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Bangura

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1994-05-25
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2016-12-20
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un-security-council

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  1. This is not just a fight against terrorism or a fight against trafficking; it is ultimately a fight for the values and ideas that shape our common future. Da'esh and their affiliates may view abducted women as commodities to be trafficked. They may itemize them as price lists, ranging from $20 to $20,000, haggling online over their victim's perceived market value. They may try to negotiate the waters for human life or barter away a captured child for as little as a pack of cigarettes, but I am confident that the Council and its sanctions committees will meet those depraved acts of terror with unity and clarity of purpose. Together, we will send a resounding signal that the rights, freedoms and futures of women and children are non-negotiable.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  2. We must mobilize the moral authority of progressive religious and community leaders who can help to shift the blame, shame and stigma of sexual violence from the victims to the perpetrators. Socioeconomic reintegration support for survivors, including medical, psychosocial, legal and livelihood assistance must infuse all of our peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction efforts. As evidenced by their own families and communities, too many survivors are seen as affiliates of extremist groups rather than as victims. They are sometimes used as intelligence assets by security forces. As we bring back our girls, let us bring them back to an environment of support and opportunity, not hostility and suspicion.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  3. Indeed, we have seen time and time again that if we ignore the voices of grass-roots women, we do so at our peril. Too often, women have identified the early signs of radicalization but their warnings have gone unheard and unheeded, due to a limited understanding of terrorism and to narrow counter-terrorism strategies which have traditionally been gender blind. Moving forward, we must deepen the evidence base that informs our advocacy and action. We must enhance information sharing and judicial cooperation to combat crimes that know no borders. It is a travesty and an outrage that not one Da'esh fighter has yet been convicted for crimes of sexual violence or even listed by our sanctions regime on that basis.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  4. Victims of sexual violence by terrorist groups are victims of terrorism, in the same way that victims of sexual violence by warring parties are victims of war. Resolution 2331 (2016), adopted today, is an important normative development in that regard. The next step is to reflect that understanding in national counter-terrorism legislation to render sexual violence survivors eligible for relief and reparation programmes, on a basis of equality with other victims. That must be mirrored in national, regional and global counter- terrorism strategies, which can no longer be decoupled from efforts to protect and empower women and girls. Greater coherence is needed between national action plans on women, peace and security and plans being developed to counter violent extremism.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  5. That includes the promise of access to wives and sex slaves and the trading of women between brothers in exclusive online forums that cement group ties and affiliation. Finally, sexual violence is a tactic of terrorism when it is committed pursuant to an ideology of controlling women's bodies, sexuality and reproduction to produce a generation that can be raised and groomed in the image of the organization, according to their ideology. Da'esh has established an official sex-trafficking institution, dubbed Married Bureaus, to match young women to fighters for that purpose. Those six indicators of sexual violence as a tactic of terror will continue to be tracked and monitored by my mandate.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  6. The third is when it is used to finance and sustain the activities ofterrorist groups or as part ofthe systems of punishment and rewards through which they control behaviour, and includes the gifting of women and girls as a form of in-kind compensation for fighters and the leveraging of the threat of sexual violence to extort ransoms from the families of those abducted. The fourth is when it is used to target political, ethnic or religious groups as a form of prosecution. Attacking women as symbolic bearers of cultural identity to shred the social fabric and unravel kinship ties. That tactic may be linked with forced displacement and population flight. The fifth is when it advances a strategy to radicalize, recruit, retain or reward fighters - often disseminated by a technology and communication platform, as part of online propaganda.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  7. Although there is no internationally agreed definition of terrorism, current dynamics and realities on the ground have prompted many to ask: "When is sexual violence a tactic of terrorism?" To foster conceptual clarity, my Office has identified six key dimensions. The first is when it is committed by violent extremists and terrorist groups in a systematic manner that is integral to the operation. The second is when it is deliberately used to spread terror inculcate fear and create an atmosphere of insecurity in order to intimidate and suppress opposition, including as a form of collective punishment.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  8. To meet these evolving threats, our policies must also evolve. In this regard, applying a women, peace and security perspective, or a gender lens, can be truly transformative. Seen through this lens, sexual violence represents the very front line in our battle against violent extremism, because it is a battle being waged on and over the bodies of women and girls. To disrupt human trafficking is to help disrupt the business of terrorism. This is critical, because when stripped of the veneer of politics and the mystique of religion, we see that the business of terrorism is business. It is profitable crime under the cover of war.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  9. It is therefore unsurprising that the crime of terrorism has never been viewed through the eyes of its female victims. Recognizing sexual violence as a tactic of terrorism demands that we rethink our response. For instance, we cannot deplore the public face of terrorism - the bombing, killing and property destruction - while ignoring the violence terrorists inflict on women and girls in private, behind closed doors. Our efforts to disrupt terrorist financing cannot be limited to oil smuggling and trafficking in antiquities, while ignoring people smuggling and the trafficking of human beings. As extremist groups evolve, their sources of financing become increasingly sophisticated and diversified. The result is a growing convergence between terrorism, trafficking and transnational organized crime.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  10. Indeed, the same litany of horrors echoes across the accounts of Nigerian girls who have fled the grip of Boko Haram, Somali women liberated from Al-Shabaab, and women in northern Mali who languish in the shadow of Ansar Eddine The use of sexual violence as a tactic to strike fear into the heart of the civilian population is not a new phenomenon; neither are the commodification, trafficking and exploitation of women and girls. But the combination of the evils that we are witnessing today seems unprecedented in its scope and brazen brutality. Crimes of sexual violence have historically been dismissed as random, opportunistic acts. They have been part of the larger silence surrounding women's experience of war, linkedto gender-based discrimination and exclusion from security institutions.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  11. These reports include an annexed list of parties credibly suspected of committing or being responsible for patterns of sexual violence in situations on the Council's agenda. Of the 48 parties listed, 37 are non-State actors. Seven are designated as terrorist groups. These include Da'esh, Ansar Eddine, the Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, Al-Shabaab, the Al-Nusra Front, the Mouvement pour l'unicite et le jihad en Afrique de l'Ouest, and Boko Haram. Such groups invariably restrict women's rights, autonomy and freedoms through their reign of terror.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  12. It is part ofthe financial calculus made by Da'esh fighters that they will be able to supplement their salaries of a few hundred dollars a month with potentially tens of thousands of dollars raised through the sale and traffic of women and children. Unlike oil and antiquities, to which only top commanders have access, all militants are able to exploit local women and children to boost their personal economies. In fact, a range of extremist groups are using sexual violence to advance their military, political, economic and ideological aims My Office has begun to monitor this trend through the reports of the Secretary- General on conflict-related sexual violence, which we compile each year.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  13. And there are women like Umm Sayyaf, who helped to enforce sexual slavery, and Doctor Nawal, who carried out virginity tests and forced abortions at the behest of Da'esh, even injecting young girls with hormones to accelerate their maturation and readiness for sale into sexual slavery. There are many more like them - too many to name - operating with absolute impunity. These ongoing atrocities are motivated as much by commercial as by ideological concerns. They are not isolated incidents. Simply stated, women and children have become part of the currency by which Da'esh consolidates its power. This blood money is then used to bankroll its actions and cement its authority. Though it is largely invisible and difficult to quantify, the blood money of women and children has become part of the lifeblood that sustains that group.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  14. Another individual is Emir Abu Ali. He implemented the so-called fatwa issued by Da'esh in April 2015, ordering the separation of children from their mothers. The aim was to enable children to be indoctrinated in the Madrassa Jihadia and their mothers to be sold into sexual slavery. There is also the Sheikh in Raqqa who wrote his name on the palm ofa Yazidi girl during the purchasing process to brand her as his property. There is the militant in Mosul responsible for buying and selling girls along with guns and rocket-propelled grenades. There is the head of a police station in Raqqa who used his position to facilitate human trafficking.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  15. The stories of those brave enough to bear witness - including the statements of the trafficking survivors here today - are vital to our work. But allow me to also take this opportunity to cast a searchlight on the perpetrators - on those whose deeds are often hidden by the so- called fog of war. One such individual is Emir Abu Malek. He is responsible for trafficking women and girls from Iraq to Syria, dividing them up among his friends as the spoils of war. According to information obtained by my Office, this man issued instructions about where they should be transferred, to whom they should be given, and what his brothers in arms should do to these girls. On one occasion, he ordered that a group of 15 girls, aged 9- and lO-years old, be transferred to Raqqa and Mosul to be raped for half a day, and then sold on further.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  16. This unprecedented political momentum has translated into the adoption of zero-tolerance policies for national armed and security forces; frameworks of cooperation and joint communiques signed by Governments, signalling their commitment to act at the highest level - most recently, by the Government of Iraq; and landmark convictions for sexual violence as a war crime and a crime against humanity, including at the level of command responsibility. Yet, as we take stock of this progress, we are also forced to confront new and previously unforeseen threats. These include the use of sexual violence as a tactic of terrorism by groups that traffic their victims internally and across borders in the pursuit of profit. In the Chamber, we often hear accounts of survivors of wartime atrocity.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  17. Ms. Bangura: I join my colleagues in extending my sympathy to the Russian Federation for the assassination of the Russian Ambassador in Turkey. I thank you, Sir, for the opportunity to add my voice to this critical and timely debate on human trafficking in situations of conflict. I would like to start by extending my thanks and congratulations to Spain for convening this meeting today, and for its leadership every day as a tireless champion of the women, peace and security agenda during its tenure on the Council and beyond. Over the past four years, during which I have served as Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, we have witnessed a deep and enduring shift in the treatment of this issue as a peace and security imperative.

    2016-12-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7847 (2016) · source

  18. But at this crucial juncture, we cannot afford to be complacent or lose our focus; we must meet the new challenges on the horizon and we must keep the searchlight of international scrutiny on this historically silenced crime. When survivors tell us that "our bodies are worth less here than a dead rat", it diminishes our collective humanity. Ultimately, all our words and laws and resolutions will mean nothing if Violations go unpunished in practice and we are unable to increase the cost and consequences for committing such crimes. To the victims and perpetrators alike, I would send a simple but unequivocal message - that justice may be delayed, but it Will not be denied, and that the international community is steadfast and committed to living up to its sacred duty to prevent these crimes and care for survivors.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  19. That is why I ask the Council, on basis of the report, to continue deliberations in the coming weeks and to consider a new draft resolution that will give us the tools for a comprehensive and multidimensional response that takes into account the rapidly shifting international peace and security landscape. I believe in the unity of purpose of the Council to give us what is needed to eradicate this crime once and for all. The past decade has seen greater progress and political momentum to end war-time rape than in the rest of human history combined. I believe that we are on the brink of converting a centuries-old culture of impunity into a culture of accountability and deterrence.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  20. It represents another dimension of this agenda that will require continued vigilance and tailored responses. My emphasis since taking office has been on fostering national ownership, leadership and responsibility, which has required focused engagement in the affected countries. The advances of a number of national Governments that we support through our Team of Experts are encouraging and show that this is not a mission impossible. In the past two years, we have gained a more intimate understanding of how the resolutions of the Council can be turned into solutions on the ground. At the same time, we also have clearer sight of what is missing in the normative framework of resolutions that are our conceptual and operational guide.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  21. We understand more clearly than ever before the acute vulnerability of refugees and internally displaced persons not only within camps or settlements, but at every stage of displacement, and how sexual violence may be a significant push factor for displacement. This year, in the case of Burundi, which appears in the Secretary-General's report for the first time, we have received information of the targeting of women and girls on the basis of actual or perceived political affiliation or ethnic identity, with rape employed as a tool of political repression by arms bearers, including members ofnational security forces. Sexual crimes used as part of the repertoire of violence during contested elections or public demonstrations are a long-standing concern of the Council, from Kenya in 2007 to Guinea in 2009 and Cote D'Ivoire in 2011.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  22. They are often undocumented and stateless; indeed, there may be thousands of such children living on the peripheries of their communities, who are fertile ground for radicalization and recruitment. Failure to recognize these children, to nurture and protect them represents a long-term threat to peace and security; We have begun focusing more attention in the past few years on sexual violence against men and boys, which is a particular concern in the context of detention and interrogation. But unfortunately, male survivors are still a blind-spot in our monitoring, not to mention service response; The mass migration crisis has heightened the risk of sexual violence, including in places of supposed refuge.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  23. Traditional and religious leaders must use their moral authority to negate any attempt to legitimize rape on religious grounds. Our response must recognize and address the nexus of conflict- related sexual violence with cross-border trafficking to fund conflict and terrorism. Our normative framework, including the resolutions of the Council, must keep pace with the changing global security context and the new dimension of sexual violence deployed as a tactic of terrorism. The report also sheds light on other emerging concerns that are not yet adequately treated within the ambit of the resolutions on sexual violence in conflict. This includes the plight of children born of wartime rape, who also live in shadow and shame.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  24. If these groups are beyond the reach of judicial deterrence, then we must focus on divesting them of resources and degrading their capacity to communicate, travel, trade and do harm. This must form a part of our global, regional and national strategies to counter terrorism and violent extremism. As the report notes, "counter-terrorism strategies can no longer be decoupled from efforts to protect and empower women and girls and to combat conflict-related sexual violence" (ibid, para. 1). Through our sanctions infrastructure, we must raise the cost of these crimes, because the human costs defy calculation; Through strategic communication, a counternarrative must ring out loud, clear and consistent that the human, sexual and reproductive rights of women and girls are non-negotiable.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  25. We must not only bring back our girls; we must bring them back to an environment of support, equality and opportunity. Social and economic reintegration is imperative and must become a more integral part of our programmatic response and post-conflict development frameworks. The war of conquest of extremist groups is being fought on - and fought over - the bodies of women and girls, generating millions of dollars in revenue. This is not just objectification; it is commodification. It is the revival of the slave trade in our own times and lives. The promise of access to wives and sex slaves is used to attract recruits and serves as a form of compensation for fighters. Each time a woman is traded, the transaction generates a profit. It is part of the political economy of terrorism, just like the sale of oil, antiquities or drugs.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  26. The same litany of horrors echoes across the accounts of Nigerian girls who fled Boko Haram, the tales of Somali women liberated from Al-Shabaab, and the depictions of women's lives in northern Mali under the extremist group Ansar Eddine. When we think of terrorism, we think of the destruction of property, killing, bombing or hostage-taking. But we cannot deplore the public violence of terrorism while ignoring the Violence terrorists inflict on women and girls in private, behind closed doors. We must also confront the reality that after all they have endured in captivity, many victims of Da'esh and Boko Haram face the additional heartbreak of being shunned by their own communities ifthey return. Sexual violence is still the only crime that stigmatizes the Victim rather than the perpetrator.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  27. At the same time, we must confront the new reality that sexual violence today is used not only as a tactic of war, but also as a tactic of terrorism. Without exception, the first sign of rising violent extremism has been the restriction of women's rights. Extremists know that to populate a territory and control a population, one must first control the bodies ofwomen. Sexual violence is not merely incidental, but integral to their ideology and strategic objectives. They are using sexual violence as a means of advancing political, military and economic ends. They have used rape and forced marriage as part of the systems of punishment and reward through which they consolidate power, and to build a so-called State cast in their own image and beliefs.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  28. Just as we make inroads with national security forces, the problem of sexual violence committed by non-State actors acquires ever-more difficult and disturbing dimensions. Let us consider the fact that of the 48 parties listed in the annex of the Secretary-General's report, 37 are non-State armed actors. Yet, the instruments that we have as a United Nations system are primarily to engage Member States. Therefore, new tools and approaches will be required to enforce the compliance of these actors, who often vary dramatically in character, composition, motivations, capacity and modus oparandi. We face both political and operational challenges in this regard, but if we are to eradicate sexual violence in conflict, this mandate must focus on the persistent perpetrators and will require the support of the Security Council to do so.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  29. When I visited the Middle East last year, I met with girls who had escaped captivity. Some of them told me that they had been the objects of as many as eight separate transactions during two years of captivity, before finally escaping or being ransomed by their families. But thousands more are missing - in Syria, Iraq, Nigeria and elsewhere. The report (8/2016/361) before the Security Council today is the eighth dedicated account of conflict-related sexual Violence. The report before the Council today (S/2016/36l) is the eighth dedicated account of conflict-related sexual violence. Cumulatively, these reports build a historic record for a crime that has long been omitted from official accounts of war and peace. As the report outlines in harrowing detail, we are confronting new and previously unforeseen threats.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  30. Today, as we deliberate here, women are being traded in an open slave bazaar in Raqqa. Price lists exist to regulate their sale, like livestock at a farmers' market. A so-called fatwa has been issued by Da'esh that codifies sexual slavery, in attempt to justify sexual violence through holy scriptures. Social media platforms are being used to facilitate trade and trafficking - women and children are offered in the same online forums as rifles and rocket-propelled grenades. "This one is young, beautiful and good in bed. I need at least $7,500 for her. You won't regret it." That is part of the message thread under a photograph of a girl painted with bright red lipstick. She cannot be older than 12 years of age. Eventually, the winning bid was $7,700, offered by a Libyan fighter of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  31. Ms. Bangura: I wish to thank the Government of France for hosting this open debate and the Council for the priority accorded to this issue. I am grateful to the Secretary-General for his personal presence and unwavering support. I appreciate also that Lisa Davis of MADRE is able to join us today to give voice to civil society, which is a moral compass for this mandate. I am grateful that Maria Grazia Giammarinaro, Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, is also here. As highlighted by the Secretary-General, in the past decade we have witnessed a fundamental shift in the way this issue is understood and addressed as a peace and security concern, and there has been unprecedented progress. Yet, even as we make gains, new and critical challenges have emerged.

    2016-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7704 (2016) · source

  32. Obviously, it will not be possible to engage with terrorist groups such as ISIL and other extremists of their kind. However, we will need to make calculated and strategic decisions regarding engagement with non-State actors, so as to ensure that they know that the light ofjustice will shine on them and that they must take specific measures to prevent and punish sexual violence.

    2015-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7560 (2015) · source

  33. The role of religious and traditional leaders is essential to develop and sustain a counter-narrative to the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and other extremist groups, which pervert the inherent message of peace, tolerance and respect for women that is at the heart of Islam. It is essential that we engage and empower them as one of the crucial vanguards in this battle. It will not be enough to defeat ISIL militarily; we must also defeat the ideology it is propagating. I would like to conclude by flagging one of our greatest challenges of this agenda, for Syria and the Middle East, and beyond. How do we enforce compliance on the part of non-State actors, which are the main perpetrators around the world? This will also require new approaches and tools.

    2015-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7560 (2015) · source

  34. I look forward in the coming weeks and months to sharing more details about the strategy and will rely on the Council's steadfast commitment. Last week I was in Amman to attend a meeting organized by the Office of the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide and the Responsibility to Protect, with 25 religious leaders and representatives of faith-based organizations from the Middle East and North Africa. The discussions reinforced my conviction that the role of community, religious and traditional leaders is critical to breaking the prevailing silence around the issue of conflict-related sexual violence and ensure that survivors are embraced by their families and communities rather than stigmatized and shunned.

    2015-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7560 (2015) · source

  35. As women themselves have stated, "Nothing about us without us". The strategy envisions targeted initiatives under these seven priority areas. These initiatives are intended to be catalytic in nature, filling critical gaps and strengthening the overall response. In my capacity as Chair of United Nations Action against Sexual Violence in Conflict, which brings together 13 United Nations entities, I will encourage the network to propose and take the lead on specific initiatives, in accordance with their respective mandates, expertise and comparative advantages. The strategy should articulate a shared vision of priorities, and, in so doing, enhance overall coordination. The political and financial support of the Council, and that of other Member States and donors, will be absolutely crucial.

    2015-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7560 (2015) · source

  36. Sixthly, we must be relentless in our pursuit of accountability through the investigation and prosecution of sexual violence crimes. Combating impunity is a key aspect of deterrence and, ultimately, prevention. This will primarily entail support for national institutions. At the global and regional levels, it will require new approaches and frameworks to deal with the unprecedented jurisdictional and other challenges associated with thousands of combatants from more than 100 different countries. Finally, we must live up to our frequent declarations and ensure women's participation in peace and mediation processes and the explicit inclusion of conflict-related sexual violence concerns in these discussions. Women and girls are disproportionately affected, and they must have a seat at the table.

    2015-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7560 (2015) · source

  37. Legislative frameworks have to be strengthened to protect and mitigate risks for refugees and internally displaced persons, a majority of whom are women and girls, and to secure the status of thousands of children, who risk becoming a stateless generation. Fourthly, we have to strengthen support for and services to survivors of sexual violence. There is an acute lack of health care and other critical services for survivors within Syria as well as in neighbouring countries, and these services should extend to livelihood- support and poverty-alleviation programmes. Fifthly, no meaningful actions can be taken in the absence of knowledge. Therefore, we must invest in deepening information-gathering, analysis and documentation on the issue of sexual violence as a basis for advocacy and action at all levels.

    2015-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7560 (2015) · source

  38. However, at the regional level, I am pleased to report that we are concluding a framework of cooperation with the League of Arab States that could catalyse some of the critical legislative reforms and protection policies that are required. Secondly, as I have already emphasized, we must ensure that the protection and empowerment of women is consistently included as a central consideration in all efforts to prevent violent extremism and counter terrorism, including the Secretary-General's plan of action on preventing violent extremism. Thirdly, we must undertake legislative and other measures to enhance protection, early warning and risk mitigation. This includes programmes to support civil society, local communities and women's groups, which are the front line.

    2015-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7560 (2015) · source

  39. Addressing conflict-related sexual violence in Syria and the region requires a unified, comprehensive and multisectoral approach. The strategy that is being developed under the auspices of my Office, the team of experts and UN Action against Sexual Violence in Conflict, has seven areas under which a range of interventions will be required. First, we must continue to mobilize political commitment, support and resources. This political commitment must come at all levels, starting in the conflict-affected countries themselves. Unfortunately, since my visit we have still not been able to agree on specific commitments and measures with authorities in Syria or Iraq.

    2015-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7560 (2015) · source

  40. Since returning from my scoping Visit to the region this May, I have focused considerable energy on raising the level of awareness and understanding of the sexual violence crimes that are occurring. At the same time, we have been working to formulate a response strategy. Our response has to go beyond security and military considerations. It must encompass legislative and service delivery dimensions, and accountability must be a central consideration. At the same time, we have to deepen the political commitment of leaders, particularly at the regional, national and local levels. We must deepen the base of information and analysis. Because of its cross-border dimensions, our strategy also requires a concerted regional response, including improved information-sharing across countries.

    2015-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7560 (2015) · source

  41. Sexual violence has been a characteristic of the Syrian conflict and has been perpetrated by most of the belligerent parties as a tactic of war. I am pleased, therefore, that the Council has now also expressed through resolution 2242 (2015) our evolving understanding of how sexual violence is being used as a tactic of terrorism to advance fundamental strategic objectives of extremist groups in Syria and elsewhere. It is critical that we unpack this concept further, and in the process take the protection and empowerment of women and girls from the periphery to the centre of our global, regional and national counterterrorism strategies. Today, I would like to focus my remarks primarily on how we can respond.

    2015-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7560 (2015) · source

  42. Women and girls in the theatres of this conflict find themselves under assault every day and at every point of their lives, whether at border crossings or checkpoints, during house searches, or in detention centres, in areas under Government control or areas where the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and a plethora of armed groups operate. They have been affected in a unique and systematic manner as a result of numerous factors, including the extraordinary scale of the displacement and humanitarian situation so well described by my colleagues Stephen O'Brien, the sophistication and strategies of the key players, including extremist groups, as well as the regional nature of the conflict and the cross-border dimensions.

    2015-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7560 (2015) · source

  43. Ms. Bangura: I would like to thank you, Madam, for extending an invitation to me to brief the Security Council. However, before beginning, I wish to express my solidarity with the survivors and families of all those who have lost loved ones in the horrific attacks in Paris, Beirut, Tunis, Sharm el-Sheikh and elsewhere. These depraved acts of terror must reinforce our collective resolve. In my previous briefings to the Council, I have detailed the nature, trends and patterns of conflict- related sexual violence in Syria.

    2015-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7560 (2015) · source

  44. The linkage between SSR and sexual violence will continue to be a priority focus of my mandate and a key aspect of the work of our programme, as well as that of the Team of Experts on the Rule of Law and Sexual Violence in Conflict, which has played a central role in supporting our engagements with national authorities in the Democratic Republic ofthe Congo, Cote d'Ivoire, the Central African Republic, South Sudan, Guinea and elsewhere.

    2015-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7508 (2015) · source

  45. Secondly, preventing sexual Violence crimes and ensuring accountability should be considered fundamental indicator criteria of success of SSR programmes as a whole and, as such, should be included in SSR programme monitoring and evaluation frameworks. Thirdly, we should ensure that multilateral and bilateral SSR support and assistance include targeted resources and training to support national security institutions in enhancing their capacity to prevent and address crimes of sexual violence. Fourthly, we should ensure a proportional representation of women in security institutions at all levels as the basis for the creation of security forces who respect and protect women and children in times of war and of peace.

    2015-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7508 (2015) · source

  46. In addition to the specific points of action I have outlined here, I wish to conclude by proposing four overarching recommendations related to security- sector reform and sexual violence in conflict. First, the role of security institutions in preventing sexual violence crimes may be enhanced by striving to mainstream sexual violence considerations consistently in security-sector reform processes, in View ofthe nexus between SSR and conflict-related sexual violence. That includes a specific reference by the Security Council to the prevention of sexual violence in provisions related to SSR and DDR in all relevant country-specific resolutions, as well as in the relevant provisions of peace agreements and ceasefire frameworks.

    2015-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7508 (2015) · source

  47. It is also evident that where SSR or DDR processes have failed, it has sometimes contributed to the commission of sexual violence crimes. For example, we have received reports of sexual Violence being committed in the post-conflict setting within communities by so-called civilians. However, in a number of such cases the perpetrators are former combatants who were demobilized under hurriedly conducted DDR processes. Another significant challenge relates to the informal integration of militia groups into national armed forces. For the most part, such armed groups are poorly trained and have often committed gross human rights violations, which is a significant threat to the integrity and professionalism of national security institutions and hinders accountability for sexual violence crimes.

    2015-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7508 (2015) · source

  48. That represents one of the rare times that a former Head of State has been indicted by a fully national process. In a number of priority countries, police have established or strengthened specialized units dealing with crimes against women and children, including sexual violence crimes - for example, our mandate is supporting the establishment and functioning of such a specialized unit in the gendarmerie in the Central African Republic. Such initiatives may be Viewed as an entry point and provide avenues for more fundamental reforms within those institutions. Vetting during recruitment drives and prior to the integration of armed groups into the armed forces to exclude those who have committed or commanded sexual violence represent crucial shifts in attitudes and practice, and contribute to the professionalization of the security sector.

    2015-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7508 (2015) · source

  49. Similarly, the national army of Cote d'Ivoire has established a committee on conflict-related sexual violence that includes senior commanding officers from the army, the gendarmerie and the police to oversee the institutional response. Since 2013, the Team of Experts has deployed an expert to the Democratic Republic of the Congo to support military justice efforts, including in the framework of the Prosecution Support Cell. In Guinea, the Team of Experts has provided technical support to a domestic panel of judges established to investigate and prosecute crimes committed against opposition supporters on 28 September 2009, including at least 109 cases of sexual violence. That has resulted in 16 indictments, including against high-ranking military officials, and, most recently, former president Dadis Camara.

    2015-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7508 (2015) · source

  50. Crucially, the FARDC action plan includes specific undertakings signed by senior commanders, whereby they personally commit to prevent and respond to sexual Violence through a series of actions. That has served to reinforce both individual and command responsibility. In a number of cases, the actions undertaken to address sexual violence have resulted in significant institutional and structural reforms within the security institutions, as well as an increased number of prosecutions and convictions. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the national army has established a high-level and dedicated infrastructure in the form of an armed services commission to ensure the implementation of the action plan on sexual violence.

    2015-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7508 (2015) · source