YouSaid · the spoken record

Al Tubuly

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12
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2019-11-18
most recent
2019-11-18
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1
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un-security-council

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  1. Will Council members, as members of the international community, stand strong together against any actor who supports violence in Libya? When the Council reaches a decision, I ask it to remember the people on the ground, the Libyan families who have left their homes and the activists who continue to die. We want the international community to help ensure that Libya can return to its golden age through support to our country's progress.

    2019-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8667 (2019) · source

  2. If the Council implements resolutions 1325 (2000) and 2250 (2015), we do not think that the Libyan people will reject women's inclusion. The role of the United Nations and the international community in Libya is not only important but life-changing. I call on the Security Council to take the necessary decisions to stop the flow of arms to Libya, which in turn will definitely stop the war, and to support the peace process and build stability in Libya. Libya has reached a situation where what the Council does and says, and how it interacts with national and local actors, really matters. For us Libyans, working for peacebuilding is not a choice. But for the Council it is. And today the Council has to make a choice. The question is, will it make the right choice and support the peaceful majority in Libya?

    2019-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8667 (2019) · source

  3. The international community and UNSMIL, which are mandated to facilitate the peacebuilding process, must redesign the negotiating table, first in order to redistribute power, secondly to redefine power and thirdly to make power gender-sensitive. But how do we redesign the table to make it inclusive? That question has actually been answered by the Security Council in its resolutions 1325 (2000) and 2250 (2015), and in subsequent resolutions. That is the Council's mandate. When I talked about the 1951 Constitution and girls' education, earlier in my statement, the Government acted on it and Libyan parents did not reject girls' education. On the contrary, many families sent their daughters to school. The same could apply now.

    2019-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8667 (2019) · source

  4. In a post made two days ago on Facebook, a friend of mine says, "It has been eight months since I left my home. I miss every detail of my house so much. It hurts that we did not leave it voluntarily, but were rather forced to quickly escape an inevitable death. When the road to your home becomes deadly, you can no longer visit or see it except Via online satellite maps. The latest satellite photos showed that our car had also been stolen. We have finally been morally and materially depleted." This is so painful. If UNSMIL and the international community are serious about bringing peace to Libya, they must listen ordinary Libyans, and empower and give legitimacy to people who do not set conditions for peace based on their personal and political interests.

    2019-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8667 (2019) · source

  5. Neville Chamberlain once said, "In war, whichever side may call itself the victor, there are no winners, but all are losers", and that certainly applies in the case of Libya. The numbers of the dead and injured are rising every day, not only on the battlefields and in areas where clashes take place but also on the political and peaceful activity front. Abductions and assassinations have been rising since the Libyan civil war began, with two prominent examples being the assassination of Salwa Bugaighis and more recently the abduction of Siham Sergewa, whose fate is still uncertain. The fact is that the main losers in this conflict are the people who are excluded from the peace and political negotiations and have no say in what their dream country should look like.

    2019-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8667 (2019) · source

  6. When we interact with members of the international community, they often say that the conflict in Libya is an internal issue, and therefore that Libyans should come together to build peace and end this war. We fully agree, and we have been doing just that. Women and young people have been doing it, but the international community has not taken our efforts seriously. In the name of preventive diplomacy, State-building and peacebuilding, the international community supported troublemakers instead of peacebuilders. The international community gave power and legitimacy to a violent minority instead of empowering the peaceful majority. These days, unfortunately, some members of the international community appear to be turning a blind eye by allowing a flood of weapons and ammunition to reach violent groups.

    2019-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8667 (2019) · source

  7. Nevertheless, if elections are not possible, then UNSMIL and the international community must be creative and innovative on how to facilitate and lead a political process that is inclusive of the general public and both genders. For example, after four years of exclusion, last year UNSMIL opened up the political process to ordinary Libyans by conducting nationwide consultations. If one has a political conversation with ordinary Libyans in the street, they will say that their voices do not matter to the international community. All that is important is what the international community is saying and doing to help support and build peace in Libya.

    2019-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8667 (2019) · source

  8. Today, the Council might have expected me to speak only of women in Libya and the amazing work that they are doing on the ground, and to finish my statement by delivering recommendations on how to support Libyan women and their role in peace building. In fact, I want to talk about the power of the people, of which Libyan women and youth constitute the majority. Since 2014, after the last parliamentarian elections in Libya, ordinary citizens were completely excluded from the political process. Such exclusion is not only the fault of Libyan actors, but it is also part of the responsibility of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) and other international community actors that are leading and facilitating the current political process in Libya.

    2019-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8667 (2019) · source

  9. Being Director and Co-Founder of Together We Build It, which was established in Libya in 2011, has given me the capacity to take part in advocacy efforts and campaigns advocating for the role of women in the formal peace process. We are often told by international decision-makers that the reason women are excluded from the formal peace process is because Libyan actors are against women's political participation and that, if we want to ensure that Libyan women have a seat at the table, then we need to place internal pressure on the national decision-makers. But that begs the following question: If there are no means for ordinary Libyans to take part in the political process, then how will we be able to change such things on the ground?

    2019-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8667 (2019) · source

  10. This story provides the perfect example to show that Libyans have the potential to progress in women's empowerment, gender equality and all other aspects of life if decision-makers make enough efforts to facilitate and lead such progress. We all know that social changes are usually led by political changes. Unfortunately, at this stage, Libya is going through an unconventional political process. However, ordinary Libyans and Libyan decision-makers are not the only actors in the political process. The international community, especially the United Nations, can be considered as the main mediator of the current process.

    2019-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8667 (2019) · source

  11. Because of him, I not only continued my education, but I went on to become auniversity professor, holding a master's degree and doctorate in clinical pharmacology and a master's degree in international human rights law. In fact, the right to education was given to all Libyans under the Constitution in 1951, and asserting the right of women to education enabled many girls, who were even older than primary-school age, to attend school. I remember that, when I was eight years old, I shared a desk with a girl who was double my age - 16 years old - at that time. The girl was allowed to go to school by her parents only because the Government at that time made the effort to encourage girls' education. This story is not about personal achievements or a historical discussion.

    2019-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8667 (2019) · source

  12. Ms. Al Tubuly: My name is Rida Ahmed Al Tubuly. I am honoured and privileged to be speaking before the Security Council today. I thank you, Sir, for the invitation and providing me with this opportunity. I would like to stress that this privilege was not something that was granted to me by default. I believe that I earned this opportunity after a lengthy struggle for my rights as a Libyan woman. My fight for my rights was first kick-started by my late father, who courageously resisted the social norms of 19805 Libya. He encouraged me to continue my education despite the criticism that he received from his peers at the time, who were generally doubtful of the value of women's education. He always told me that the important thing is to be independent.

    2019-11-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8667 (2019) · source