YouSaid · the spoken record

Duarte

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49
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2008-11-19
most recent
2023-03-30
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5
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un-security-council

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  1. Economic growth without income distribution will lead only to greater inequalities, exclusion and conflict. I would therefore like to commend you, Mr. President, for that courageous decision, which I am confident will strengthen your country’s peace and reconciliation process. Mozambique’s peace and reconciliation process demonstrates that development policies, when applied in conjunction with peacemaking efforts, contribute to ending hostilities and lay solid foundations for durable peace and sustainability. That effective combination of peace and development tools will enable African countries to silence the guns in the continent and achieve durable peace.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  2. The recent decision by the Government of Mozam- bique to include eligible demobilized disarmament, demobilization and reintegration beneficiaries in the country’s pension system is another example of a smart policy, both from a peace and a development perspective. From the point of view of peace and security, it is yet another step in fighting exclusion and promoting recon- ciliation through development and social policies. From a macroeconomic perspective, it is an effective way to promote income distribution, which is indispensable to achieving socioeconomic resilience. And resilience is necessary not only to deliver peace but to advance the implementation of the 2030 Agenda and prevent a scenario in which African countries are pushed off track.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  3. Conversely, if development aspects are factored in during the peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding processes, I am confident that we will be able to come here to the Security Council and congratulate African countries on their success in putting an end to conflict, just as we are here today to congratulate Mozambique. Mozambique’s peace process is an example of the smart and effective implementation of development policies in support of a peace and security objective. The dual approach of the Maputo Accord for Peace and National Reconciliation, combining demilitarization and reintegration with decentralization and devolution, has responded to the need to understand the root causes of the conflict and to identify the development solutions needed to ensure the success of the process.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  4. That absence of the State, from the perspective of the provision of services, is one of the main factors undermining the legitimacy of State institutions, breaking the bonds of trust with the population that are crucial to nation-building and creating fertile ground for terrorism and the emergence of non-State actors. If we want to reduce the threat presented by the possibility of non-State actors taking over the Sahel and the Horn of Africa, military solutions will have to be complemented by active development policies that contribute to ensuring the effective provision of public services across the territory. As long as development policies continue to be perceived as something to be taken into account only after peace efforts have been undertaken, we cannot achieve durable peace.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  5. That too is the result of internal and external factors. One external factor is the prevalence in international financial and development policies since the 1990s of a market-based approach to public services that has sought to shrink the size of public institutions, further weakening State structures that were already inherently limited. At the same time, from an internal perspective, African countries have not focused enough on building solid country systems. As a result, today State institutions are absent in many remote, rural and marginalized areas of the continent.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  6. Furthermore, attempts to limit the transboundary reality of Africa’s historical groups undermine their potential as a source of growth and resilience and increase mistrust of State institutions. Africa’s integration process is the only response to that challenge that can produce more growth, development and peace. Instead of responding to potential transboundary threats by closing borders, we need to accelerate integration through the Continental Free Trade Area, the regional economic communities and the various instruments in the African Union architecture. The third geography represents the actual presence of the State. As the concept note points out, public investment and institutions in Africa have been concentrated in a few urban centres, leaving vast expanses of territory without a State presence.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  7. Traditional leadership structures can also be effective tools for supporting the inclusion of historic communities and can therefore add value to African governance structures. The second consequence of the overlap between the first and the second geographies is the existence of a socioeconomic reality that transcends the boundaries of individual countries. From a peace and security perspective, transboundary movements are often perceived as a risk, and a reaction to that can be attempts to control borders by closing them, despite the fact that most of the time such measures are not effective. A historical reality that goes beyond borders cannot be contained.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  8. First, colonial Administrations established centralized structures, which were afterwards inherited by the independent States. Those structures were not prepared to manage a diverse population or to promote inclusion. As a result, many African countries have faced intercommunal conflicts that cannot be resolved from a governance perspective unless those structures are properly reformed. Decentralization and devolution are key policy instruments that need to be part of the conflict resolution toolkit. They enable the recognition of local realities within a State and empower historic communities by providing them with assets. Furthermore, they can help increase the efficiency of public services by bringing their management closer to the beneficiaries.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  9. As the concept note for this debate points out, in Africa those borders were the artificial result of negotiations among colonial Powers that did not take into account the reality of the continent. That takes us to the second geography, which reflects the pre-existing socio-cultural groups. The overlaps between the first and the second geography have led to a situation in which African countries have within their administrative borders two or more historic socio-cultural groups and situations in which one historic community is spread throughout two or more countries. For example, in my region of West Africa, there is one group — the Fulani — that is present in every country between the Gambia and Cameroon. That overlap has two main consequences on governance.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  10. Even from the point of view of the land, the objective was not to ensure the presence of the State across the territory, but to control strategic sites, either for their location or their economic value. In addition, African States also inherited ruler-drawn borders that had been established not to organize a population, but to distribute the natural wealth of a continent. As a result of those historical factors, from a governance perspective, African countries still face today three “geographies” that condition the relationship between a country’s Government, their territory and their people. The first geography is the administrative territory of a country, which is determined by its borders.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  11. The 2022 report of the Secretary-General on the promotion of durable peace and sustainable development in Africa (S/2022/959) highlights that, when African countries achieved independence, they inherited governance structures that were not designed to run successful independent States, and consequently not prepared to deliver the independence vision. From an economic perspective, as everybody knows, colonial Administrations did not focus on promoting economic development, but rather on resource extraction and tax collection. From the point of view of the rule of law, their objective was not to uphold the rights of the individuals, but to exercise authority.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  12. Last year when I briefed the Council, I presented one of those causes, namely, the actual or perceived exclusion in the provision of public services. Today, in line with the concept note for this debate (see S/2023/148/Rev.1), I would like to refer to the political history of the continent. While most of the internal and external factors may have apparent current direct causes, their roots go back in history. Colonialism has often been blamed for the economic exploitation of the African continent, but its impact on the current governance shortcomings has seldom been discussed.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  13. In that regard, the only effective solution to conflicts in Africa is sustainable development, because only development will create the capacities that will allow African countries to tackle both the internal and external causes of conflict. That is very clear not only in the Lusaka Masterplan but also in the African Union 2063 Agenda, which reflects our vision for a peaceful, united and prosperous continent. Acknowledging that development policies impact peace and security implies identifying what are the development-related causes that lie behind a conflict in order to enable the affected country to adopt the medium- and long-term measures that will create a viable and sustainable pathway to peace.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  14. External factors refer to issues that, to a certain extent, are outside the control of a single State, such as external competition for natural resources, meaning geopolitical interests, and international terrorism. Internal factors are related to the interaction between the State and its citizens, most notably when it comes to exclusion from public services. In order to put an end to conflict, both external and internal factors need to be addressed. In that regard, I note how development policies are better poised to address internal factors, as inclusion can be delivered only through sustainable development. However, the traditional response to peace and security challenges in Africa has not been to address the internal and external root causes of conflicts, but just their symptoms.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  15. As African policymakers acknowledged when designing the Lusaka Roadmap, development policies play a substantial role in supporting conflict prevention and resolution. Furthermore, the absence of development policies, or the existence of policies and programmes that do not deliver inclusive development, can act as a root cause of conflicts. In other words, as the Secretary-General has affirmed, “the flames of conflict are fuelled by inequality, deprivation and underfunded systems” (S/PV.9011, p.4). On the other hand, inclusive, transparent, equitable and effective development policies can be the tool with the most impact for conflict prevention. When I briefed the Council last year on capacity building for sustaining peace (see S/PV.9106), I referred to the need to differentiate between external and internal factors of conflict.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  16. The structure of the Lusaka Master Roadmap underscores the relevance that development policies and the implementation of the 2030 Agenda and the African Union Agenda 2063 have for achieving peace and security in the continent. Unfortunately, that African perspective has not been sufficiently incorporated in global discussions on peace and security in the continent. For too long, global discussions have considered that the linkages between peace, security and development are constrained due to the fact that wars create emergency situations, divert funds that should be used for development and destroy infrastructure. Those facts are accurate, but they present an incomplete picture of the interrelation between peace and development.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  17. Ms. Duarte: I would like to thank the Mozambiquan presidency for holding this open debate on the impact of development policies on the implementation of the Silencing the Guns initiative and for inviting me to brief the Security Council on this topic. The African Union Master Roadmap of practical steps to silence the guns in Africa, also known as the Lusaka Roadmap, identified five areas of action where African member States, with the support of the international community, needed to advance in order to silence the guns in Africa. Out of those five areas, four — economic, social, environmental and legal aspects— refer to issues that are comprised in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and in the African Union Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want.

    2023-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9299 (2023) · source

  18. In that regard, the Office of the Special Adviser on Africa has launched an initiative entitled “A pen for a gun”, which fosters the role of school meals in promoting social cohesion and peace on the continent and seeks to strengthen the capacities of African countries to deliver peace and security through development.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  19. Their main goal is addressing low educational attainment, school dropout rates, malnutrition, stunting and, above all, food insecurity. But school feeding also helps to promote local economies and women’s empowerment, to strengthen local food systems and create cohesive communities. When children are retained in school, they are at a lower risk of being captured by terrorist groups and non-State actors. All in all, school feeding is a cost-effective way of strengthening trust in public institutions through the delivery of basic services — again, fulfilling the sixth commitment of Our Common Agenda.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  20. That entails both increasing cooperation and coordination among the various areas of work of the United Nations and informing the deliberations on peace and security issues with analysis of countries’ socioeconomic conditions and institutional capacity. Thirdly, in many countries, peacekeeping missions reach areas where the State is absent. Closer cooperation with national and local authorities — from the perspective of institution-building as well as from a security perspective — could create opportunities for increasing the presence of the State and enhancing the delivery of services, preventing gaps that can be leveraged by terrorist groups and non-State actors. Against that background, school feeding programmes are an example of a public service with great potential to contribute to long-term peace and stability.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  21. Curbing illicit financial flows in Africa would not only generate the same amount of revenue as official development assistance and foreign direct investment put together, but it would also address one of the main sources of financing for transnational crime and terrorism. What, then, is the way forward? How can we address those challenges? I would like to provide three recommendations and one example. First, investing in institutional infrastructure is essential in order to build the capacities needed to tackle the internal causes of violence. Institutions have the power to catalyse holistic solutions. Institutional capacity-building should therefore be the cornerstone of efforts to achieve sustainable peace. Secondly, technical cooperation in creating policy and institutional capacity should be a priority in all conflict situations.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  22. Institutions are a set of policies with bodies to implement them and mechanisms to monitor their correct implementation. However many bodies we create or training sessions we deliver, without policies and oversight mechanisms those four factors will continue to undermine our efforts to achieve peace and development. With regard to funding, our ability to build institutions and develop capacities for the delivery of public services requires sustainable financing, and that can be achieved only through strong systems for mobilizing domestic resources. Of all the ways of mobilizing domestic resources, the most urgent from a peace and security standpoint is dealing with the issue of illicit financial flows.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  23. Service delivery is a key component of development, but it is an aspect of development with a crucial political impact because service delivery is the sheer expression of the social contract, and violation of the social contract is a breeding ground for unrest and instability. Addressing the challenges of building capacities in Africa takes us to the second question. What are the main challenges that prevent capacity-building in Africa? The concept note for today’s debate underscored those challenges — policy and financing. The building of capacities cannot be understood just as creating administrative bodies or training civil servants. Those are important aspects that will not be sustainable or effective, however, if clear, objective and just planning and monitoring systems and policy frameworks are not put in place.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  24. Those three factors compound a fourth one — the absence of the State and its substitution in service delivery by non-State actors, including criminal and terrorist groups. When the State does not provide services, either because there is no State presence in the territory or due to inefficiencies and some of the factors I mentioned, someone replaces the State. With time, that someone earns the legitimacy of the population and questions the existence of the State. That is not theory. That is a reality that has been reported with Al-Shabaab in Somalia, for example, and is a growing problem for the continent’s stability.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  25. At the national level, it reflects the absence of the State or, at least, the absence of an effective State and the lack of capacities. The national component of corruption is made possible due to non-existent or very limited institutions, including strong national revenue authorities and tax services, due to the absence of capacity among public institutions to use technology to, for example, fully digitize customs and tax administrations. Corruption cannot be dealt with only through administrative bodies and goodwill. The best way to limit its impact is to build the capacities of a country to trace the economic transactions that are conducted in its national value chain. A global compact to fight corruption is needed. Commitment 6 of Our Common Agenda (A/75/982) deals with that issue.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  26. In a context of limited public budgets and growing expenditure needs, which is the scenario that most African countries face, planning processes are not just a tool for good management. They also become a crucial instrument for explaining to citizens the decisions that were made in the prioritization of expenditures and for involving them in decision-making processes so as to prevent their exclusion from public services, which results in grievances and social disengagement. The third factor is corruption — a global value chain made up of local, national and regional and international actors. Corruption not only diverts funds that should be used for service delivery, but it is the most effective factor in delegitimizing the State. Corruption is not just an ethical or legal problem.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  27. Education is a public service from which millions of children are excluded due to the lack of access to electricity or technological tools. In fact, COVID-19 has further shrunk the already limited fiscal space in African countries, which, in many cases, has led to the deprioritization of certain public services in order to have the budgetary capacity to respond to the pandemic. It is a necessary decision, but one that can have unforeseen and undesired consequences in the middle term. Those potential consequences — those risks — are linked to the second factor — namely, non-transparent or non-inclusive planning and budgeting processes. The lack of capacity by African countries to conduct open-planning processes risks creating undesired exclusion, or even false perceptions of exclusion as a consequence of the scarcity of funds.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  28. That analysis fed into the 2021 report of the Secretary-General on the promotion of durable peace and sustainable development in Africa (S/2021/562). The report identifies four ways in which public service delivery can become a trigger of conflict and instability. Four factors are closely linked to the capacity of African countries to provide effective and efficient public services. The first is vertical and horizontal exclusion — that is, discriminatory service delivery along socioeconomic lines or group affiliation. I would like to underscore that, most often, exclusion is not the result of a decision to exclude. Furthermore, exclusion can act as a trigger even if the service is not directly provided by the State. An example of that is access to education in Africa during the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  29. From that perspective, even if internal factors are not the focus of the attention of the Council, it is important to take them into account when assessing how to prevent and mitigate external factors, given that addressing the structural root causes of conflict is indispensable for building sustainable peace. The joint study by the United Nations and the World Bank, entitled Pathways for Peace: Inclusive Approaches to Preventing Violent Conflict, already noted a link between peace and the capacity of a State to provide public services. For the past two years, my Office has analysed that link in implementation of our mandate to address gaps and initiate reports on critical issues affecting Africa, with the support of an extrabudgetary project funded by the United Nations Peace and Development Trust Fund.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  30. Global terrorist networks increasingly find footholds in various pockets of Africa, and conflicts between State and non-State actors continue to cause death, displacement and destruction. Those external factors are part of the agenda and focus of the Security Council. In that regard, today’s meeting provides an opportunity to assess how internal factors, such as governance and national control over economic flows, endemic poverty, inequality, marginalization and respect for human rights, interact with those external factors. Understanding that interaction is relevant as, internal factors, if properly addressed, are the foundation of a State’s resilience and will to fight, prevent and mitigate violence. If disregarded, those factors might become the triggers and fuel of conflict and violent extremism.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  31. As a result, it has usually been ignored as a tool for conflict prevention and peacebuilding, except when referring to the building of capacities in the security sector, whether military or policy components. However, capacity-building has a direct and, I would say, fundamental, impact on delivering sustainable peace. Africa’s peace and security are threatened by a combination of external and internal factors that undermine the capacities of African countries to prevent and address violence. Factors such as external competition for a country’s natural resources have been fuelling instability in Africa. Porous borders fuel black markets and facilitate the emergence of transnational crime and the proliferation of illicit weapons.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  32. Ms. Duarte: I would like to thank the Chinese presidency for convening this open debate, entitled “Peace and security in Africa: Capacity-building for sustaining peace”, and for inviting me to brief the Security Council on the topic. The concept note (S/2022/592, annex) for today’s open debate proposes three objectives for the meeting. The first is understanding why capacity-building is important for peace and security, the second is discussing the challenges that capacity-building efforts must overcome and the third is exploring ways forward. I will therefore touch on those three points in my briefing. The first concerns the impact of capacity- building on peace and stability. Capacity-building has traditionally been approached as the epitome of development cooperation.

    2022-08-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9106 (2022) · source

  33. Policies to protect women and girls from the consequences of war and to prevent sexual and gender-based violence, including sexual violence in conflict, are among the key components of our National Action Plan, along with measures to engage women, including in leadership positions, in peace and security initiatives.

    2017-05-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7938 (2017) · source

  34. More has to be done to ensure that women have a voice and are active participants in peace agreements and in the negotiation, design and implementation ofpost-conflict and peacebuilding arrangements. In highlighting once more the importance that Brazil attaches to the women and peace and security agenda of the Security Council, let me conclude by mentioning the release, last March, of Brazil's first National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security, which is the result of a joint effort by the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Defence and Justice and Citizenship, as well as UN-Women and civil society.

    2017-05-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7938 (2017) · source

  35. Among other measures, we must help strengthen national capacities, curb the availability of weapons, ensure prosecution, protect victims, take adequate action to change how they are perceived in their communities, and protect witnesses. Sexual violence is not sufficiently viewed as a threat to peace and in its relation to broader issues of insecurity. Peace agreements rarely make reference to the need to eradicate all forms of violence against women and girls. They seldom include provisions linked to accountability for gender-based violence. Post-conflict arrangements hardly ever deal with the situation of women who have been subjected to violence during conflict and its aftermath.

    2017-05-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7938 (2017) · source

  36. The lack of adequate national capacity and expertise to investigate and prosecute for acts of sexual violence remains one of the main impediments to ensuring accountability not only for sexual violence but also for related crimes. This situation often leads to widespread impunity and has had an impact on access to justice and on the safety of survivors. The international community should encourage and help States to fully exercise their responsibility. Promoting the universality of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court is also crucial to ending impunity. Given the atrocity of these crimes, we must do everything in our hands to prevent them.

    2017-05-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7938 (2017) · source

  37. Victims face lethal retaliation, honour crimes, suicide, untreated diseases, unsafe abortion, economic exclusion and indigence. Of particular concern are children born of rape, who may themselves face a lifetime of marginalization. Survivors of sexual violence in war zones must be recognized as legitimate victims of conflict and terrorism. We support the Secretary-General's call on traditional, religious and community leaders to address harmful social norms and contribute to redirecting the stigma of rape from victims to perpetrators, who must be held accountable for their crimes. Accountability is a powerful deterrent, as well as a moral duty to those afflicted.

    2017-05-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7938 (2017) · source

  38. It was during Brazil's chairmanship of the Committee pursuant to resolution 1533 (2004) concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in 2011, that the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, then Ms. Margot Wallstrom of Sweden, was invited to briefthe Committee on sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This eventually led the Security Council to impose sanctions, for the first time, for acts of sexual violence in conflict, in collaboration with the Government ofthe Democratic Republic of the Congo, placing the issue permanently on the agenda. Notwithstanding some progress that has been made as a result of our collective engagement, the report of the Secretary-General (S/2017/249) still paints a grim picture.

    2017-05-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7938 (2017) · source

  39. Mr. Duarte (Brazil) (spoke in Spanish): I commend Uruguay for convening this open debate on such an important issue. (spoke in English) I would like to thank Deputy-Secretary-General Amina Mohammed for her remarks, as well as Special Representative Adama Dieng and Ms. Mina Jaf for their briefings. The use of sexual violence as a weapon of war and terrorism is abhorrent and utterly unacceptable. These crimes destroy the social fabric of communities and inflict long-lasting psychological trauma. Brazil has repeatedly condemned all forms of violence against all women and girls, including sexual violence in conflict.

    2017-05-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7938 (2017) · source

  40. Now that both judicial bodies will be wrapping up their work, it is crucial that the various entities of the United Nations take the actions necessary to ensure that the Tribunals have the resources required to conclude their mandates in an effective, orderly and timely fashion.

    2011-12-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6678 (2011) · source

  41. Under its own terms, resolution 51/226 of the General Assembly applies only to Secretariat personnel. The rationale for the establishment of this rule clearly is not relevant to the particular situation facing both Criminal Tribunals. Colombia is of the View that the Tribunals have worked diligently to comply with the decisions of the Council in terms of the fulfilment of their responsibilities. The International Criminal Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda are the main instrument through which the Council has channelled the will of the international community to put an end to impunity for heinous international crimes.

    2011-12-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6678 (2011) · source

  42. The Council should renew the appeals that it has made in the past for the relevant bodies of the United Nations to step up their efforts to resolve this fundamental issue and make it easier for the Tribunals to retain the human resources necessary for the timely implementation of their completion strategies. This is not a routine administrative problem, since both Tribunals were established by the Council under very specific circumstances and have provided outstanding service in the cause of international justice and the maintenance of international peace and security. We consider, for example, that the administrative practice that prevents the recruitment of interns before a certain period of time has elapsed is not applicable to the Tribunals.

    2011-12-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6678 (2011) · source

  43. From a practical point of view, there is no doubt that, as Presidents Meron and Khan stated so eloquently, staff retention is the most serious problem facing both Tribunals. If the existing difficulties are not resolved, a situation could arise that would prevent the timely implementation of the completion strategies devised and adopted by the Council. For that reason, we support the request made by both Presidents to the effect that the activities currently under way would be strengthened if we Council members provide them with support and if we send a clear and unequivocal message as to the importance of resolving the retention and staff recruitment policies. Failing that, it will be very difficult, if not impossible, to guarantee the full implementation of the completion strategies.

    2011-12-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6678 (2011) · source

  44. We also welcome the activities undertaken to facilitate the transfer of specialized and institutional knowledge to national jurisdictions and to other existing mechanisms, including the International Criminal Court (ICC). It is very important to preserve the legacy of the Tribunals in the area of international humanitarian law and legal doctrine, including substantive and procedural aspects, and the influence that their jurisprudence could have on the future of global justice and the promotion of human rights. Through their activities, these two subsidiary bodies of the Council have shown that the establishment of an effective system of international justice is not only possible but desirable. Their achievements have contributed to paving the way for the establishment of the ICC.

    2011-12-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6678 (2011) · source

  45. Mrs. Duarte (Colombia) (spoke in Spanish): Allow me once again to thank the Presidents and the Prosecutors of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for their briefings. My delegation would also like to thank them for their efforts and for the steps they have taken to implement the completion strategy. We would also like to highlight in particular the arrest of the last two fugitives from the ICTY. This is not only a great achievement but also without a doubt eliminates one of the obstacles in the way of the satisfactory conclusion of its mandate.

    2011-12-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6678 (2011) · source

  46. But let us remember that transparency in armaments is only one of several criteria that the world community is seeking to enshrine in multilateral agreements in the fields of disarmament and arms regulation. Others include irreversibility, verification and the degree to which signatories are bound by an agreement. To the extent that such criteria are accepted by States and implemented in good faith, prospects for achieving the full potential of collective security will grow. I welcome the recognition by the Security Council that progress in disarmament and the regulation of armaments can make important contributions to strengthening international security, to the benefit of all. All Member States and their populations have a stake in security. Security is a common good and, as such, has value only when it is shared with others.

    2008-11-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6017 (2008) · source

  47. Member States have developed two transparency instruments within the framework of the United 08-60919 Nations. First is the Standardized Instrument for Reporting Military Expenditures. This will be reviewed in 2010 for the first time. Secondly is the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms, to which Member States may report their arms imports and exports, as well as data on their military holdings and production in specific categories of major conventional weapons. Over the years, Member States have agreed to steadily widen the scope of the Register. Significantly, in 2003 they decided that States could include their transfers of small arms. Far more than half of all United Nations Member States have participated in both instruments. I would hope to see even greater involvement, as well as more consistent reporting.

    2008-11-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6017 (2008) · source

  48. And it can pave the way for agreements and cooperation in other fields, steadily tying countries together in a web of shared interest, better understanding and mutual support. The strengthening of collective security through general regulation and reduction of armaments was a central preoccupation of the League of Nations. When the United Nations was established, the issue of minimizing the diversion of the world's human and economic resources for armaments was given a place in the Charter along with disarmament. No serious discussion on the limitation or elimination of armaments can avoid the topic of improving transparency. If States behave in a predictable and transparent way, that can build confidence and thereby promote collective security.

    2008-11-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6017 (2008) · source

  49. Mr. Duarte: It is a pleasure to send the Secretary-General's greetings to the Security Council on the occasion of this important debate on the strengthening of collective security. Achieving a sense of collective security is a vital step towards preventing conflict. As we know all too well, organizations tend to be better equipped for reacting to developments than for anticipating them. But we cannot be passive in the face of threats to international peace and security. That is why conflict prevention is very high on my agenda and why the international community must strengthen its ability to minimize the potential for conflict. The strengthening of collective security can build trust between States.

    2008-11-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.6017 (2008) · source