YouSaid · the spoken record

Abu Odeh

lines on the record: 78
first: 1992-11-16
most recent: 1995-02-28
sittings or episodes: 7
sources: un-security-council

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“What peace in the Middle East needs is statesmen and leaders with vision, not mere technocrats with clever linguistic traps and an ability to take advantage of the weaker party. Because of its desire and hope for a just, lasting and comprehensive peace, my delegation calls on Israel to put an end to all settlement activities in the occupied Arab territories, first and foremost in Arab Jerusalem. This would restore credibility to the Israeli Government's utterances. We hope that the Security Council will take a clear position in response to this blatant Violation of the Geneva Conventions and of Security Council resolutions, and will adopt measures that will put the peace process back on track.”
1995-02-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3505Resumption1 (1995) · source
“Such a collapse could also result from the failure of all efforts and mediation to persuade Israel to give up this formal establishment of settlements, a practice that has indeed surprised us. It constitutes a tremendous stumbling block to the progress of the ongoing bilateral negotiations and could even threaten the peace process at a time when it has inspired hope throughout the world. The greatest threat to the peace process is the illusion on the part of the stronger party that genuine peace can be established on the basis of imbalance between the negotiators, and that the Middle East peace process demands clever, cunning negotiators able to wrest the best possible deal from their interlocutors. All efforts based on such assumptions are futile and are doomed to failure, for they can never lead to a just peace or, hence, a lasting one.”
1995-02-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3505Resumption1 (1995) · source
“If I recall these matters, it is because I am certain of the Council's position concerning the Israeli settlements, a position based on international consensus at the level of experts, politicians, legal scholars and even Governments, and of the entire United Nations system. It has also been agreed that the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War is the instrument that governs the situation and the Israeli presence in the occupied Palestinian territories. I also recall these matters because I believe that the Council bears a historic responsibility to save the peace process on the Palestinian-Israeli track, and consequently on all tracks, from complete collapse as a result of Israel's resumption of its activity in establishing settlements.”
1995-02-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3505Resumption1 (1995) · source
“That Commission, despite the difficulties it faced, was able to submit its report to the Council. In the light of that report, the Council adopted the well-known resolution 465 (1980), which not only strongly deplored the settlement policies, but also expressed its deep concern over the consequences for the local population and the need to protect their interests. The Council considered such policies to have grave consequences for peace efforts and called for an end to such activities and even for the dismantlement of the settlements. Paragraph 7 of the resolution also called on all States not to provide Israel with any assistance in connection with the settlements.”
1995-02-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3505Resumption1 (1995) · source
“Many resolutions have been adopted declaring these settlements null and void and an obstacle to peace efforts and mediation aimed at achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. The Council's resolutions have called upon Israel to implement in detail the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, article 49 of which, in its sixth paragraph, prohibits the occupying Power from deporting or transferring parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies. The importance the Council has attached to the matter is very clear in the light of the fact that resolution 446 (1979) established a Commission of members of the Council to examine the situation relating to settlements in the Arab territories occupied since 1967.”
1995-02-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3505Resumption1 (1995) · source
“We did not expect Israel to disregard this concept and resume the establishment of settlements or resort to new concepts that must destroy the very foundations of the peace process on the Palestinian-Israeli track after the process had become a palpable reality and its two main protagonists had shared the Nobel Peace Prize. The resolution adopted by the Israeli cabinet on 24 January 1995 to resume the establishment of settlements can be explained only as a deviation from the declared Israeli commitment to ensure the success of the faltering peace process. The Security Council has discussed the question of settlements before. It is not a new question, but emerged in 1967.”
1995-02-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3505Resumption1 (1995) · source
“But we are sure that it was put back to the final stages because of its tremendous importance, and because it is fundamental and central to the peace process in the region, just as the questions of Jerusalem, refugees and sovereignty are. Hence, we assume that postponing discussion upon it was intended to preserve the peace process and keep it going smoothly in its early stages in order to build more confidence among the negotiating parties so that the peace process could be strengthened in the face of the tremendous challenges presented by the questions of Jerusalem, the settlements and sovereignty.”
1995-02-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3505Resumption1 (1995) · source
“Israel's reactivation and resumption of its settlement policy, as well as its insistence upon it at this stage, when the States of the region and the partisans of peace have been attempting to maintain the momentum of peace and to accelerate the peace process and ensure its success, undoubtedly constitute a very curious development, one that is very dangerous for the peace process and its credibility vis-a-vis the peoples and States of the region. We know that the topic of settlements was included in the Oslo Declaration as one to be discussed in the final stage of the Palestinian-Israeli negotiations and left to the people concerned.”
1995-02-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3505Resumption1 (1995) · source
“President, and the other members of the Council for your prompt response to our request for this meeting. It was indeed a very timely response, made in full awareness of the situation, fully in keeping with the Council's knowledge, and the knowledge of the international community, of the need to maintain the momentum of the peace process and to ensure its success. The Jordanian delegation is participating in this debate because of our firm belief in this concept, and because we deem it essential to achieve a comprehensive peace in the region. We wish to participate in any effort to eliminate all obstacles to peace.”
1995-02-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3505Resumption1 (1995) · source
“Mr. Abu Odeh (Jordan) (interpretation from Arabic): It is my pleasure, at the outset, to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month, which is now coming to an end. Your diplomacy and experience have undoubtedly contributed to the success of the Council's work. It is also my pleasure to congratulate your predecessor, Ambassador Emilio Cardenas, on his successful handling of the work of the Council last month. Our delegation, fully aware of the tremendous importance of settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories, and fully aware that this matter is closely linked to the achievement of a just and lasting peace and is a very sensitive matter, with an effect on the peace process as a whole, would like to thank you, Mr.”
1995-02-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3505Resumption1 (1995) · source
“The resolution, of which my country was one of the sponsors, expresses the international community's moderate will to deal with this tragic situation. My delegation appeals to the Security Council to respect that will, to act in accordance with it and, in particular, to respond to paragraph 22, of the General Assembly's resolution which pertains to the question of exempting the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the arms embargo that was imposed by Security Council resolution 713 (1991), on the basis of the Bosnian Government's offer to accept the de jure lifting of the arms embargo with effective application deferred by the Security Council in the light of acceptance and implementation of the peace plan by the Bosnian Serbs.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“I refer to the Chapters that determine the Security Council's conduct in discharging its duties in accordance with the principles and purposes of the Organization. Failing the lifting of the embargo, the international community will have a duty to act, collectively or individually, to provide the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the means of self-defence, in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter. General Assembly resolution 49/10, which was adopted on 3 November 1994, contains 44 preambular and operative paragraphs which state the position of the overwhelming majority of the international community with regard to the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its various developments.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“Under the terms of Article 24 of the Charter, and in the light of paragraph 2 of that Article, the failure or inability of the Security Council, which acts on behalf of the international community, to face up to the grave security, military, political and humanitarian situation that 46 has obtained in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina for more than three years makes it imperative for the Council to allow the victim, without delay, to acquire the means of self-defence. This is a humanitarian, legal and moral duty that the Council must discharge forthwith without any hesitation. Otherwise, we shall remain in a vicious circle, and whole Chapters of the United Nations Charter will be thrown dangerously into question.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“Such a course would amount to falling into the Serbian trap, and it would be an implicit admission that the troop-contributing countries' forces are no more than hostages in the hands of the Serbs. The Serbian threat to the peace-keeping forces validates the call for the lifting of the arms embargo against Bosnia and Herzegovina in order for its army to be able to deter aggression and thereby to compel the aggressors to renounce their intransigence and move towards dialogue and serious negotiation.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“It is in this light that we can understand the threat by the Serbian leadership to attack the international peace- keeping force if the arms embargo against Bosnia and Herzegovina is lifted. The Serbian leaders fully realize the consequences of any improvement in the Bosnian army's capability in the area of armament and, consequently, in its ability to deter aggression. They know full well that, should this happen, they will be forced to accept the proposed peace plan, which runs counter to their ambitions. The threat by some troop-contributing countries to withdraw their contingents is nothing but surrender to the blackmail of the Serbian leaders.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“The consequences of the vast military imbalance between the Bosnian army and the Serbian forces for the civilian population are tragic, and its political implications destructive. Contrary to the suppositions of some, the action that we advocate would not widen the conflict. Rather, it will contribute to the performance of the legitimate and very desirable moral task of enabling the army of Bosnia, for the first time, to discharge the duty of protecting the civilian population and deterring the heinous policy of aggression pursued by the Serbian side. Deterrent military force is without a doubt a legitimate political means of achieving and consolidating peace.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“It will contribute effectively to making it difficult for the Serbs to realize their illegal ambitions and thereby force them to opt for dialogue, negotiation and peace. 45 Lifting the arms embargo will also work in favour of the humanitarian relief efforts and help to mitigate the suffering of the civilian population, as it will enable the army of Bosnia's Government to shoulder its responsibilities with regard to the delivery of assistance to the civilian population. It would also strengthen the role and capability of the United Nations Protection Force by protecting it from harassment by Serbian militias and from the acts of robbery and blackmail perpetuated by those militias.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“It is inconceivable that the existing situation should be allowed to continue, after three years of suffering, with 70 per cent of that State's territory under occupation, its capital and other cities under siege, and its people savaged by the criminality of the aggressor while that aggressor continues to reject the proposed peace plan and persists in its aggression, to the extent of hindering the efforts to provide humanitarian relief to Bosnian citizens besieged in the so-called safe areas. We are convinced that the lifting of the arms embargo that is now imposed against the people and Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina will promote the peace process in more than one way.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“Consequently, if we really want a peaceful settlement, we must act in the light of this realization and in a manner that would serve such an aim. In order for us to do that, now that the Council has failed to discharge the responsibility mandated to it under the Charter, and had not ended the aggression against the territory and people of a State Member of the United Nations, the imbalance created by the Security Council in the equation must be redressed by lifting the arms embargo so that the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina may be able to acquire the means whereby it could exercise the right of self-defence.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“Regrettably, this endeavour, at the level of the Security Council, the General Assembly and_ the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia has not been successful so far, and we do not believe that it will succeed in the future unless the root cause of such failure is dealt with - the root cause being the military imbalance between the aggressor and the victim of aggression. Logic dictates that so long as the Bosnian Serb side feels it enjoys military superiority and that it can achieve its unjustifiable nationalist ambitions by military force, no serious progress will be achieved in the political negotiations on Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Bosnian Serb side will not respond to any international peace plan, even if it gets the lion's share out of that plan.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“This imbalance has undoubtedly been one of the major factors in encouraging the Serbian party to persist in its aggression and to continue to reject the proposed peace plan. Here we must refer to the testimony of the Special Rapporteur on human rights in the former Yugoslavia, who stated in late 1992 that that military imbalance was the main factor that enabled the Serbs to carry out their policy of "ethnic cleansing". We proceed, in participating in this debate, from our desire to reach consensus on the need either to persuade or to force all the parties involved in the ongoing conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina to renounce the military option and to resort to a negotiated political settlement in accordance with the principles of the Charter and the rules of international law.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“The application of Security Council resolution 713 (1991) to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the weaker party and the victim of aggression, without any commitment to protect that party, has prevented that State from acquiring the means whereby it could exercise its right to self-defence. This contravenes Article 51 of the Charter. The insistence on applying this resolution to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, after the acceptance by its Government of the peace plan proposed by the Western Contact Group and the rejection of that plan by the aggressor Serbian party, amounts to alliance with the aggressor instead of standing up to aggression because, in actual fact, this insistence has created a major military imbalance between the already weak Muslim Bosnian party and the strong Serbian party.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“This has resulted, as far as all sectors of the Jordanian population are concerned, in a feeling of strong sympathy for, and stronger solidarity with, the Bosnian people as a result of the unjustifiable, flagrant disregard of and silence over the violation of the sovereignty of that small Muslim Member State and the flagrant violations of the human rights of a people that lives in a civilized European milieu that greatly prides itself on its championing of the causes of freedom and human rights, and its commitment to the system of collective security, all of which are supposed to be fundamental features of our era and the universal goals that the whole world, represented by the United Nations, aspires to achieve and entrench.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“It is most regrettable and, indeed, puzzling that this clearly just cause has been met with clear failure on the part of the countries that have the strongest influence in international affairs to champion the cause of that State whose sovereignty and whose people's human rights continue to be violated, regardless of the fact that since the beginning of the aggression against it, that country has continued to appeal to the United Nations for protection. All these appeals have availed nothing, with the exception of the fragile protection afforded to some "safe areas". In addition, this failure to protect the Government and the people of that State has been accompanied by the adamant insistence, without any legal or moral justification, to deprive that State of its right to self-defence.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“Nor has it failed to co-sponsor any of the various resolutions adopted in the context of the continuing international endeavours to mitigate the tragic suffering of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and to put an end to the Serbian aggression against their Republic. We have continued to do that because my Government, like many other Governments in the world, accords a very high priority to the human, legal and political tragedy of the Government and the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“Mr. Abu Odeh (Jordan) (interpretation from Arabic): At the outset, allow me to convey to you, Madam President, my delegation's congratulations on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month. I am confident that your rich experience and great skill will be reflected in the able manner in which you will conduct the work of the Council. I should also like to take this opportunity to express my appreciation to your predecessor, Sir David Hannay, the Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom, for the able manner in which he conducted the business of the Council during the month of October. My delegation has not failed to participate in one single Security Council or the General Assembly meeting on the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina.”
1994-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454Resumption1 (1994) · source
“Thirdly, the arms embargo imposed on the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina must be lifted immediately. It is untenable to continue pursuing a policy that deprives a State Member of the United Nations of its legitimate right of self-defence in accordance with the Charter. Building on all these pillars together, and not on just one or two, is the only way to deter the Serbian aggressors and to raise the price of their aggression. In conclusion, my delegation thanks the Council for convening this meeting to hold a general debate on the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We hope that members of the Council will make it a turning point in United Nations policy and save the Organization's credibility by halting an overt aggression against one of its Member States.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“24 If there is a lesson to be learned from events to date, it is that negotiations and relief operations will be valid sources of pride to the United Nations only when they are accompanied by serious efforts to deter and stem Serb aggression. This will happen only when the Serbs feel that they are paying a high price for their aggression, as President Clinton said yesterday. To bring that about, my delegation emphasizes three pillars upon which the new policy of the United Nations towards the Serbs should be based. First, the protection of the safe areas and the continuation of relief operations for those areas must be ensured. Secondly, all Security Council resolutions pertaining to the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the pursuit of peace efforts must be implemented.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“While my delegation fully respects and appreciates the relief work carried out by the United Nations Member States and non-governmental organizations and their persistent attempts to urge the belligerents to negotiate a political settlement, this is not enough to justify the United Nations shirking its primary responsibility to halt aggression against one of its States Members. In the light of events in Gorazde, the humanitarian assistance being provided to the besieged Bosnians in their safe areas has become nothing more than their grooming for death by knife, bullet or bomb instead of by hunger, malnutrition or disease. In the way the negotiations have so far been conducted, they are regrettably a mere smokescreen for the Serbs to gain time to achieve their ultimate aggressive aims.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“My purpose is to show the depth of the wound that is still being gouged by the Serbs' crimes into the conscience of humanity. Such a wound can only encourage the mind to work and to learn its lessons. The first lesson to be learned from the Bosnian tragedy is that the United Nations may not be a safe haven for poor peoples or small countries. We must save its reputation and credibility by observing the principles of its Charter, without which the entire world will cease being one that seeks security, stability and peace in the cause of cooperation, development and construction and will begin sliding towards war and destruction.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“Have we become unable to identify with the parents whose will to defend their country is mixed with fear for their sons and daughters, subject to the oppression of a monster that marches without any deterrent, physical or moral? Have we lost our ability to sympathize with the mothers whose fear of the future, after having lost their husbands, is compounded by the pain of hiding their real feelings in front of their children to ease their terror? Have human rights in the West become a mere meaningless political slogan or a veneer to cover its boundless materialism? If not, how can Europe accept being, for the second time this century, a graveyard of minorities? Is it because, this time, the victim is Muslim? I hope that I will not be taken as speaking to play on emotions and sow the seeds of sadness.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“This irony is all the more acute in that the United Nations, which, through the Security Council, pledged safety for the Bosnians, is completely helpless, having given up the role of player to become a spectator. Because we are human beings representing countries and peoples in this international Organization, I wonder if we have already become used to the Serb crimes because they have gone on so long, to the point where our senses have become blunted and we are unable to be moved. Have we started to hear, in the groans of the wounded, a musical tune? Has the crying of a terrified Bosnian child 23 burying his head in the bosom of his mother turned into a school song? Have we started to see in the tears of a young virgin expecting the fearsome moment of rape the glimmer of joy in the eyes of one preparing for her wedding?”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“Once again Member States, prompted by the intransigence of the Serbs towards the Bosnians, are meeting over yet another chapter in the crimes of "ethnic cleansing" committed by the Serb nationalists to complete their vicious attempts to occupy the territories of the Bosnians vacated by their owners and their population. The Member States look upon this horrible chapter in the tragedy of Bosnia from the perspective of Gorazde, which is supposed to be a "safe area", according to the Council's classification. This classification, seen against the status quo in the city, has an irony which reverberates in our ears with the sound of the continuous shelling of the besieged city, shelling which does not distinguish between the city's hospitals and the trenches of those who defend it.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“Mr. Abu Odeh (Jordan) (interpretation from Arabic): Allow me at the outset to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month and to express the confidence of my delegation in your ability, wisdom and sound leadership. These give us hope that this discussion will lead to serious decisions which will make this meeting a true turning point in the faltering international endeavours to stop the Serb aggression against the people of Bosnia, suffering because of their identity. I am also happy to thank your predecessor, Ambassador Merimee, for the effort he made and the ability he showed in conducting the work of the Council last month.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“There is not one reasonable argument that can convince us of the validity of the opinion that calls for denying the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina the right to self-defence. It was understood right from the beginning that the adoption of the arms embargo resolution, resolution 713 (1991) by the Security Council implied that the United Nations itself would undertake on behalf of the victim the task of repelling the aggressor. As this has not so far been the case, the Council's continuation of the arms embargo on Bosnia and Herzegovina means that the United Nations does not respect its Charter and that dealing with Muslims is based on another handbook. Does the Security Council intend to establish this perception? Is this the way to consolidate the foundations of international peace and security?”
1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source
“It is most ironic to say that the exemption of the Republic of Bosnia Herzegovina from that resolution would only increase the number of killings and losses. To say that would mean only one thing: to tolerate the killing of Bosnian Muslims and not to accept the killing of Serbian aggressors. So let the victim bleed, but the aggressor must remain healthy and sound. What kind of logic is that? Do those who uphold this eption suppose that the continued bleeding of the Bosnian people will evoke mercy in the heart of the Serbian aggressor who perpetrates the crimes of "ethnic cleansing", thereby motivating it to stop its aggression? It is high time, Mr. President, for your Council to stop denying the Republic of Bosnia and Hersegovina its legitimate right of self-defence in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter.”
1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source
“The misgivings on these questions are the salient features of chapter III in the tragedy of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Arab States, which uphold the Charter of the United Nations and abide by its provisions, do not wish to see this chapter written, because they want to live in a world where peace and security prevail and where confidence in its international institutions is widely felt. They see that the path to that world is still open and that the Council still has the opportunity to prevent the tragedy from reaching its horrible conclusion. The features of this path, as seen by the Arab States, are numerous. The most outstanding is the exemption of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina from Security Council resolution 713 (1991), which bans the shipment of arms to the former Yugoslavia.”
1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source
“Does the Security Council realize the ramifications of grudges among peoples, especially if they accumulate on a religous basis, at a time when socio-economic frustrations are growing? Will the United Nations bring about the fulfilment of the prophecy of the American political scientist Samuel Huntington, who argues that the conflicts of the post-cold-war era will flare up along the fault lines of civilizations, Islam being one of them? What will the new world order look like if these are its features? Can we trust it? Indeed, can it be established on solid foundations? Is it really possible to deal with the various urgent issues that crowd the international agenda? Lastly, what will be the fate of international peace and security?”
1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source
“What will be the fate of weak States adjacent to powerful ones? Is the persistent call for the protection of human rights a serious one or is it a political ploy? Are we justified in hoping for international cooperation and interdependence? Must the national security of a State be enmeshed in the intensification of great-Power interests in the country, even at the expense of the development and prosperity of its people? Are we sliding into an abyss of neo-colonialism as we approach the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations? Do Muslims have a special status - a negative one - in international relations? Must we announce to our peoples that the world is returning to the Middle Ages and not approaching the threshold of the twenty-first century?”
1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source
“If the United Nations continues to act by the same rhythm that has brought the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina to its current stage, and if the Security Council continues to beat about the bush or to mark time, the third chapter will be written and the tragedy will be complete. Its dimensions will go beyond the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina to encompass all the peoples of the world. Thus will be dissipated the hopes that these people cherished as they entered the post-cold-war era, to be replaced by misgivings about the new world order. These misgivings will be reflected in a number of valid questions. Is there more than one possible reading of the Charter of the United Nations? Is the double standard in dealing with international problems the rule and even-handedness the exception? What will be the fate of small nations?”
1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source
“Why have these Governments deviated and adopted this standard, despite the fact that it is clearly incompatible with the basic responsibilities of the United Nations and the Security Council in particular? The answer to that is not known, and it must be included among the hidden reasons. While the Serbs and the Security Council are the protagonists of the first and second chapters of the tragedy of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the whole world is being pushed against its will to be the protagonist of the third, which has yet to be written although it has gradually begun to take shape already.”
1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source
“There are many different interpretations of this, some public, others hidden. Numerous as they are, the public arguments boil down to the fact that influential and powerful countries, as is well known to everybody, have seen fit to deal with the tragedy of Bosnia and Herzegovina within the framework of their financial calculations and perceived interests, completely ignoring their ethical, moral and legal responsibilities, as well as ali the grandiose slogans they proclaim here at the United Nations about laying the foundations of a world in which security and freedom can prevail and in which nations can pursue the goals of development and prosperity.”
1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source
“This fact has been reflected not only in the expansion and intensification of the Serbian aggression and the increase in the number of aggressors, but also in the ongoing peace efforts themselves and in the features of the proposed peace plans, which are being altered so as to serve the fait accompli created by the success of aggression. If this rhythm continues, the end result nay be not only the displacement of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the infliction upon them of all kinds of pain and suffering but also the destruction of their Republic and its disappearance from the international map. The United Nations will then become a witness to death and extinction rathe: than a protector of life and survival. Why has the situation reached this tragic and dangerous level?”
1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source
“This aspect of the Bosnian tragedy, however, is only its first chapter. The second chapter is characterized by the prevarication of the United Nations beating about the bush, unable to take any steps forward - steps provided for in the Charter - while the Serbian aggression was escalating and continues to escalate. The abject failure of the United Nations to carry out the duties entrusted to it by the Charter has brought about a strange paradox that can be neither overlooked nor denied. This paradox is best manifested in the fact that the more the Serbian aggression escalates the more the United Nations retreats.”
1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source
“This is not the first time that the Council has devoted a meeting to a debate on the tragic situation in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. If anything, this fact simply demonstrates the failure of the resolutions adopted by the Council to put and end to aggression against this helpless country, to check the aggressor and to nullify the consequences of its aggression. I do not want to recount the facts, which by their very nature, sequence and evolution, have come te be known today as the first human tragedy of the post-cold-war world. Suffice it to say that the systematic killing, displacement and "ethnic cleansing" inflicted upon the Muslim people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the violation of the human dignity of its men, women and children have reached a level that will stigmatize humanity for many centuries to come.”
1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source
“Mr, ABU ODEH (Jordan) (interpretation from Arabic): It is on behalf of the Arab Group, of which my country has the honour to be Chairman for this month, that I have asked to speak at this meeting devoted to a general debate on the armed conflict that continues to rage in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Before I take up the subject, permit me first to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month and to express the confidence of the Arab Group in your wisdom, skills, experience and leadership. Please permit me also to express the gratitude and appreciation of the Arab Group to your predecessor, Ambassador Yuliy Vorontsov of the Russian Federation, for the skill and ability he demonstrated in guiding the deliberations of the Council during his presidency last month.”
1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source
“My delegation supports all the efforts undertaken to achieve a cease-fire as a preliminary step towards achieving a peaceful solution to this war, which has degraded human dignity and shaken the credibility of the United Nations.”
1993-04-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3203 (1993) · source
“Since the beginning of the Serbian aggression the Muslims have been in a position of self-defence, and they are the ones who continue to pay the price of the fighting. If they defended themselves they would reduce their losses. If Serbian losses were increased, that would not be objectionable, because the losses would, hopefully, deter them, and this is the intention; for what is required, in the first place, is to stop the fighting so that peace negotiations may continue, especially since the Muslims and the Croats have already signed the Vance-Owen plan. Secondly, a final warning should be issued to the Serbian forces that they should initiate a cease-fire on a certain date; otherwise, the Security Council would apply Article 42 of the Charter.”
1993-04-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3203 (1993) · source
“So, according to the pattern followed by the Serbs, the next step would be a cease-fire agreement, followed by a Serbian violation in the form of a new attack and the achievement of new gains. For resolution 820 (1993) to bear its intended fruits, my delegation proposes that the Council adopt a new resolution supporting resolution 820 (1993) and giving it force and effectiveness by including two things. First, it should lift the ban on arming the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter. To say that arming the Bosnian Muslims would increase the killing is not a sound argument to justify the Security Council's reluctance to lift the arms embargo against the Bosnian Muslims.”
1993-04-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3203 (1993) · source
“Secondly, the Security Council resolution that banned shipments of armaments to the conflicting parties has created a strange and sad situation. The image of the situation that emerges from this resolution is that of a Bosnian Muslim tied to a tree from head to toe and a Serbian tied to a tree by his leg with a long rope and still holding his whip in his hand, The Serbian has been whipping the Muslim, who can only scream for help. The onlookers, represented by the United Nations, only offer him water so that he may not die of thirst. Resolution 820 (1993) was necessary. My country's delegation, however, fears that the impact of this resolution will be no better than that of its predecessors, in that it will not stop the Serbian aggression until the Serbs have achieved all their objectives on the ground.”
1993-04-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3203 (1993) · source