YouSaid · the spoken record

Danforth

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213
first
2004-07-19
most recent
2005-01-13
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33
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un-security-council

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  1. Access to information technologies plays an important role in open and free societies, both to stimulate economic activity and to provide citizens with information to know and monitor their Government, including their judicial systems. Therefore, in addressing the problems of countries that have been engulfed in conflict and are seeking to build stable, peaceful and prosperous societies, we should assist them to develop a judicial system based on transparency and openness. The Secretary-General's report on the rule of law has some valuable insights and recommendations. It rightly stresses the imperative of respect for the rule of law in any democratic, peaceful and prosperous society. It underlines the importance of fair criminal justice.

    2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052 (2004) · source

  2. The United Nations, in particular, should marshal its resources effectively to help societies emerging from conflict to develop their national judicial capacities in a manner that is accountable to their citizenry. However, the rule of law cannot simply be imposed by international bodies. To make the rule of law effective, citizens must also know their own Government. They must understand how it works and how to influence it. While legal and judicial matters necessarily involve certain confidences and restraints on sharing of information, absolute secrecy can encourage corruption. Transparency is an engine to a modern economy and a participant in the global economy.

    2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052 (2004) · source

  3. The law must be transparent to all citizens. This means the judicial system, courts, police and prisons must be open and visible. Making the law available means educating the citizenry. It means the judges must reach and publish reasoned decisions and cases. Star Chambers are incompatible with the rule of law. The law may seem to require special expertise to understand, and if the law is not accessible to the ordinary citizen, if the ordinary citizen cannot know and trust the law, then the rule of law will be far out of reach. Knowledge and openness are the best bulwarks against arbitrary decision-making, whether by courts or by Governments.

    2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052 (2004) · source

  4. This subject, justice and the rule of law, is so quintessentially British that there is no wonder this month's presidency chose it as the subject for open debate. In the United States, first-year law students study English common law, and American concepts of law, government and individual rights, not to mention our language, literature and basic values, derive from our British heritage. Some of these points might be disputed on the other side of the Atlantic, but over here, Sir, your offspring are eternally grateful. Today I want to highlight one aspect of the rule of law, the importance of transparency. Transparency is a true engine of the rule of law and can promote a responsive and trusted judicial system in both stable societies and those scarred by conflict. For the rule of law to grow in a society, the people must know the law.

    2004-10-06 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5052 (2004) · source

  5. Ultimately, a draft resolution such as this one emboldens terrorists, encourages counter-attacks and contributes to the ultimate terrorist goal of derailing the peace process. The Security Council should reverse the incessant stream of one anti-Israel draft resolution after the other and apply pressure even-handedly on both sides to return to the road of peace. The United States will vote "no" on this draft resolution.

    2004-10-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5051 (2004) · source

  6. My friend Ambassador Baali reminded me that it is very important to take an even-handed approach when describing civilian casualties. Civilian casualties are always tragic. The death of children is especially tragic. It is tragic when they are Israeli children, when they are Israeli civilians. It is tragic when they are Palestinian children and Palestinian civilians. But where the death of civilians is intentional, where the death of civilians is the sole purpose of the attack, it is not only tragic; it is reprehensible. The draft resolution before the Council today not only encourages the terrorists, it will not do anything to prevent the predictable Israeli response.

    2004-10-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5051 (2004) · source

  7. I said yesterday, and I reiterate today, that when the rest of the world gangs up on Israel, with insidious silence about terrorism, it does not advance the cause of peace; it encourages both sides to dig in, makes Israel feel isolated and backed into a corner and discourages dialogue. The approach of the United States is to recognize that both sides need to renounce violence, that both sides need to recommit to the road map and that both sides need to move quickly to establish a Palestinian State. But until the Palestinians and those claiming to act in their name stop their use of indiscriminate acts of terror, Israel will likely continue to track down terrorists wherever they may hide, often with a tragic but unintended result of civilian casualties.

    2004-10-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5051 (2004) · source

  8. It does not mention that the terrorists hide among Palestinian civilians, provoking their deaths, and then use those deaths as fodder for their hatred, lawlessness and efforts to derail the peace process. It does not mention the complete failure of the Palestinian Authority to meet its commitments to establish security among its people. It does not mention any of those facts. Nor does it acknowledge the legitimate need for Israel to defend itself. The draft resolution is totally lacking in balance. There is an old saying that silence indicates consent. The silence here today is deafening.

    2004-10-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5051 (2004) · source

  9. The United States has no problem with tough words, but only when they are accurate and when there is balance. Now consider what the draft resolution does not say. It does not mention even one of the 450 Qassam rocket attacks launched against Israel over the past two years. It does not mention the 200 rockets launched this year alone. It does not mention the two Israeli children who were outside playing last week when a rocket suddenly crashed into their young bodies. It does not mention the undisputed fact that Qassam rockets have no military purpose and that they are crude, imprecise devices of terror designed to kill civilians. It does not mention that Hamas took credit for killing those Israeli children and maiming many other Israeli civilians, calling those deaths and woundings a "victory".

    2004-10-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5051 (2004) · source

  10. The Council has before it yet another draft resolution regarding the Middle East situation, and once again the draft resolution is lopsided and unbalanced. It is dangerously disingenuous because of its many material omissions. Because of that lack of balance and because of those omissions, the draft resolution lacks credibility and deserves a "no" vote. As members consider the current draft resolution, I ask them to perform a simple analysis. Consider first what the draft resolution says and then what it fails to say. The draft resolution condemns Israel's military actions in Gaza. It criticizes incursions into the Jabaliya refugee camp. It condemns Israeli acts of "destruction". And it laments extensive human casualties among Palestinians. It demands that Israel, as the "occupying Power" withdraw its forces immediately. Tough words.

    2004-10-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5051 (2004) · source

  11. It is the position of the United States delegation that the Council should not simply adopt resolution after resolution - which are all one-sided - but that the Council should insist that, again, the road map is the way to peace. Obviously, if Palestinians terrorists shoot at Israelis, Israelis are going to shoot back. What the Security Council should say - if it says anything - should be said to both sides. And the message should be "Stop the shooting and return to the road map".

    2004-10-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5049 (2004) · source

  12. This past summer, attacks began to inflict casualties on Israeli citizens. Last June, those rockets killed two Israelis, one of whom was three years old. Last Wednesday, 29 September, Qassam rockets killed two Israeli children, one aged two and one aged four. Following that act, Hamas claimed credit for what it called victory over the enemy, the enemy being a two-year-old child and a four-year-old child. After two years of attacks, after the death of children, it is not unreasonable that Israel felt the need to respond. It did, and the cycle of violence continues. So that today, two more rockets have been fired into Israeli territory. Qassam rockets are easy to produce. They are easy to deploy. They are easy to launch, and they have become a weapon of choice for terrorists. So now, the issue is, all right, where do we go from here?

    2004-10-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5049 (2004) · source

  13. With great respect for my friend the representative of Algeria, the draft resolution that has been submitted to the Council is not the road map to peace. It is yet one more step on the road to nowhere. Many speakers today have spoken about the cycle of violence, and that is exactly what it is. One side acts, the other side reacts, then more reaction, more violence, and round and round it goes. Unfortunately, the United Nations, both the General Assembly and the Security Council, instead of saying "Stop it" to both sides, acts as the adversary of Israel and the cheerleader of the Palestinians. That is not the way to peace. That is not the road map to peace. Let us discuss briefly the facts before us. The problem of Qassam rockets is not a new one. It goes back a long time.

    2004-10-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5049 (2004) · source

  14. My question, therefore, is this: is there anything that we should be doing to facilitate the rapid deployment of the African Union in Darfur? More generally, is there anything that the Security Council should be doing that it is not doing to further peace in Darfur?

    2004-09-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5043 (2004) · source

  15. I thank President Obasanjo for his briefing and, more important, for his excellent leadership and for the work of the African Union, especially in connection with Darfur. We have now adopted two resolutions in the Security Council on the subjection of Darfur. The most recent, resolution 1564 (2004), was adopted on Saturday. The resolution was designed to give as much support as we possibly could to the work of the African Union. My question relates to whether we are doing everything that we - that is, the Security Council and interested countries - should be doing to support the work of the African Union. Our sense is that time is of the essence in Darfur. We are told that some 10,000 people are dying each month, and our sense is that the sooner African Union troops are deployed in Darfur, the more lives that will be saved.

    2004-09-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5043 (2004) · source

  16. The point before the Security Council, once again, is to protect the people of Darfur, who have been suffering terribly and in a way that is unique in the tragedies of the world today: suffering from armed attacks by militias, but also directly by the Government of the Sudan; suffering from attacks after the Government of the Sudan reached a ceasefire agreement, after the Government of the Sudan issued the joint communique with the Secretary-General relating to commitments on disarming the Janjaweed, and after the Security Council adopted resolution 1556 (2004) - attacks involving helicopters, shooting into civilian villages. That is the issue that is before the Security Council. It does not have anything to do with the broadside just launched by the representative of the Sudan against the United States.

    2004-09-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5040 (2004) · source

  17. I had not intended to speak further until, unfortunately, the representative of the Sudan strayed from the point of our deliberations and launched what we would consider to be an unseemly and uncalled-for attack on the United States: an attack which was totally off the point that is now before the Security Council.

    2004-09-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5040 (2004) · source

  18. Secretary of State Powell recently told Congress that this evidence leads the United States to conclude that the Government of the Sudan may be condoning and perpetrating genocide. In that light, we expect the Government of the Sudan immediately to facilitate an increased African Union presence in Darfur and to comply with the other provisions of today's resolution. We note the letter from the Sudan's Permanent Representative promising his Government's full cooperation with the African Union. We note further that previous promises of the Government of the Sudan have been made on paper but not honoured in practice. The Government of the Sudan has the responsibility to end the tragedy in Darfur. We expect it to do so.

    2004-09-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5040 (2004) · source

  19. Over and over again, the interviewers heard the same story. Government aircraft start the attacks by bombing villages. Government soldiers arrive in trucks, followed by Janjaweed on horseback. They surround and then enter the villages, guns blazing. They shoot and bomb fleeing villagers. They loot and destroy the villages, often shouting racial epithets and curses as they proceed with their acts of destruction. They leave behind them nothing but devastation and death. And, importantly, nine in ten of the refugees said that they had witnessed no rebel activity in the areas so mercilessly attacked by the Government and the Janjaweed. These are indiscriminate acts of violence and terror.

    2004-09-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5040 (2004) · source

  20. Members of the African Union Ceasefire Commission informed him that Sudanese helicopters and bombers had been involved in several recent attacks on villages in Darfur. On one occasion, the Norwegian delegation witnessed an armed Sudanese Government Mi-24 helicopter take off from Al Fasher. Later, the delegation received reports that the helicopter had likely been involved in an attack on a village. Mr. Pronk's conclusions and those of Mr. Helgesen are consistent with the results of a recent survey taken by the United States State Department. In compiling its data, State Department officials interviewed 1,136 randomly selected refugees in 19 locations in eastern Chad. Sixty-one per cent had witnessed the killing of a family member. Four fifths had witnessed the destruction of their homes.

    2004-09-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5040 (2004) · source

  21. He also described reports of regular attacks on villages in western Darfur, including Nertiti and Masteri. He reported continuing allegations of theft and sexual attacks throughout the region. He noted that the Government had denied humanitarian workers access to the Kalma camp, and he criticized the Government for refusing to identify the perpetrators of those crimes by name. Finally, Mr. Pronk discussed the deeply rooted fear of the people of Darfur towards the Government of the Sudan and its police forces. With more than 400 villages destroyed to date, such fears are more than justified. Norwegian State Secretary Helgesen visited Sudan and Chad from 2 to 6 September and came to similar conclusions.

    2004-09-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5040 (2004) · source

  22. Unlike natural disasters, such as hurricanes and droughts, the tragedy in Darfur was entirely avoidable. It was fabricated by a Government - intent on revenge, intent on persecution, intent on breaking the spirit of an entire people - as an over-reaction to a rebellion. Since the Security Council adopted resolution 1556 (2004) on 30 July, the violence in Darfur has continued. The Secretary-General's Special Representative, Mr. Pronk, reported that armed militias continue to threaten civilians. Mr. Pronk reported that during the second half of August, militias attacked villages in the Yassin area, killing more than 50 people. He reported that some villages were attacked three or four times. Some were looted, others completely destroyed.

    2004-09-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5040 (2004) · source

  23. It did so because of intense pressure from the international community, and it did so with great reluctance and after long delays that thwarted an early, effective humanitarian response. The crisis in Darfur is uniquely grave in two respects. First, it is the largest humanitarian disaster in the world today, having claimed more than 50,000 lives, having displaced more than 1.2 million people and having resulted in the rape and humiliation of hundreds of thousands more. More than 2.2 million people have been victimized in one way or another by the actions of the Sudanese Government. And I note with concern that a recent report by the United Nations Children's Fund warns that the humanitarian crisis will likely worsen in the coming weeks. Secondly, the disaster in Darfur is entirely man- made.

    2004-09-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5040 (2004) · source

  24. Today's resolution demands that the Government of the Sudan meet in practice its verbal commitment to accept an increased number of African Union monitors. The resolution also states that if the Government of the Sudan continues to persecute its people and does not cooperate fully with the African Union, the Council will, indeed, have to consider sanctions against it and against individuals responsible for the disaster. The resolution is the product of a negotiating process. It reflects the wishes of some delegations to recognize that the Government of the Sudan has met some of its commitments with regard to access for humanitarian assistance. But no one should be under the slightest illusion as to why the Government of the Sudan met even that commitment.

    2004-09-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5040 (2004) · source

  25. In short, President Bush asked me to convey his strong support for what we are doing this afternoon. The resolution has a threefold purpose. First, it throws the full weight of the Council behind the African Union in undertaking an increased mission in Darfur. It calls on the international community fully to support the African Union and the efforts of President Obasanjo. Secondly, it calls for the completion, on an urgent basis, of the Naivasha and Abuja negotiations, as essential to creating a peaceful, prosperous and united Sudan. Thirdly, it calls on the international community to fulfil urgently its pledges of humanitarian assistance to the people of Darfur. We are acting today because the Government of the Sudan has failed to fully comply with our earlier resolution 1556 (2004), adopted on 30 July.

    2004-09-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5040 (2004) · source

  26. Since he appointed me as special envoy more than three years ago, I have had numerous discussions with President Bush on the subject of the Sudan. Yesterday afternoon he phoned me to ask that I convey his strongly held views on the resolution just adopted by the Security Council. He said that Darfur is a catastrophe that the Council should address on an urgent basis. He underscored the importance of the expanded mission of the African Union, which he asked us to support by this resolution and logistically. He asked that the international community fulfil its commitments to humanitarian assistance for the people of Darfur. He said that, in the long run, security in Darfur will depend on successful peace talks in Abuja and on the expeditious completion of the Naivasha negotiations.

    2004-09-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5040 (2004) · source

  27. It is the policy of the United States Government to ensure that members of the armed services of the United States of America participating in United Nations peace operations are protected from criminal prosecution or other assertion of jurisdiction by the International Criminal Court. Normally, the United States would seek express provisions providing such protection for personnel from States not party to the Rome Statute that contribute to any mission established or authorized by the United Nations. In this instance, the United States maintains sufficient bilateral protections with the Government of Liberia to facilitate continued United States participation in the United Nations Mission in Liberia absent such express provisions in the mandate extension.

    2004-09-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5036 (2004) · source

  28. We look forward to increased United Nations activities in Iraq, especially those that will promote the democratic process. You can rest assured that the multinational force remains committed to working with the Iraqi people and the United Nations to make that possible.

    2004-09-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5033 (2004) · source

  29. Working together, we will help the Iraqi Government ensure that the people of Iraq reach this important milestone. The assumption of governing authority by the Iraqi Interim Government marked the beginning of a new era for the people of Iraq. However, while the new Government is widely supported by the public, the transfer did not mean an end to the challenges that face us. Well-armed insurgents and terrorists remained determined to assassinate leaders, take hostages and attack the multinational force and Iraqi forces. Only the rule of law, backed by well-trained Iraqi forces, supported by a thriving infrastructure and economy and energized by a free and fair elections process, can defeat those who wish to destabilize the country.

    2004-09-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5033 (2004) · source

  30. I think I speak for all Member Nations when 1 say that the horror and sorrow of the attack of 19 August 2003 are still very much with us. With the Special Representative of the Secretary General for Iraq, Mr. Qazi, and his staff of 35 dedicated people now on the ground in Iraq, I can state that the United States and the MNF remain committed to working with the international community to ensure that the security needs of the United Nations are met. But that effort merits international support if it is to be successful. The United States strongly urges that Member States contribute to the future of Iraq by providing financial assistance and troops to provide security for the United Nations in Iraq. Time is of the essence, particularly as we look to the upcoming elections, which are to take place no later than 31 January 2005.

    2004-09-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5033 (2004) · source

  31. With reference to the role of the United Nations, while we see real progress in the efforts of the MNF to provide the means for a free, stable Iraq, I must state candidly that great challenges remain. We believe that the United Nations will be an important part of the efforts to meet those challenges. Security Council resolution 1546 (2004) endows the United Nations with a leading role to advise and assist the Iraqis in preparing and holding national elections. The Transitional Administrative Law requires the elections to be held no later than January 2005. Let there be no doubt: we are committed to that timetable. Resolution 1546 (2004) also notes the creation of a distinct entity under the unified command of the MNF that is dedicated to providing security to the United Nations in Iraq.

    2004-09-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5033 (2004) · source

  32. To that end, forces assigned to the MNF, especially civil affairs personnel, have worked to restore essential services to the Iraqi people. For example, engineering units have helped to restore power to pre-conflict levels throughout Iraq, although the events of yesterday indicate that maintaining those basic services continues to be a challenge. They have repaired numerous bridges, ports, roads, and railroads. They have constructed schools, hospitals, post offices and other public buildings. Medical units have developed children's vaccination programmes. Civil affairs personnel work daily with the Iraqis to help them form the structures needed to build a democratic society. The MNF will also be available to provide security for the upcoming Iraqi elections.

    2004-09-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5033 (2004) · source

  33. We are currently focused on assisting the Iraqi Government in its efforts to instil a sense of responsibility and professionalism in the Iraqi forces, and we are optimistic that we are achieving good results. The Iraqi National Guard, for example, has performed especially well in recent weeks - fighting bravely against insurgent activities. The performance of the Iraqi Police has also improved markedly since April. But there is still a lot of work ahead. As to infrastructure development, a stable, peaceful Iraq requires more than well-trained and well- equipped security and police forces. It also requires the development of a new infrastructure and the creation of economic opportunity for the Iraqi people.

    2004-09-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5033 (2004) · source

  34. The goal is to have 135,000 well-equipped, highly motivated police when training efforts are complete. The Department of Border Enforcement has hired over 14,000 border police - with a goal of hiring 32,000. In addition to the forces from the Ministries of Defense and the Interior, the other Ministries are guarded by the Facilities Protection Service, which has nearly 74,000 personnel on duty. Much work remains to be done and the insurgents have proven persistent in their attacks against the Iraqi Interim Government, their security forces, the Iraqi people, and all those seeking to assist and rebuild the new Iraq. Developing competent leadership for those forces is a top priority, and sometimes has been a challenge.

    2004-09-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5033 (2004) · source

  35. The Iraqi security forces fall under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Defense or the Ministry of Interior. Forces under the Ministry of Defense are the Iraqi Army, including the Iraqi National Guard, the Intervention Force, the Special Operations Force, the Iraqi Air Force and the Coastal Defense Force. As of 10 September, the Iraqi Ministry of Defense had over 231,000 Iraqi security forces either on duty or in training. Iraqi security forces falling under the Ministry of the Interior's jurisdiction also have a crucial role in national security. Those forces include the Iraqi Police Service, the Civil Intervention Force and the Department of Border Enforcement. The Iraqi Police now number over 86,000. We are currently training the civil intervention force, an emergency response force, and a dignitary protection force.

    2004-09-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5033 (2004) · source

  36. In August, largely as a result of Moqtada al- Sadr's illegal Mahdi militia resuming its insurrection in Najaf and the Al Thawra neighbourhood in Baghdad, attacks on the MNF increased as well. To respond to these open challenges to the Iraqi Government, the MNF has employed new counter- insurgency tactics and continues to train and deploy Iraqi security forces. The key to defeating the insurgents and terrorists, who are tenacious and remain determined to undermine the Iraqi Government, is to continue training and deploying Iraqi forces at an accelerated pace. In its endeavours, the MNF coordinates closely with the Iraqi Interim Government. Concerning the security forces, let me turn to the status of the MNF's joint efforts with the Government to develop Iraqi security forces.

    2004-09-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5033 (2004) · source

  37. The MNF consists of forces from over 30 countries. Countries other than the United States contribute approximately 23,000 personnel. Working closely with Iraqi Security Forces, those brave men and women have performed with admirable professionalism in their efforts to improve the security situation in Iraq. In the two weeks following the assumption of responsibility and authority by the fully sovereign and independent Iraqi Interim Government on 28 June 2004, there was a large drop in acts of violence against MNF operations. However, in the weeks that followed, insurgents and terrorists increased their attacks against Government officials, civilian contractors, foreign nationals, and the Iraqi people. As we all know, the anti-Iraqi forces resorted to horrific tactics against civilians.

    2004-09-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5033 (2004) · source

  38. Thirdly, I will report on the status of efforts to rebuild the infrastructure of Iraq. Finally, I will discuss our hopes and expectations regarding the future involvement of the United Nations in the rebuilding of Iraq. My remarks today will provide a summary, but we have also distributed a longer written report and it is posted on our web site. It will also be issued as a document of the Security Council under the symbol S/2004/730. With regard to the security situation, let me address the terrible events of the last 24 hours before I go into details of the last three months. Those events bring to the fore what will be a theme in my remarks. The security situation is fragile, attacks are persistent, and lives continue to be lost. There are setbacks and we have to acknowledge them. But that only strengthens our resolve.

    2004-09-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5033 (2004) · source

  39. I want to thank Special Representative Qazi for his very persuasive report, and beyond that for the commendable job that he and his colleagues are doing for the people of Iraq. I am pleased to report to the Security Council on the efforts and progress of the multinational force, pursuant to Security Council resolution 1546 (2004). The activities that I will discuss demonstrate that the multinational force, working closely with the Iraqi Interim Government, remains committed to a secure, stable, and democratic Iraq. Today I will report on four broad areas. First, I will discuss the current security situation in Iraq. Secondly, I will discuss the status of the Multinational Force's (MNF) joint effort with the Iraqi Interim Government to build and deploy Iraq's security forces.

    2004-09-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5033 (2004) · source

  40. And it would be very wrong of Syria to continue to interfere in the presidential electoral process in Lebanon. We have called on the Security Council to carry out its responsibility of supporting the full independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon, free after so many years from all foreign forces, and to support the Lebanese people in their ability to make their own national decisions, free at long last from outside coercion and dictate.

    2004-09-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5028 (2004) · source

  41. We strongly support the extension of the control of the Government of Lebanon over all Lebanese territory, including southern Lebanon, as called for by the Security Council over the past four years. The continued presence of armed Hizbullah militia elements, as well as the presence of the Syrian military and Iranian forces in Lebanon, hinders that goal. We believe that this situation - 14 years after the end of Lebanon's civil war and four years after the Security Council accepted unanimously the Secretary- General's report that Israel had complied fully with Security Council resolution 425 (1978) - is simply unacceptable. It is wrong for Syria to continue to maintain its forces in Lebanon, in flat contravention of the spirit and clear intent of the Taif Accord.

    2004-09-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5028 (2004) · source

  42. The Government of Syria has imposed its political will on Lebanon and has compelled the Cabinet and the Lebanese National Assembly to amend its Constitution and abort the electoral process by extending the term of the current President by three years. The final vote in the Assembly is scheduled for Friday, so it is imperative for the Security Council to address this issue now. The Lebanese parliament and the Lebanese cabinet should express the will of the Lebanese people through a free and fair presidential electoral process. What the Lebanese people and we have witnessed over the past week in terms of Syrian actions is a crude mockery of this principle. It is clear that Lebanese parliamentarians have been pressured, and even threatened, by Syria and its agents to make them comply.

    2004-09-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5028 (2004) · source

  43. The Security Council consistently has affirmed that it supports the full sovereignty and independence of Lebanon, free of all foreign forces. We believe Lebanon should be allowed to determine its own future and assume control of its own territory. Yet the Lebanese people are still unable to exercise their rights as a free people to make those choices and to take those steps as a nation. With France, we introduced the draft resolution on Lebanon and Syria; and with the sponsorship of Germany and the United Kingdom, we asked for a vote tonight, because the situation in Lebanon is moving very quickly.

    2004-09-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5028 (2004) · source

  44. UNMISET should continue its training with East Timor's police and military in order to further develop Timorese capacity in the security sector. UNMISET will transfer responsibility for all aspects of security to the Timorese by May 2005 and, therefore, the Timorese national defence forces (F-FDTL) and the Policia Nacional de Timor-Leste (PNTL) must receive further training in order to address effectively all security threats. We appreciate the bilateral assistance provided by the United Kingdom and Australia in this regard as well as the hard work by our colleague here from East Timor who does a terrific job in representing his country's interests.

    2004-08-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5024 (2004) · source

  45. The decisions and the overall ad hoc tribunal process were seriously flawed and failed to provide a full and credible accounting for the abuses that occurred in East Timor in 1999. It is critical for the development of democratic institutions in both Indonesia and East Timor that there be some level of accountability for the 1999 atrocities. Given the limited jurisdiction of the Serious Crimes Unit and the failure of the Indonesian Ad Hoc Tribunal process, additional remedial measures may be required to achieve justice. We believe an independent international truth commission, composed of international experts, should be seriously considered as one option for accountability. Finally, we are encouraged to hear that the security environment in East Timor remains stable.

    2004-08-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5024 (2004) · source

  46. We commend the work of UNMISET in helping to establish a judicial training centre that will help develop the human resources necessary for a functioning judiciary. In the area of serious crimes, we remain concerned by the number of indicted individuals - 279 accused - assumed to be outside of East Timor and therefore outside the reach of the Serious Crimes Unit. As I emphasized to the Council last February, the human rights violations committed in East Timor in 1999 have not been forgotten and the process of accountability for those atrocities should achieve justice. While outside the mandate of UNMISET, the recent rulings by an appeals court in Indonesia, in overturning four Ad Hoc Human Rights Tribunal convictions, directly impacts on the larger issue of achieving accountability.

    2004-08-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5024 (2004) · source

  47. While we applaud the progress made by the Government and the people of East Timor in the development of a civil administration, the East Timor administration continues to have limited capacity. It is critical that UNMISET advisers transfer skills to their East Timor counterparts before May 2005 . In this context, we hope that the Government of East Timor appoints civil administrators, especially in the Treasury and the Banking and Payment Authority, as soon as feasible. The Government should also work to promulgate relevant laws, rules and regulations to guide the administration. In his report the Secretary-General states that the justice sector continues to be confronted by a shortage of qualified personnel and limited infrastructure.

    2004-08-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5024 (2004) · source

  48. Thank you, Mr. President. We welcome the Secretary-General's latest report on the United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET) and thank Assistant Secretary- General Annabi for his presentation. We would also like to recognize the work of the Secretary-General's new Special Representative for UNMISET, Sukehiro Hasegawa and the Mission's progress towards helping the East Timor Government achieve self-sufficiency. In particular, we note with satisfaction the adoption of key legislation establishing legal and institutional legal frameworks in East Timor, progress and voter registration and establishment of the office of the Provedor for the Human rights and Justice.

    2004-08-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5024 (2004) · source

  49. Indeed, the hope of my Government - and I am sure of every member of the Council - is that Sudan fulfils its potential as a peaceful and stable nation, with diverse people living together in peace. The choice is up to the Government of Sudan. It may be the case that the Government of Sudan thinks that time is on its side, that with the passage of time, other crises will supplant Darfur on the world stage. It may be that the Government of Sudan thinks that our attention will be fleeting and that it can soon continue with its business in Darfur free from action by the community of nations. This resolution guarantees that Darfur will be before the Security Council and before the world next month and the month after that - and for as long as it takes to ensure that the people of Darfur can live in peace.

    2004-07-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5015 (2004) · source

  50. It is essential that the Security Council act quickly, decisively and with unity. We need to fix this humanitarian problem now. The current resolution, while not labelling the present situation in Darfur as genocide, does explicitly condemn "acts of violence with an ethnic dimension". The resolution anticipates sanctions against the Government of Sudan if the regular monthly reporting cycle reveals a lack of compliance. The resolution gives the Government of Sudan one small window of opportunity to improve the situation dramatically in days and weeks, not months or years. The purpose of this resolution is to relieve the suffering of Darfur, not to punish Sudan.

    2004-07-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5015 (2004) · source