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Drobnjak

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1993-04-19
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2019-07-23
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un-security-council

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  1. “My country welcomes once again the Blue Helmets, this time in the sincere hope that this operation will be shorter and more successful than the previous two and, most importantly, casualty-free. Finally, let me briefly comment on the second draft resolution that is on the Council's agenda today. We support the draft resolution on Prevlaka, and my Government is pleased that the issue of the Prevlaka peninsula is addressed in a separate document. This draft resolution opens a door for establishing a new monitoring arrangement in the area and recognizes that the Prevlaka peninsula is an integral part of Croatia. It also calls on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) to recognize the internationally accepted borders of all successor States of the former Yugoslavia, including Croatia's border in the Prevlaka area.”

    1996-01-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3619 (1996) · source

  2. “My Government interprets these paragraphs to mean that the Security Council will terminate the UNTAES mandate if the demilitarization aspect is not achieved, and at any other time in the future if any other significant aspect of the mandate fails to be implemented - especially if 126,000 non-Serb displaced persons and refugees are unable to return to the region in a timely and meaningful manner. We hope that the Council will continue to seek and consider the Views of my Government on the question of mandate progress and on other relevant issues, consistent with the right granted to all Member States. UNTAES will be the third large United Nations operation on Croatian soil in less than five years.”

    1996-01-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3619 (1996) · source

  3. “Frankly, if we are unable to achieve the Council's objective under his guidance, it will probably mean that the objective cannot be achieved peacefully. The momentum created by the rapid and assertive implementation of the Implementation Force (IFOR) mandate can benefit the demilitarization aspect of the UNTAES mandate. Only determined and timely efforts will produce progress. The IFOR approach can be a lesson for progress. A diverse and nationally balanced force, with the core and command in the hands of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries, similar to IFOR in Bosnia, is also more likely to achieve the desired results in Croatia. Therefore, my Government welcomes any form of linkage between UNTAES and IFOR. I should also like to emphasize the importance of operative paragraphs 5, 6 and 7 of the draft resolution before us.”

    1996-01-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3619 (1996) · source

  4. “Croatia is prepared to do the same, as demonstrated by my Foreign Minister's recent Visit to Belgrade. Mutual recognition offers our two countries numerous benefits and vehicles to successfully resolve all the outstanding issues between us. My Government firmly supports the nomination of Major-General Jacques Klein as the Transitional Administrator for the region. Croatia will closely cooperate with him and stands ready to provide his mission with any assistance that might be required. In just a short period of time, General Klein has displayed precisely the assertiveness and foresight needed for this type of operation. We cannot support enough his views on the role and impact of economic assistance for confidence-building and reintegration of segregated communities. General Klein will achieve the most that is possible in the region.”

    1996-01-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3619 (1996) · source

  5. “Without a doubt, the demilitarization aspect of the UNTAES mandate is the most critical element for its success. We believe that demilitarization can be achieved. There might be some resistance to it, particularly in the leadership ranks of the local Serbs, but this can be overcome - first, by creating a programme of second- country resettlements for local occupation leaders and, secondly, through an active role on the part of the Government in Belgrade. This can begin with an immediate withdrawal of Yugoslav regular and paramilitary troops and assets from the region. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) must also move towards recognition of Croatia within its internationally recognized borders, consistent with the Council's calls for such recognition, included in this draft resolution as well.”

    1996-01-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3619 (1996) · source

  6. “Therefore, my Government understands this draft resolution as an expression of the Council's determination to go beyond passive protection of Croatia's territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders and to actively restore - through the work of the Transitional Administrator and UNTAES - Croatian sovereignty to the region of Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium. Most of the Croatian citizens from this region, both those who are still living there and those living outside the region as displaced persons and refugees, will greet this decision by the Council with joy. They have suffered enough losses from war and enough misery from the status quo. They want to live normal lives again and enjoy all the benefits and opportunities that the peaceful Croatian State can and will offer them.”

    1996-01-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3619 (1996) · source

  7. “It aims to achieve a goal by means consistent with the objectives of my Government: a peaceful, timely and complete reintegration of the region of Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium with Croatia. In his recent report (S/l995/1028*) to the Security Council, dated 13 December 1995, the Secretary-General wrote that "the purpose of the transitional administration is to achieve a peaceful reintegration of the region into the Croatian constitutional system through the implementation of the basic agreement." (5/1995/1028*, para. 12) The Council, in operative paragraph ll of the draft resolution contained in document S/l996/23, ratifies this sentence from paragraph 12 as the "objective" of the mandate of the United Nations Transitional Administration for Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium (UNTAES).”

    1996-01-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3619 (1996) · source

  8. “At the outset, Sir, let me congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for the month of January. The first draft resolution now before the Security Council is one of the most important documents the Council has dealt with since the outbreak of the crisis in the area of the former Yugoslavia. This draft resolution sends a loud and clear message to the people in the occupied territories of Croatia. It is a message of hope to the silent majority yearning for peace, and an even louder and final message of "no more" to the belligerent fringe that profited from war and the status quo. For my country, this draft resolution is a reason for satisfaction and confidence.”

    1996-01-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3619 (1996) · source

  9. “It is essential to protect and unconditionally respect all international borders in the region, as well as the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all the successor States of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Only upon the recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia by the Belgrade Government will the world community be able to conclude that their quest for "Greater Serbia" has been abandoned, and that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) is bona fide involved in the peace process. In this regard, my delegation must state that Croatia does not find encouragement in today's reluctance of the delegation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) to subscribe to the basic principle of the peaceful reintegration of Eastern Slavonia into the rest of the Republic of Croatia.”

    1995-09-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3575 (1995) · source

  10. “Croatia is assisting in that effort by allowing the use of its airspace by NATO air forces, and providing the use of its ports for the rapid reaction capacity of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR). Croatia will continue to give its full support and assistance to these endeavours of the international community, with the confidence that we are finally on the right track towards peace and stability in that part of Europe. While supporting the newest peace initiative, let me emphasize the importance of mutual recognition of the countries in the region of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.”

    1995-09-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3575 (1995) · source

  11. “At the outset, allow me to congratulate you, Sir, upon your assumption of the presidency of the Council for the month of September. My delegation is fully confident that the Council will be on a safe and prudent course under your guidance. Further, I would like to express the deep appreciation of my delegation to His Excellency Ambassador Nugroho Wisnumurti of Indonesia for leading the work of the Council last month. The Republic of Croatia fully and firmly supports the present ongoing operation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We strongly believe that it is necessary to continue exerting pressure on the Bosnian Serb party, and that NATO's course of action will decisively assist to bring about an overall lasting peaceful settlement in the region.”

    1995-09-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3575 (1995) · source

  12. “If the Security Council is not able to achieve that peace after three years of horrible suffering, the Council must consider other options, including the right of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia to defend themselves, in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations.”

    1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source

  13. “In conclusion, I should like to point out that there may be temporary lulls in the fighting in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as there are in Croatia, as a result of on-again, off-again diplomatic initiatives, which some may choose to call peace. But these are nothing more than mirages of peace, created by an overwhelming war machine in the hands of extremist Serbian leaders. The members of the Council will remain actors in a scenario which follows the logic of war that might is right, and not the logic of peace, as a mirage would lead us to believe. There must be a way to achieve peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina.”

    1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source

  14. “Croatia fully supports the Contact Group's discussions at the highest level, because our experience from the Washington talks tells us that political agreements are much more easily accomplished with mediation by high-level representatives, and we hope that the parties involved will be able to partake in those discussions shortly. Similarly, my Government must commend the recent effectiveness of NATO in its attempts to secure compliance with the Security Council 35 resolutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and would urge the international community to consider how this resolve might be expanded and utilized in respect of the Security Council resolutions in Croatia as well.”

    1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source

  15. “With regard to the situation in Croatia, I must draw the Council's attention to the developments related to the 29 March 1994 cease-fire agreement between my Government and the rebel Serb authorities. The rebel Serb side has not fully complied with any point of the agreement, and has refused to resume talks by entering the second round. My Government must express to the Council its serious concerns in this regard, and advise the Council that the Secretary-General's special envoy for the former Yugoslavia, Yasushi Akashi, was officially informed specifically of them yesterday. My Government hopes that this development in Croatia will also result in close consideration from the Council and from the Contact Group which began its work yesterday.”

    1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source

  16. “This can be accomplished in two ways. Either the international community must disengage Serbian war capacity, using all necessary means, or the arms embargo must be lifted, thus creating for the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Croatia a defence capacity to compel the Serbian side to accept and implement the results of international mediation and the relevant Security Council resolutions. If the first alternative, which may be the most effective, is not within the framework of the international community's options, my Government must insist that the second-best alternative be seriously considered. Otherwise, the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina will continue, and the political solution in Croatia may be jeopardized to the point of renewed fighting.”

    1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source

  17. “On the contrary, the Serbian side continues to use its overwhelming firepower to seize as much territory as possible while dictating unfair and unsustainable political solutions. The level of fighting has decreased only in those areas where the Serbian insurgents have been faced with firm resistance - be it in Croatia or in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the areas where Serbian power in arms remains unchallenged, aggression continues. | Gorazde was a telling example. The Usora region has been in a similar situation since January, and the whole Posavina corridor in northern Bosnia is once again becoming a focus of intensive Serbian offensive actions. Serbian militant policy, with the clear goal of creating greater Serbia at the expense of its neighbours, can only be stopped once a credible balance of power in the region has been established.”

    1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source

  18. “We must emphasize in this regard that the lifting of the arms embargo does not necessarily promote war in all cases, as some would argue. Specifically, in cases where violence erupts because there is overwhelming firepower on one side, as was the case in Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the lifting of the arms embargo would serve to end the war. The balance that would be created would promote non-violent options for finding a fair and sustainable political settlement. Conversely, the arms embargo imposed by resolution 713 (1991) has not brought us the desired political results in Croatia nor in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and has not decreased the fighting by any degree in Bosnia and Herzegovina.”

    1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source

  19. “As long as this imbalance continues, my Government will support the lifting of the arms embargo as it would apply to the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is presently being formed within the framework of the federation agreement, and the Republic of Croatia, because the desired balance can only be achieved with the participation of both. It may not be possible for the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina alone to achieve the desired balance. We must recall that the Bosnian Serb army, together with the Yugoslav army, is the consolidated remnants of the fourth largest army in Europe, and a limited adjustment in balance may only trigger more war - primarily against one of the weaker parties. Lifting the arms embargo, however, should not follow the logic of war.”

    1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source

  20. “It is not by happenstance that we have supported all fair international intermediation for my country and, for that matter, for the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was, and remains, our sincere belief that war and violence cannot be the solution to the crisis in the area of the former Yugoslavia. International mediation can have its limits, however. It has merely achieved a fragile peace in Croatia. The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is still far from the result which was intended. The lack of desired progress in the region has been a function of the inability of the international community to find the appropriate balance of power to match its attempts at political mediation.”

    1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source

  21. “The presence of high representatives of the Governments of so many Member States indicates on the one hand the urgency of the situation in the region and, on the other hand, gives hope that their commitment will bring this crisis to a fair conclusion as is necessary. In this regard, we must emphasize the importance of the views of the Organization of the Islamic Conference member States at this critical stage in the conflict and in the peace process. This is why my delegation, in the Security Council debate on Thursday, called for the inclusion of a high-ranking representative of the Organization of the Islamic Conference in the process of finding a political solution to the conflict in the region. The Croatian Government has consistently pursued a political settlement to the conflict in the region.”

    1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source

  22. “I My delegation is extremely pleased that this issue is being debated by the Security Council today. Some will argue that there have already been too many words in this regard. This is the case only because there has so far not been sufficient action in reversing Serbian aggression and _ its unacceptable consequences. We are especially pleased to have the Foreign Ministers of the Organization of Islamic Conference member States and Foreign Ministers of other United Nations Member States with us. We commend the Foreign Minister of New Zealand, His Excellency Mr. Don McKinnon, for his commitment, which is also evident by his presiding over the Council today, to finding a just solution to the conflict in the area. The appreciation of my delegation also goes to you, Sir, Ambassador Colin Keating, and the members of your delegation.”

    1994-04-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3370 (1994) · source

  23. “The Security Council, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter, should immediately take the strongest possible measures against the Serbian aggressors, If the world is not yet ready for this, then the United Nations must at least lift the arms embargo which has been imposed upon the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the world must provide Croats and Muslims the opportunity successfully to defend their freedom and human dignity. The legitimate right to self-defence inscribed in the United Nations Charter must not be limited for the sake of dubious political pragmatism.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  24. “Croatia welcomes Security Council resolution 820 (1993), which imposes news sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) and is aimed at exhausting the Serbian military machine and blunting the virulent nationalism of Serbian warlords. We particularly welcome operative paragraph 12 of this resolution, which gives the Croatian Government authority over the import, export and transhipment through the United Nations protected areas, thus emphasizing the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Croatia within its internationally recognized borders. The Security Council in its resolution 815 (1993) firmly stated that these protected areas are an integral part of the territory of the Republic of Croatia, and we hail that paragraph as a concrete step in the operative confirmation of that fact.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  25. “The first, and essential, steps must be the complete disarming of Serbian paramilitary units, the creation of the conditions for the safe and voluntary return of all the refugees, and the securing of the international borders of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions. We are advocating the creation of safe-haven areas in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which must be 'under total United Nations protection. But just easing the horrendous human suffering is not enough: strengthening the UNPROFOR mandate and changing the nature of the United Nations forces from a peace-keeping to a peace-making force which is capable of fulfilling all the goals emphasized in Security Council resolutions is the essential step towards peace and stability in the Balkans.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  26. “Croatia firmly supports the joint agreement on the immediate cessation of the hostilities, signed yesterday between the President of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegovic, and the President of the Croatian Community of Herzeg-Bosna, Mate Boban. It is obvious that the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is very much linked to what is happening in the occupied parts of the Republic of Croatia. Both Republics are exposed to Serbian aggression, which is being orchestrated by the top political and army circles in Belgrade. This is the fact that the Security Council should take into account when determining future action by the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR).”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  27. “We sincerely regret the recent tragic clashes between Croat and Muslim forces in central Bosnia, which were a result of the extreme tension in the entire area and the failure to fufil the Vance-Owen plan. These sad events are one more example of how important it is to speed up the peace process and immediately start implementing the Vance-Owen plan. The Croatian Government will do everything possible within its capacity to help solve the grave Situation in central Bosnia and to stop the fighting between allied Croatian and Muslim forces. This fighting can only benefit the Serbian aggressor.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  28. “What is the way out of the humanitarian, moral and political disaster in Bosnia and Herzegovina? The answers are simple and easy to find: First, we must stop the Serbian aggression, using all necessary means. Secondly, we must start to implement all the relevant Security Council resolutions. Thirdly, all sides must accept and carry out the peace plan proposed by the co-Chairmen of the Steering Committee of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia. Croatia strongly supports the proposed peace plan for Bosnia and Herzegovina, which must be implemented in a way that will protect the legitimate interest of all three constituent nations of that Republic. Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina were the first to sign all the elements of the Vance-Owen plan and are ready to cooperate with the United Nations in its fulfilment.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  29. “The expansionist attempts to create Serbian states inside the Republics of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina and to annex them to Serbia are contrary to all the fundamental principles that world peace and stability are based on. The fact that Serbian extremists are openly refusing to honour the major Security Council resolutions that emphasize the commitment to ensure respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina must lead to appropriate United Nations action. The United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) operation should be aimed not only at the cessation of hostilites but also at the determined protection of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the two United Nations Member States that are exposed to foreign aggression.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  30. “In operative paragraph 7 of this resolution, the General Assembly urged the Security Council to consider measures on an urgent basis, but no later than 15 January 1993, using all necessary means to stop the Serbian aggression, including the lifting of the arms embargo. The 15th of January passed long ago, and the only results thus far have been more destruction and more territory "ethnically cleansed" by the murderous Serbian forces. The Republic of Croatia has had painful experience of Serbian aggression and is still under continuous attacks by Serbian paramilitary units that have occupied parts of Croatian territory.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  31. “The only Serbian reponse to the Security Council demands so far has been the endless tide of humiliated refugees, death camps, raped women and massacred prisoners and disregard for elementary norms of international humanitarian law. How many times has it been clearly and loudly stated that the only language the Serbian aggressor understands is the language of force? The United Nations General Assembly on 18 December 1992 adopted a resolution in which it expressed determination to restore peace in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as to preserve its unity, sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity. So far, none of these goals has been achieved.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  32. “Just a few hours ago, the very centre of the ancient Croatian coastal town of Sibenik was heavily pounded by salvoes from multiple rocket launchers. The result of this savage Serbian attack is 2 dead and 11 wounded civiliians - two of the wounded have life-threatening injuries. For many months, Serbian aggression, transparently wrapped in the unfounded statements about the endangered Serbian population that needs protection at any cost, remained unchallenged by the world community. The results of all those futile compromises and inadequate responses can be seen in the graveyards and ruins that stretch from Vukovar, Zadar, Dubrovnik and Osijek to Sarajevo, Gorazde and Srebrenica.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  33. “The mass graves around Vukovar are horrifying harbingers of what will happen after Srebrenica and other towns in Bosnia and Herzegovina are overrun by Serbian forces. But it is not only Bosnia and Herzegovina that is at stake: European security and stability as a whole will be dangerously undermined if Serbian fascism is not stopped immediately and all its war criminals are not brought to justice. In Srebrenica the community of nations must defend the new post-cold-war world order and the basic principles of the United Nations Charter, not only for the sake of those who are suffering, but also for the sake of the generations to come. At this moment Serbians are pounding civilian targets in Sarajevo and all across Bosnia and Herzegovina. They are also shelling Croatian cities along the Adriatic coast and mainland.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  34. “It goes without saying that the United Nations made enormous efforts to stop the bloodshed in Bosnia and Herzegovina and to ease the suffering of the anguished population. But phrases and medicine are not enough. Unfortunately, in the last two years - during the Servian aggression against Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina - strong words have not been followed by strong acts. While the Security Council has been passing resolutions - 37 of them so far = ruthless Serbian forces have been "passing" "ethnic cleansing", thus carving in blood the borders of "Greater Serbia". The horror in Srebrenica comes as no surprise to one who has seen the destruction of Vukovar and the slaughter of captured wounded Croatian soldiers and civilians.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  35. “We can use the end of the cold war to get | beyond the whole pattern of settling conflicts by force, or we can slip back into ever more savage regional conflicts in which might alone makes right. ... Simply put, it is a choice between right and wrong." (S/PV.2 ._ 101-105) Those brave words, which perfectly match the tragic situation in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and are, indeed, the appropriate answer toa the barbaric Serbian aggression, have already been spoken before the members of the Security Council, by James Baker III on 29 November 1990. In deciding to confront the Iraqi aggression against Kuwait, the world made a choice between right and wrong and did not stand idly by. But now it is unwilling to take decisive action.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  36. “On behalf of my delegation I have the honour to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council during this month of April. Your distinguished diplomatic skills have enabled you to guide this body around several difficult obstacles in its deliberations in recent days. I should also like to express our profound appreciation for the tireless efforts of your predecessor, Ambassador Terence O'Brien of New Zealand, for his capable statesmanship and for the wise manner in which he guided the work of the Security Council during the month of March. "The entire international community has been affronted by a series of brutal acts. ... Fellow members of the Security Council ... we meet at the hinge of history.”

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source