowns, and to achieve peace and stability with justice, we need humane global governance under the leadership of the United Nations, as distinct from a unilateral global state and government. Only that type of governance can make and build peace, and indeed keep peace for mankind.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  18. 2 It is a strange logic that the Iraqis pay for a bad president, a bad government and a bad war by occupation and loss of their sovereignty. Let us state here quite clearly to both Britain and the United States that the Iraqi people must have the sovereign right to determine the affairs of their country restored immediately. Like all peoples of the world, their love for freedom and self-rule is just as strong and just as deep as their hatred for bad leadership and bad government. Like all peoples of the world, they are unwilling to be occupied and governed by a foreign coalition, however willing and powerful it may be. No people want that, and we of Africa know it. We must reject the present road map of naked unilateralism for consent-oriented statecraft in world affairs. What is the future of the world without the United Nations?

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  19. It was and remains an unjust, illegitimate war — unjust to the extent that it was founded and prosecuted on false words; illegitimate to the extent that it was not sanctioned by the United Nations and has transformed itself into an effective occupation of a sovereign people. There can never be world peace under conditions of foreign invasion and occupation. There can never be world security and order when naked power suspends, and substitutes with unilateralism, the hallowed principle of multilateralism, on the basis of which we have made, kept, preserved and expanded peace since the Second World War. We tell the General Assembly that as a people from a continent that has suffered a similar fate in recent history; indeed, as a people who had to overthrow foreign imperial occupation through costly struggles.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  20. Against this tragedy and the inauspicious developments in Iraq, we cannot allow ourselves to treat this session as merely routine. At the heart of the tragedy in that nation is the unprecedented assault on the ethic and function of multilateralism in world affairs represented by the Security Council, the only guarantor of global peace, order and security. Some powerful Western nations, led by the Government of the United States of America and the Government of Britain, went into a war of unclear objectives in the face of clear opposition from the rest of the world, and, as we now know, with clear opposition from their own people as well.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  21. Let me congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session. I am confident that your leadership as well as your vast political and diplomatic experience will successfully carry us through this session. We extend to your predecessor, Mr. Jan Kavan, our sincere appreciation for the excellent manner in which he guided the work of the General Assembly at its fifty-seventh session, which just ended. Our meeting today is overshadowed by the death of Special Representative Sergio Vieira de Mello and of 22 other United Nations workers, who were killed in the line of duty in Baghdad on 19 August 2003. I join my colleagues in extending my personal condolences and those of my Government and of the people of Zimbabwe to Secretary-General Kofi Annan and the bereaved families.

    2003-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 58 (2003)

  22. He should also be informed that the people of Zimbabwe waged an armed revolutionary struggle for their independence and stand ready to defend it in the same way. We want to be left in peace to carry out our just reforms and development plans, as we peacefully interact and cooperate with other countries within the region, the African continent and the international community. We refuse to be an extension of Europe. We are Africans and shall remain so forever. I wish the 57th session of the General Assembly every success.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  23. The primary objective of our agrarian reforms has been to redress the colonial injustice perpetrated by Britain, whereby a minority of British settlers in 1890 seized our land and acquired our natural resources but never paid any compensation to our ancestors. By assuming its independence in 1980, Zimbabwe discarded the colonial yoke for all time and, therefore, will never brook any interference in its domestic affairs by any foreign Power. I appeal to this General Assembly to convey to Britain and especially to its current Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair, that Zimbabwe ceased to be a British colony in 1980 after Prince Charles, on behalf of the Government of the United Kingdom, gracefully lowered the British flag, called the “Union Jack”.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  24. We commend the efforts being made by international organizations and the donor community to provide urgent food and non-food aid to our communities. We particularly wish to mention the efforts of United Nations agencies in this regard. We also welcome additional assistance in programmes that will mitigate the effects of future droughts. Finally, my delegation is happy to inform you that Zimbabwe has concluded the fast-track land- redistribution programme that we introduced in July 2000 in order to transfer land to the hitherto landless black majority. It will be recalled that we had to face vehement protestations, bad publicity and misinformation from those who did not wish us well. 27 We remained resolute in the face of powerful forces determined to preserve vestiges of colonial privilege.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  25. We continue to call on the international community and private companies to hasten their efforts at finding an answer to this pandemic, which is ravaging our populations and economies. Affordable but effective drugs need to be made available, while support should be given to care givers helping those who suffer from the disease. Special assistance should be given to the growing number of children orphaned by the pandemic. We hope that the fund set up at last year's General Assembly special session on HIV/AIDS will receive the urgent and meaningful support that it deserves. As you are aware, my country and most parts of Southern Africa, are currently experiencing a humanitarian crisis as a result of the drought that hit during the main cereal-producing season earlier this year.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  26. Regrettably, these gains were later to be reversed, as the Bretton Woods institutions demanded that we deprioritize education, health and social welfare in our resource allocations. Even without the support of those institutions, we have continued, within our limited means, to place primary importance on the development of the Zimbabwean child and the welfare of the underprivileged, thereby raising the literacy rate in our society to 87 per cent. Zimbabwe and other countries in Southern Africa are grappling with the effects of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Our own efforts at combating the scourge are not enough, and they need to be augmented by the positive contribution of those countries that have the requisite financial resources and technological know- how.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  27. In the same vein, my delegation also calls for the immediate cancellation of the debt of poor countries, so that debt-service funds, which are crippling the development efforts of developing nations, can be used to improve the situation of those countries. The special session on children, which was held here in New York in May of this year, did much to bring to the fore the need to address, in a meaningful way, the rights and development needs of children, with a view to enabling them to play their respective roles in society. The United Nations should continue to articulate those needs and foster the creation of a world fit for children. Since the attainment of independence in 1980, Zimbabwe has made tremendous progress in the provision of schools and health-care facilities to improve the quality of life of its children.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  28. In the same vein, the management of the globalization process should not be left to market forces alone but should be regulated in a way that gives it a humane face and reverses the marginalization of developing countries. In the area of world trade, we call for a level playing field in agenda setting and rule making in the World Trade Organization. We also need to see greater market-access opportunities for goods of export interest to developing countries in developed country markets, as well as greater willingness to address issues of commodity pricing. In addition, we call for the removal of agricultural subsidies, which have depressed the competitiveness of products from developing countries and inhibited their entry into the lucrative markets of the North.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  29. When we see these same countries propping up regimes that are blatantly undemocratic, we cannot but conclude that this wilful commingling of issues is just an excuse for doing nothing about legitimate demands that the development aspirations of developing countries be addressed. The United Nations General Assembly should express its deep dismay at such dishonest attempts on the part of those countries and call upon them to stop the abuse of international agreements and shared values and the imposition of their interests upon other, often smaller nations. We call for improved global governance through the democratization of multilateral organizations, such as the United Nations, the Bretton Woods institutions and the World Trade Organization. There is also need for coherence in global policy-making.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  30. Unfortunately, the World Summit on Sustainable Development demonstrated beyond doubt the unwillingness on the part of some developed countries to commit themselves more meaningfully to these international undertakings. They preferred instead to hide behind hackneyed and spurious conditionalities which all but oppose and negate the practice of democracy, good governance and respect for human rights in the developing world. While we all cherish these values, we are dismayed that they are increasingly being used by developed countries that have checkered democratic credentials and poor human rights records in order to settle political scores and to 26 forestall the economic development of countries whose Governments they do not like.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  31. We are meeting against the backdrop of the crucial summits that were held this year, during which landmark decisions were made regarding sustainable global economic and social development. Among these were the Monterrey International Conference on Financing for Development, and the recently concluded World Summit on Sustainable Development, held in Johannesburg, South Africa. It is our hope that the decisions of these conferences will be translated into meaningful cooperation among development partners. In this context, we welcome the pledges made for increased development aid and the commitment to sustainable development, which are essential for future generations.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  32. We hope, however, that the Security Council will act boldly and without favour in ensuring that peace is consolidated in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and that it will immediately proceed with the full deployment of the third phase of the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In the same vein, we note that the mandate of the Expert Panel on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth in the Democratic Republic of the Congo expires in December 2002. It is our fervent hope that this time the Panel will have the courage to fully expose the economic agenda of the countries that invaded the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We are gathered here to chart the way forward towards the creation of a world fit for all of us, to the turn of the century and beyond.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  33. The international community should urgently assist that country in consolidating the peace, and move on with the reconstruction and rehabilitation process. This is a small price to pay in order to give the people of Angola the peace that has eluded them since the 1950s. We are also pleased that the peace process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is moving in the right direction. We would like to recognize the efforts of the Government of South Africa and the United Nations in this regard and to call on the United Nations to take strong measures against those who violate the agreed ceasefire. Let me take this opportunity to announce once again that, in view of these positive developments, Zimbabwe is in the process of withdrawing its remaining forces from the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  34. I say this in relation not only to other States but also to my own country. My people elected me, and that election was held to have been valid by Africa and its organizations. But Europe said, “No” — and it was Europe that yesterday was our oppressor and colonialist. Europe said “No”, but Africa said, “Yes”. To whom do we listen? The whites in Europe or the blacks in Africa? We listen to our own blacks and their judgement; they are our people. They, and no one else, are the ones who should elect us. Zimbabwe welcomes the emergence of peace in Angola — a fellow member of the Southern African Development Community — and urges both sides to the conflict to remain committed to the Memorandum of Understanding signed earlier this year.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  35. Israel must know that its chances for peace and security lie in having a Palestinian State that will live side by side with it in mutual respect between sovereign States. We believe that Palestinians should be left alone to elect the leaders of their choice, as it is their democratic and sovereign right to do. It is only leaders thus elected who can ensure peace and stability within the State of Palestine and between Palestine and all of its neighbours. We note with concern that some countries wish to arrogate to themselves the right to choose or impose leadership in developing countries by sidelining or overthrowing democratically elected Governments. Not only is this a negation of democracy and democratic principles, but it constitutes outright interference in the internal affairs of independent sovereign States, and must be resisted.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  36. In dealing with this scourge, the world community needs to focus on identifying and addressing its root causes, such as poverty, the denial of fundamental freedoms and the absence of social justice. The United Nations is confronted with a volatile situation in the Middle East that has the potential to engulf the entire subregion. The Palestinian question should be resolved without further delay, as it is causing untold suffering to the people in the occupied 25 territories. Israel must withdraw its forces from Palestinian lands, and the Palestinians must be afforded the opportunity of having a State of their own. The carnage that is going on at present will benefit neither side.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  37. We look forward to welcoming East Timor into the United Nations in the near future. Yesterday, the United States and, indeed, the whole world, commemorated the first anniversary of the horrific terrorist attacks on New York and Washington. Terrorism is a threat to international peace and security. No matter where it occurs, no matter whom it is directed at and no matter what form it takes, the scourge of terrorism must be condemned and dealt with decisively and in conformity with the ideals and principles of the United Nations Charter. The adoption of unilateral measures by some countries to combat terrorism not only is counterproductive but also undermines the mandate and effectiveness of the United Nations.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  38. I would like to congratulate Mr. Jan Kavan on his assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-seventh session. I am confident that his leadership will successfully carry us through this session. We extend to his predecessor, Mr. Han Seung-soo, our sincere appreciation for the excellent manner in which he steered the work of the recently concluded fifty-sixth session of the General Assembly. My delegation warmly welcomes Switzerland as a new Member of this family of nations. I would be remiss if I did not pay tribute to the United Nations for its role in ensuring the smooth transition of East Timor to statehood. We believe that the new nation will for some time continue to require the support of the international community in its efforts at nation- building.

    2002-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 57 (2002)

  39. The powers and privileges that the current members of the Security Council enjoy should be extended to all new members if the Council is to be effective. And so, as we hold the last session of the General Assembly in the current millennium, it behooves us to make one giant leap into the future, not only in terms of wise and bold decisions, but also in terms of the commitment to implement them and see them bear fruit for us and for posterity.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  40. The need for the reform of the Security Council is no longer just a lofty ideal we strive to achieve, but a prerequisite for the very existence of this Organization. The Security Council, as a principal organ of the United Nations, is entrusted to act on behalf 8 of the entire membership, which to date has risen to 188 countries. The stark realities of the situation in the world must be reflected not only in the sheer increase in numbers, but also in consideration of the democratic principle of equitable geographical representation and participation. It is grossly unjust that we, the developing countries, should remain totally unrepresented in the permanent membership of a body entrusted with such power and authority.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  41. The crisis chronicled in the report of the Security Council Mission to Jakarta and Dili was most disquieting. Zimbabwe therefore welcomes the deployment of the multinational force to restore peace and security in East Timor and to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance. We sincerely hope that the Security Council will soon authorize the deployment of a United Nations peacekeeping force whose financial and other resource requirements are vouched for by the entire membership of this Organization. It would be remiss of me not to mention how inequitable it is that the membership of the Security Council should remain unreflective of the vastly altered international circumstances.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  42. We must, therefore, lend our unwavering support to this process so that we can complete this important milestone in the history of our Organization. As we look into the new millennium, let us aspire to have an international order that espouses the twin objectives of universal peace and security on the one hand, and an improved quality of life for all the earth’s inhabitants on the other. It must be an order characterized by justice and respect for international law. Such international law must surely have the effect of restraining both regional and international belligerent countries. We should join enthusiastically in the promotion of the achievements of the decade for the development of international law. Zimbabwe is greatly disturbed at the cataclysmic turn of events in East Timor following the self- determination referendum there.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  43. We are also keenly aware of the critical role of telecommunications as an effective vehicle for successful international trade. Accordingly, my country only recently agreed to be a subregional host for the AFRITEL, an African regional telecommunications centre. We trust that international investors will see this as positive preparedness on the part of our continent not only to attract them and their investments, but indeed to concretely ensure that they also prosper in their endeavours on our continent. The United Nations decade for the progressive development and codification of international law is coming to a close on an important note, with the establishment of the International Criminal Court. However, the Court can be successful only if it is universally accepted.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  44. While the need for better debt management by Africa in the future is acknowledged, any credible solution to Africa’s debt problem must indeed entail substantial debt cancellation. We in Africa are therefore fully persuaded that it is time the international community deliberates on the substance and prospects for new aid modalities which emphasize a holistic and comprehensive approach. There is need for us to share views on how best to foster a new donor-beneficiary relationship in which multi-donor programmes focus on supporting an African-driven agenda. In our own region of southern Africa, we are at an advanced stage of setting up a trade protocol meant to maximize our earnings from trade. With a majority of our members having ratified this protocol, only a couple more remain before it is operational.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  45. It was estimated at 20 to 30 per cent during 1990 to 1994, on average, as opposed to 16 to 18 per cent for all developing countries. Yet in contrast to this great potential, Africa has not been a significant beneficiary of the dramatic increase in global foreign direct investment flows. Africa’s debt is essentially non-payable and certainly unsustainable under any sensible growth-oriented macroeconomic scenario. There is an urgent need to release more resources from debt servicing to financing development and creating conditions that encourage inflows of private foreign investment. Although the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt (HIPC) Initiative constitutes an important mechanism for debt relief, its eligibility criteria are rather restrictive.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  46. Total African export revenues fell by nearly $14 billion in 1998, to just $112 billion, an 11 per cent drop from the 1997 level, mainly due to price declines. That negative trend has continued in 1999. We are concerned that at a time when prospects for aid effectiveness in Africa are improving significantly, official development assistance to Africa has fallen to its lowest level. Between 1993 and 1997, total aid receipts in Africa fell by nearly 13 per cent, from $21 billion to $18.7 billion. At this rate, official development assistance flows have fallen far short of the $30 billion a year that economists estimate is needed to reduce poverty in Africa. The net rate of return on investment in African countries remains higher than in other developing countries.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  47. We note that Africa’s fortunes have continued to worsen despite the continent’s best efforts. Growth slowed in the majority of African countries and, at 2.6 per cent in 1998, average gross domestic product for all of Africa fell far short of the eight per cent annual growth rate envisioned by the World Bank as the level capable of significantly reducing poverty levels on the continent. Adverse factors that contribute to this decline include slower growth of the world economy, declining commodity prices, the contagious effects of the Asian financial crisis, the El Niño weather pattern, civil strife and political turmoil in several spots. At a time when greater challenges and opportunities are emerging within the context of globalization, it is 7 crucial that Africa’s nagging vulnerabilities are highlighted and addressed.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  48. Zimbabwe, as a member of the high-level committee that coordinated the effort to end the war between the two African States, calls upon the United Nations to undergird this successful regional peace initiative with the necessary technical and other resources to make the process irreversible and permanent. Since its inception the United Nations has had on its agenda a concern for economic and social development. The follow-up to the implementation of the goals of the World Summit for Social Development is currently being assessed, and it has become evident that a potentially explosive social situation confronts the world today. The soaring levels of unemployment, the deteriorating standards of living, the abject poverty in most developing countries, especially on our continent, Africa, are cause for serious concern.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  49. Sadly, the gains that we registered in the Democratic Republic of the Congo peace process are being negated by the renewed bloodbath in Angola, where, for the second time this decade, UNITA has resumed war, disregarding the 1994 Lusaka Peace Agreement. We therefore call upon the international community to put in place effective mechanisms that tighten the embargo against UNITA, particularly in the light of the recently concluded mission of Ambassador Robert Fowler, Chairman of the Security Council sanctions committee on UNITA. Zimbabwe hails the acceptance by Eritrea and Ethiopia of the OAU Framework Agreement to end the war in the Horn of Africa.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)

  50. We trust, therefore, that the United Nations will now render the requisite support to sustain this achievement. We find this an opportune moment to call upon the international community not only to put its full weight behind African peace initiatives, but also to assess and buttress the institutional and operational capacity of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in the prevention, management and resolution of conflicts in Africa. In this vein, we hail the European Union’s declaration that its future engagement with the belligerents involved in the Democratic Republic of the Congo conflict would depend on the latter’s fulfilment of their obligations as spelt out in the Lusaka ceasefire agreement.

    1999-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 54 (1999)