YouSaid · the spoken record

Al-Hussein

lines on the record: 193
first: 2000-10-04
most recent: 2017-12-11
sittings or episodes: 23
sources: un-security-council

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“Alternative viewpoints - indeed, any form of individual thought outside their closed, unyielding logic - are rejected by them. Those humans who dissent must be murdered, their memory, their culture and every shred of their existence destroyed. According to their thinking, every single person in this Chamber is eligible for death. The leaders of the organization known as ISIL of course want to establish an ideal, a caliphate. In doing so, they exploit a general yearning shared by many non-takfiri Muslims the world over for a caliphate, for an ideal, though for everyone else the ideal is not built on the back of abominable crimes, as the takfiris would have it - or any crimes, for that matter. And yet by cleverly blending fantasy with claims of victimization, the takfiris attract adherents.”
2014-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7314 (2014) · source
“National and international strategies to counter ISIL have so far concentrated on a security approach. The Council has adopted an important resolution aimed at stunting inflows of ISIL recruits from around the world. There has also been a significant military effort. But little attention has been paid to the underlying struggle for minds. It is also disturbing how few to non-existent have been public demonstrations of anger in the Arab and Muslims worlds over the crimes being perpetrated in Iraq, notwithstanding their clear condemnation by many Arab and Islamic Governments. The takfiri movement is gripped and driven by a distinct ideology, and it will destroy everything that is contrary to what it believes should exist. For the takfiris there is only one acceptable manner in which to live.”
2014-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7314 (2014) · source
“But, as I have said, the crimes committed in Iraq are of such scale and gravity that in all likelihood they qualify as international crimes, subject to the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC). I call upon the Government to accede to the Rome Statute and, at the very least, to accept the ICC's jurisdiction over the current situation under article 12 (3). International crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide could also be included in the Iraqi criminal code. Following a lengthy delay of two months in obtaining an urgent allocation of resources from the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions, my Office is now also in a position to dispatch a fact-finding mission to Iraq, as mandated by the Human Rights Council on 1 September.”
2014-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7314 (2014) · source
“The anti-terrorism law of 2005 is another continuing concern, in that it fails to respect binding international commitments regarding the administration of justice and the prohibition of torture. My Office is preparing a report on that issue. The conduct of particular military operations, including air strikes and shelling, may have also violated the principles of distinction and proportionality under international humanitarian law, and should be investigated. In the past, armed groups affiliated with the Government have killed, abducted and threatened civilians, particularly Shia armed groups such as Asaib Ahl Al-Haq. These intolerable practices must not be allowed to continue, and the Government should end the impunity under which these groups operate. Accountability for violations is above all the responsibility of the State.”
2014-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7314 (2014) · source
“It seems ISIL-controlled areas have been largely emptied of ethnic and religious minorities, whose members have fled, been captured or killed. Currently, at least 1,500 captive members of persecuted ethnic and religious groups are in ISIL hands, and their fate is of extreme concern. The perpetrators of these crimes must be brought to justice. Iraqi Security Forces and affiliated armed groups have also violated human rights, according to reports received by my Office and the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). The Office ofthe United Nations High Commisioner for Human Rights and UNAMI continue to receive reports of violent attacks, harassment and the illegal arrest ofjoumalists.”
2014-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7314 (2014) · source
“Women and girls have suffered extremely grievous violations of their rights. Many who have escaped captivity report physical and sexual assault, sexual slavery, trafficking and forced marriage. They are literally sold in open markets. During a mission to Iraq in October, my team led by Assistant Secretary General Ivan Simonovie met girls as young as 13 who had been kidnapped and raped before managing to escape. They said many others, of the same age, remained captive. Children have been viciously tortured by ISIL, and many others have been forced to watch and participate in barbaric executions and torture. Boys as young as 12 have been recruited and forced to form front lines during combat to shield older ISIL soldiers.”
2014-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7314 (2014) · source
“However, the new Iraqi Government is starting to break with this pattern and is becoming more inclusive in its policies. This is to be welcomed. As I just noted, severe and apparently systematic violations of international humanitarian and human rights laws have been perpetrated by ISIL and associated armed groups in northern Iraq. Victims have reported wanton killings and summary public executions; abductions, rape and enslavement of women and young girls, with reports of girls and women being openly sold at slave markets; brutal violence against children, and the forced recruitment of children as young as 12; denial of all fundamental freedoms; and the deliberate persecution of ethnic and religious groups including Turkmen, Shabak, Christians, Yazidis, Sabea- Mandeans, Kaka'e, Faili Kurds, Arab Shia and other Sunnis.”
2014-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7314 (2014) · source
“the subsequent clear marginalization and persecution of large segments of the Sunni population, targeted killings and and cold-blooded attacks on innocent passers-by, many perpetrated by Shia militias acting with impunity. The people of Iraq have also endured discrimination, corruption, rampant impunity, a lack of inclusive participatory processes and failure to promote and protect their economic, social, cultural, civil and political rights. Their resulting widespread poverty and unequal access to basic services constitute silent human rights violations. Moreover, respect for the standards of due process and fair trials and for the international prohibition of torture has been, and continues to be, problematic. These must be considered root causes ofthe current crisis.”
2014-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7314 (2014) · source
“The authors of those crimes are people whose actions are nothing but disgusting, and whose consciences have demonstrably been annihilated. This takfiri group now controls a large swathe of Iraqi territory, and seems bent on subjecting every woman, man and child in it to its razor-thin, almost blank, world-view. The scale and violence of ISIL's brutality towards civilians shreds every principle relevant to human rights. And yet their fanaticism has flourished in part because of the damage wrought by years of conflict in Iraq, rhe early ruthless attacks on the Shia population by that other takfiri group - Al-Qaida - beginning in 2003, the equally brutal counter-attacks by the Shia militia against parts of the Sunni population.”
2014-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7314 (2014) · source
“On the face of the broad evidence now existing, particularly in respect of the Yazidis, and subject to the determination by a competent court of law, it is possible that 3 out of the 5 offenses falling under the crime of genocide, as listed in the Genocide Convention and the Rome Statute, have been perpetrated by the individuals within the takfiri leadership of what is also known as the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), which is also known as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and as Daesh. Out ofthe 11 offenses defined as crimes against humanity in the Rome Statute, they are likely guilty of involvement in up to nine of the offenses. As for war crimes, their commission is also virtually undeniable on any number of offenses where the relevant context is applicable.”
2014-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7314 (2014) · source
“It is forbidden in Islam to force people to convert. It is forbidden in Islam to deny women their rights. It is forbidden in Islam to deny children their rights. It is forbidden in Islam to torture people. It is forbidden in Islam to disfigure the dead. And it is forbidden in Islam to declare a caliphate without consensus from all Muslims. Those are among the points in a letter authored by 126 Muslim scholars drawn from all parts of the world that they addressed to Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi two months ago. I will return to the letter shortly. (spoke in English) So monstrous are the crimes being committed by the takfiris in Iraq - not just in violation of sharia but of customary law, to which sharia is a significant contributor - the world is staggered by them.”
2014-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7314 (2014) · source
“I am delighted to return to the Security Council in my new role as the new High Commissioner for Human Rights and I thank you, Mr. President, for this opportunity to brief the Council on the situation in Iraq. It is forbidden in Islam to oversimplify sharia matters and ignore established Islamic sciences. It is forbidden in Islam to ignore the reality of contemporary times when deriving legal rulings. It is forbidden in Islam to kill the innocent. It is forbidden in Islam to kill emissaries, ambassadors and diplomats; hence it is forbidden to kill journalists and aid workers. It is forbidden in Islam to harm or mistreat in any way Christians or any "people of the scripture". It is obligatory to consider the Yazidis as people of the scripture. The re-introduction of slavery is forbidden in Islam; it was abolished by universal consensus.”
2014-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7314 (2014) · source
“We appeal for the Syrian people not to be abandoned in this very difficult time. We also call for an end to the targeting of innocent Syrian civilians and the start of a serious dialogue between the Government and the opposition to put an end to the cycle of violence and destruction and to protect the cultural and humanitarian heritage of the Syrian Arab Republic for its sake and for the sake of humanity. The Syrian Arab Republic is our neighbour, and so are its people, with their deeply Arab roots. Syria's security is our security, and its interests are also ours.”
2012-04-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6757Resumption1 (2012) · source
“The Permanent Representative of Israel made the point that we closed the holy sites in Jerusalem to Jews during the period of Jordan's administration, but he did not say why. The action was taken by us because Christian Palestinians had not been permitted by Israel to travel to Nazareth. In other words, we responded to a prior action undertaken by the Israeli Government. If the Ambassador of Israel wants to assert the truth, he needs to assert all of it. (spoke in Arabic) As regards the prevailing situation in the brotherly country of the Syrian Arab Republic, our position is to find a political solution to the Syrian crisis and to provide our support to the mission of the former Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan. Jordan has extended its hand to the brotherly Syrian people and will continue to do so.”
2012-04-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6757Resumption1 (2012) · source
“Secondly, to cover the deeper implications behind this Israeli assertion, I wish to state that what was non-Israeli territory prior to 1948 remains non-Israeli territory today. Let us assume that the status of the territory from 1950 to 1967 remains in dispute - a dispute between us, the Jordanians and the Palestinians. What is not in dispute is that, however we argue about it, we all agree that this territory was non-Israeli territory, and this remains so today. In actual fact, there is no dispute. The Security Council and the International Court of Justice have affirmed repeatedly in the case of the Council that the territory is and has since 1967 been occupied Palestinian territory. I also wish to deal with another incomplete assertion.”
2012-04-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6757Resumption1 (2012) · source
“(spoke in English) The Permanent Representative of Israel mentioned in his statement this morning that the West Bank was part of Jordan from 1948 to 1967 and that "the Arab world did not lift a finger to create a Palestinian State". I regret that he made this remark, which represents a sterile and somewhat dated argument long put forward by the neo-revisionists in Israel, which prompts me to note the following. First, the act of union of 1950 was agreed to without prejudice to the rights and aspirations of the Palestinian people. Perhaps the clearest demonstration of this fact was the attendance of his late Majesty, King Hussein, at the opening ceremony marking the creation of the Palestinian Liberation Organization in 1964.”
2012-04-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6757Resumption1 (2012) · source
“Jordan considers that, despite all of the current developments in the region, the Palestinian question remains the main and central issue in the Middle East. That belief sparked the recent Jordan initiative to start 12-30747 initial exploratory negotiations by bringing the two parties together to support the efforts of the international Quartet and to move on from the impasse in which the negotiations are bogged down. In that regard, Jordan welcomes the letter of Mr. Mahmoud Abbas addressed to Mr. Benjamin Netanyahu, the head of the Israeli Government. We reaffirm by the same token the contents of this letter, and we hope that there will be a positive response from the Israeli side.”
2012-04-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6757Resumption1 (2012) · source
“Mr. Al-Hussein (Jordan) (spoke in Arabic): We meet today in exceptional international and regional conditions, as the Arab world is experiencing serious challenges and decisive transformations. The situation imposes on us significant responsibilities to our people and future generations. On that basis and the basis of our principles in general, my delegation believes that our responsibilities requires us to condemn the massacre and targeting of innocent civilians. These practices are prohibited from a moral, humane and legal point of view. They are banned by religious and secular law, run counter to humanitarian international law and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and must therefore be subject to national and international legal accountability.”
2012-04-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6757Resumption1 (2012) · source
“We would also like to underscore the need to find a solution to the question of prisoners and abductees, which would help to defuse the tense situation. Israel should show the flexibility that is needed to help revive the political process so that negotiations can be resumed between the two sides. Israel should also take specific, concrete steps to put an end to the occupation. Once again, we urge all the parties concerned to make every possible effort to that end. Bringing about peace and ensuring the establishment of a Palestinian State should remain our basic priority.”
2006-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5564Resumption1 (2006) · source
“The only viable route to a fair resolution is through direct and early negotiations between the two sides to ensure the implementation of United Nations resolutions and of the basic principles of the Road Map and the Arab Peace Initiative, with a view to establishing an independent, sovereign Palestinian State. All of us, therefore, are duty-bound to continue to support President Abbas and to ensure that international assistance is provided to the Palestinian side. Furthermore, Israel, for its part, should take immediate steps to put an end to its military operations, keep the Gaza Strip crossing points open, remove restrictions on freedom of movement and release tax revenue owed to the Palestinian side.”
2006-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5564Resumption1 (2006) · source
“The deterioration of the current situation in the occupied Palestinian territories and its continued downward spiral threatens more than ever before prospects for the establishment of a Palestinian State as well as security and stability in the region. Israel persists in the commission of heinous acts such as the killing of Palestinians and the occupation of Palestinian territory, the building of settlements, flagrant violations of international law and the continued denial of all Palestinian rights for many decades now. All of these are very serious issues that intensify the suffering of the Palestinian people, fuel forces of extremism and fan the flames of hatred. The events clearly demonstrate that there will be no unilateral solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”
2006-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5564Resumption1 (2006) · source
“The Government of Jordan calls on the Security Council to shoulder its responsibilities in order to put an immediate end to all forms of Israeli aggression and to the suffering of the Palestinian people. Israeli military operations against the Palestinian people will only heighten tensions and hinder current efforts to lend assistance and end the human suffering being endured by the Palestinian people. We also emphasize the need for urgent action by the international community and influential global Powers so that the peace process can resume and be put back on track. There is a dire need to resume that process as soon as possible.”
2006-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5564Resumption1 (2006) · source
“Mr. Al-Hussein (Jordan) (spoke in Arabic): May I offer our congratulations to you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month. We wish also to thank your predecessor, who presided over the Council last month. The Government of Jordan strongly condemns the aggression committed by Israel against the Palestinian people and its continued military operations in the Gaza Strip, which have recently caused numerous Palestinian victims. Jordan condemns the horrendous crime committed by Israel in Beit Hanoun on 8 November 2006. We also condemn the policy of collective punishment carried out by Israel against the Palestinians.”
2006-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5564Resumption1 (2006) · source
“Finally, it is important that the Security Council is hosting this second thematic debate on justice and the rule of law and the role of the United Nations, for it not only compliments well the priorities established by the Secretary-General in his speech before the General Assembly two weeks ago but also because it will, we hope, set the tone in the times ahead for the Council's own approach to the rule of law, the recognition of the law's primacy and the law's centrality to the maintenance of international peace and security. In the same vein, my delegation looks forward to the Council's upcoming consideration of the advisory opinion rendered recently by the United Nations highest judicial body, the International Court of Justice, in a matter known to everyone here that is also of substantial importance to my delegation.”
2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052Resumption1 (2004) · source
“Turning to the second portion of the recommendations, where they relate specifically to the United Nations system, we are pleased to join the delegation of Finland in attaching ourselves to the remarks made earlier by the Permanent Representative of Germany on what possible institutional changes could be considered by the Executive Committee on Peace and Security in the foreseeable future, as proposed in our joint non-paper. My delegation believes earnestly that if we wish ourselves and the United Nations a high measure of success in that area, it will ultimately only be attainable through the establishment of a dedicated rule-of-law department - a field-oriented legal and judicial service.”
2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052Resumption1 (2004) · source
“We tend to be thrifty when it comes to spending on law, and generous when it comes to spending on weapons. Our second observation concerns the Secretary- General's conclusions and recommendations, which are found at the end of the report and with which we agree almost entirely. We would have liked to see, however, the inclusion, in the last portion of the report, of the Secretary-General's pertinent observations concerning the International Criminal Court and its significance, remarks found earlier in the report. With three more countries having acceded to the Rome Statute in recent days, bringing the total number of States parties to 97, the majority of Member States of the United Nations are now party to the Statute, and all of those were ratifications were concluded in only six years. That is by no means a small accomplishment.”
2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052Resumption1 (2004) · source
“What is important is that the majority of people are aware that the Tribunal exists and that it functions properly - that is, that those accused of bearing the greatest responsibility for the commission of the worst crimes are being prosecuted. And that is sufficient. With the international community prepared to spend almost $1 trillion a year on weapons - that historic companion of war - how can we say that anything we have spent thus far on justice - the surest companion of peace - is too expensive? In short, we the international community clamour in an ad hoc manner for instant results when it comes to international criminal justice, and we insist that those results must be quantifiable, when the very systems of justice we seek to create aspire to much more than simply that. We suffer collectively from a very short memory.”
2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052Resumption1 (2004) · source
“And so, if the alternative to justice and accountability is a likely return to a condition of general warfare, with all its familiar consequences, can the amounts already spent on the ICTY be construed as too great? Much is often made by those who question the cost of the seeming absence of any impact the ongoing work of the ICTY has on the situation on the ground. And yet, we would argue, it is simply not necessary for the peoples of the former Yugoslavia to know what exact cases are now before the Court, who the defendants are, who is litigating or who is judging; or to know the judgements and the sentences; or even to understand the jurisprudence for there to exist a state of continuing peace.”
2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052Resumption1 (2004) · source
“For a start, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) costs the United Nations membership, per year, close to $175 million, which, to my delegation's way of thinking, is a very reasonable amount. For $175 million is less than one twentieth of what the United Nations paid annually, during the war, to maintain its peacekeeping operation in the former Yugoslavia - less than one twentieth. Put another way, the ICTY would have to continue operating until 2014 for its budget over the span of 20 years to measure up to what this Organization spent in one year alone - 1994 - on the operations of the United Nations Protection Force. And were it not for the ICTY, we can all be certain that the Dayton Peace Agreement would not have held in the form it has done for the past nine years.”
2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052Resumption1 (2004) · source
“My delegation would very much like to offer three observations on the detail itself. The first relates to the refrain, found particularly in paragraphs 41 and 42 of the report, that the two ad hoc Tribunals are and have been expensive propositions - the insinuation being, perhaps, that they have become too expensive and may not even worth it. Indeed, so often has that assertion of high cost been repeated in this Chamber in the context of the Tribunals that we can safely say it has now become almost a given to many Governments, as well as to the United Nations itself. But why? In all honesty, my delegation is at a loss to know where this thinking comes from, and we believe that it needs to be thought through further.”
2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052Resumption1 (2004) · source
“In particular, my delegation appreciates the repeated references the report makes to the pivotal importance of common sense - that those who plan for rule of law and transitional justice in conflict and post-conflict societies must be guided by those simple tenets of the obvious: listen to the local actors; know what is unique from what is not and therefore - drawing from our shared historical experiences - what is relevant to the circumstances in question from what is not; appreciate the broader picture when seizing on the details; and do all this before sequencing an approach, maintaining, always, a policy that is nimble and alive to changing conditions. We applaud that way of thinking and congratulate the Secretary-General on a very well produced, analytical report.”
2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052Resumption1 (2004) · source
“We are grateful to you, Sir, for your spirited and able leadership on this vital issue, and we thank you most sincerely for having organized today's discussion, which affords us an opportunity to comment on the Secretary-General's report on the rule of law and transitional justice in conflict and post-conflict societies. It is, from every angle, a very fine report - one that we welcome most warmly. It is thoughtful throughout and very well written.”
2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052Resumption1 (2004) · source
“This leads us to ask if the Israeli side really wants to realize the vision of two States or if it has another vision entirely.”
2003-10-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4841 (2003) · source
“It affects the livelihood of more than 210,000 Palestinians in more than 67 villages and violates human rights in the Palestinian occupied territories. We call on Israel to stop the construction of the wall immediately and emphasize the need to respect the lines of 4 June 1967. We call on it to start immediately, in conformity with its commitments in the first phase of the road map, with the dismantling of all the settlements built since March 2001. Israel's pursuit of its settlement activities, construction of the separation wall and expansion of the occupation of Palestinian territories run counter to the vision of two States - Palestine and Israel - living side by side in peace. Indeed, it renders it completely impossible.”
2003-10-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4841 (2003) · source
“Israel's ongoing construction of the separation wall and its settlement activities are a violation of the principles of international law and of United Nations resolutions on Palestine, especially Security Council resolutions 476 (1980) and 478 (1980). We condemn the construction of the separation wall, which entrenches the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories, devours more land and imposes a de facto situation on the future Palestinian State, in the sense that it cuts deeply into the Palestinian territories and does not conform to the Green Line of June 1967. The completion of the wall means the annexation of more than 10 per cent of the land of the West Bank to Israel and the imprisonment of more than 95,000 Palestinian citizens between the wall and the Green Line of June 1967.”
2003-10-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4841 (2003) · source
“Moreover, its continued violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention, the imposition of oppressive measures against the Palestinian people and the occupation of Palestinian land have been the main cause of the Palestinians' unacceptable economic suffering and difficult living conditions. At the same time, Jordan took a principled moral and political position against suicide operations. We feel that these operations, which we condemn, have reflected negatively on and diminished international sympathy for the Palestinian cause and diverted attention from the main issue ending the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories. The current circumstances will only help to strengthen extremists on both sides. We believe that the Israeli security policy has not and will not bring about security for Israelis.”
2003-10-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4841 (2003) · source
“We should be focusing on expediting the establishment of a genuine mechanism for monitoring the political and security situation under the Quartet's auspices to ensure that parties fulfil their reciprocal commitments made in accordance with the road map. This is the path that will enable us to use the present historic opportunity to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East. It is high time to implement the road map and take significant and prompt steps to put the peace process back on an irreversible track. But the Israeli Government's continued security policies, assassinations, extrajudicial killings and targeting of Palestinian citizens directly threaten the future of the peace process and implementation of the road map.”
2003-10-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4841 (2003) · source
“On this basis, we reaffirm our support for the vision for peace in the Middle East put forward last June by United States President George Bush, and for the road map, to which Jordan actively contributed. They provide for a genuine change in the political situation through mutual commitments, the end of Israeli occupation and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, in accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 1397 (2002), the principle of land for peace and the Arab peace initiative. The road map sets forth a time frame of three years for the establishment of a Palestinian State and a monitoring and assessment mechanism to ensure timely implementation of the measures.”
2003-10-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4841 (2003) · source
“Mr. Al-Hussein (Jordan) (spoke in Arabic): I thank you, Mr. President, for calling this special meeting to consider the question of Palestine and Israel's construction of the separation wall. We are seriously concerned about the developments in the Middle East. We in Jordan are in the middle of a circle of geographical and political instability, not to mention the resulting social and economic repercussions. The latest escalation threatens the peace and stability of all the States of the region. We therefore call on all parties to exercise the maximum self-restraint and work effectively and with determination to put the political process back on track.”
2003-10-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4841 (2003) · source
“The Government of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan calls upon Israel to cease forthwith using force and any forms of violence, comply with international law and respect the sovereignty of all States of the region.”
2003-10-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4836 (2003) · source
“The Government of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan strongly condemns the aerial attack by Israel this morning against the Syrian Arab Republic. International law in this regard is very clear. No party can act outside of the jurisdiction of Article 2, paragraph 4 of the Charter, which prohibits the use of force except in two cases. The first case is if the use of force is used under Article 51 of the Charter, which reflects the principle of self-defence. However, the exercise of that right on the part of any State is conditioned on a prior armed attack against it. The second case is if the Security Council authorizes the use of force under Chapter VII of the Charter. Neither case applies in this matter.”
2003-10-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4836 (2003) · source
“Mr. Al-Hussein (Jordan) (spoke in Arabic): At the outset, I wish to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council this month. We wish you every success in leading the deliberations of the Council. We also express our appreciation to His Excellency Ambassador Emyr Jones Parry for his impressive presidency of the Council last month. I also wish to thank you, Sir, for convening this emergency meeting. The convening of this important meeting at this time to examine the situation in the Middle East is a clear manifestation of the Security Council's recognition of the grave developments that have taken place in the our region that will endanger the peace process and will lead to bloodshed.”
2003-10-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4836 (2003) · source
“We stand convinced that the International Criminal Court will, over time, play a central role in how the Security Council chooses to confront those who commit the gravest of crimes in societies afflicted by war, and are pleased to note that most Council members appear to share that opinion.”
2003-09-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4835 (2003) · source
“Not only are there strong legal arguments to be made in favour of such action by the Security Council - tied to the unique legitimacy brought on by the Court's international and permanent character, together with the Court's early deference to national jurisdictions - but also there are very practical considerations which must be brought into the Council's calculations. Simply put, there is a limit to the number of legal specialists worldwide who are qualified, able and willing to staff and then render operational alternatives to the International Criminal Court, such ad hoc, special or hybrid courts. And, as the President of the Council noted last week, funding these ad hoc arrangements can also be a serious problem.”
2003-09-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4835 (2003) · source
“Ultimately, we feel that not only should the Criminal Law and Judiciary Advisory Unit, which presently comprises only two very able staff members, be expanded, but that, eventually, the United Nations police function at Headquarters should itself be a part of a justice and rule of law division, and not vice versa, as happens to be the case now. Discussions, I am sure, will continue on these and other points within the relevant committees of the General Assembly in the near future. Finally, turning to the prosecution of those accused of having committed the gravest of crimes, my delegation believes firmly that, with the establishment of the International Criminal Court, the Security Council is well positioned to make use of Article 13 (b) of the Rome Statute and refer relevant situations to the Court.”
2003-09-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4835 (2003) · source
“Our debate in the Security Council last week and today is therefore all the more timely and, naturally, we are in your debt, Mr. President, for that. What is now required, we believe, is for the Security Council to take stock of the current dialogue between the Secretariat and the General Assembly, and then work closely with the General Assembly so that whatever future decisions the Council may seek to take on the matter, should they require commensurate resources at United Nations Headquarters, those resources will be there.”
2003-09-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4835 (2003) · source
“In his introduction of that report to the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations, the Secretary- General noted specifically that: "the Task Force emphasized the need for the United Nations to consult much more closely with local actors in the country concerned and engage them in a meaningful way in devising and undertaking rule of law initiatives in peace operations, so as not to impose a rule of law strategy on them." (A/57/7I], para. 28) It was language and a perspective that eased markedly the concerns of several delegations, and the Task Force's comprehensive report was subsequently both welcomed by the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations and then discussed at length in a special session called for by the General Assembly, arranged by the Secretariat and then held only a few months ago.”
2003-09-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4835 (2003) · source
“However, as was mentioned by the Secretary-General in his intervention in this Chamber a week ago, the Secretariat also established, in April 2002, a Task Force for the Development of Comprehensive Rule of Law Strategies for Peace Operations under the aegis of the Executive Committee on Peace and Security, which produced an excellent and comprehensive report on the rule of law, circulated to all Member States on 25 November 2002. This report offered numerous recommendations and highlighted those areas where Member States could be of some assistance to the Secretariat.”
2003-09-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4835 (2003) · source
“In other words, the difficulties then encountered were essentially doctrinal and, while there was little doubt that the Security Council has an essential role to play on the rule of law, the question remains of whether it should have the only or exclusive right to it. The discussions held within the General Assembly over the last two and a half years on the rule of law led to the creation by the Secretariat of the Criminal Law and Judiciary Advisory Unit, a small unit within the Civilian Police Division in the Department of Peacekeeping Operations.”
2003-09-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4835 (2003) · source
“It was the report submitted by the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations, led by Lakhdar Brahimi, in August 2000 that first alerted us to this problem, relating to the absence of applicable law whenever a transitional administration is set up. Unfortunately, the proposal offered - of examining the possibilities for having an interim or model criminal code - ran into difficulties in the General Assembly, not because there was insufficient appreciation by Member States over the need for it, but because there were doubts as to whether an unreformed Security Council should be enabled, through the availability of a model criminal code, to impose a penal law when only the permanent members of the Council are in a position to chaperone this process over the longer term.”
2003-09-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4835 (2003) · source