YouSaid · the spoken record

Farhadi

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170
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1993-04-19
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2004-10-04
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17
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un-security-council

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  1. This is procrastination established in the form of indecision, of obvious lack of determination hidden under the pretext of realism and even so-called wisdom. All this has turned the Security Council into a semi-attentive spectator that closes its eyes to genocide and war crimes. We hear talk about the new reality - the Ambassador of Bosnia reminded us of this. The most recent new reality consists in leaving the Bosnian Muslims in zones which, practically speaking, would be concentration camps. It will soon be a half century since the United Nations was established. The Organization has, to be sure, rendered important service to mankind.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  2. And now, after the end of the cold war, life is hell in Bosnia, where the Muslims are suffering the same kind of carnage as took place in Afhanistan. Thus, does the end of the cold war mean that small nations are to be sacrificed at the altar of a peace arranged between the large nations? Are we now in a phase of history when witnessing the death throes of a people has become the habitual attitude of the powerful of our world? During the past few months, every time a positive solution has been put forward in the form of an idea or a draft, every time a particular method has evolved and has been judged effective, its adoption has been postponed because one, two or three great Powers have not had the agreement of their Government.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  3. Such complicity is shocking at the end of the twentieth century when we are faced with war crimes and genocide. History will remember this; it will remember the tacit complicity of the Powers of our times. Let us put an end to this mentality and this attitude, examples of which we see in the case - among others - of my country, Afghanistan. A large part of the documents coming from the United Nations on the invasion of Afghanistan by the former Soviet Union were characterized by this mentality of arranging texts in such a way as to make a fundamentally unequal equation between the agressor and the victim of the aggression. That left 1,700,000 victims in Afghanistan, and almost totally destroyed the country's economy.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  4. All this is, of course, a way for the great Powers cf the world just to let things happen and let things alone, going so far as to become witnesses - so-called impartial witnesses - to the carnage committed against the moral and spiritual conscience of mankind. That is the tragic panorama, sometimes described - as was done today by the representative of Bosnia - as deafening silence. It is also called a "double standard". But in fact it is simply injustice. Let us put an end to all this. Let us put an end to this mentality which preaches that the arms embargo should be applied equally to those who use it to kill - those who, moreover, are already well armed - and to those who need the arms to defend themselves. To equate the perpetrator of the crime with the victim would only be tacit complicity with the criminal.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  5. Are we to go to the point of having as much concern for the Bosnian Serb aggressors as for the Bosnians who are being attacked, interned and executed and whose ancestral homes are being dynamited and places of worship being burned - this people that is witnessing the systematic breaking up and dismemberment of its territory? The international community never tires of hiding behind methods of compromise and accommodation, of engaging in machinations and deals at the expense of a single victim nation. And it goes even further: it has as much regard for the person who ripes as for the person who is raped. Deprived of the means of defending itself, a country fights for its honour - and thus for the honour of the human being, of Europe and of the international community - while the aggressor is already armed to the teeth.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  6. The United Nations embargo has had no effect on the racist, chauvinistic plan for Greater Serbia. They have enough weapons to continue this carnage for years. Let us be clear about this: the embargo is in fact practised against the Bosnian Muslims and is implemented by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). In fact, this is potentially indirect military assistance to the Bosnian Serbs. So, are we really to have the same concern for the occupier as for the occupied, if not more? Are we to go so far as to spare the attacker as much as the victim?

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  7. It remained a large army, and in recent years Milosevic and the partisans of his regime, who are chauvinistic expansionists, have made the Yugoslav army the essential instrument for the creation of a "greater Serbia and for fighting against non-Serbs in Croatia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedonia and Vojvodina. Over these years, an infernal war machine has been set up by the Serbs in the former Yugoslavia, and particularly in Bosnia. Enormous sums have been spent to establish Serb militias in Bosnia. That is the kind of barbarism we have at the end of the twentieth century in Europe. The majority of the Yugoslav army's officer corps has been made up of Serbian nationals, and an almost inexhaustible arsenal of weapons is made available to the militias; it has been piling up for years.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  8. To say that the various parties to the conflict share responsibility for large numbers of atrocities and war crimes and that they are thus responsible to the same degree is to resort to sophistry in order to provide an excuse for doing nothing to face up to the Bosnian Serbs, who continue to commit these atrocities and crimes. The great Powers are officially and perfectly well informed about the war crimes committed by the Bosnian Serbs. Let us recall that following the Second World War the Yugoslav army was the largest Communist army in Eastern Europe, second only to that of the Soviet Union.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  9. Does the Security Council not tend systematically to take refuje in morally vapid half-measures, as if there were a need to strike a balance >etween justice and injustice, as if the question-65 were one of equating aggression and resistance to aggression, between aggressor and aggrieved. The great Powers know perfectly well that the Milosevic regime in Belgrade and the Serbian regular forces and militias are the indisputable authors of the overwhelming majority human rights abuses, atrocities and killings that have taken place in Bosnia.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  10. Mr. FARHADI (Afghanistan) (interpretation from French): I congratulate you, Mr President, on your outstanding leadership of the work of the Council during the month of June. Once again we are considering a very sensitive point of contemporary history that touches the international community, especially the United Nations and the Security Council. In this particular case the Council has shown a tendency to diverge from the conception of it held by peoples that have believed in the United Nations. Peoples want to believe that the United Nations will clearly and vigorously support the cause of justice in the face of injustice. The facts show that, quite to the contrary, such is often not the course of action chosen by the Security Council.

    1993-06-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3247 (1993) · source

  11. As far as the special session of the General Assembly is concerned, many countries, I know, support it; but specific endeavours must precede it - endeavours by various natio.is and by the United Nations - because the special session of the General Assembly must not become a forum for delaying tactics, and we know how expert the Bosnian Serb leaders are at delaying tactics. A special session of the General Assembly must also be a means for undertaking serious endeavours on the prrt of all nations against what has become a dishonour for humanity.

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  12. It must be made possible for Bosnian Muslims to untie their hands, to receive arms in order to defend their lives and the honour of humanity. Fourthly, a war crimes tribunal must be established pursuant to United Nations documents already before us. Fifthly, a committee must be set up in due course to assess the destruction of all kinds committed against the Bosnian Muslims, in order to ascertain the war reparations to be paid by the aggressors and by Belgrade. I found that in the proposals by the representative of Slovenia there were some very interesting points; the Slovenians know the subject and they are on the spot, as a neighbouring country. However, they were, again, minimalistic.

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  13. President, and the Council, will study ail the important proposals that were made today over and above what is contained in resolution 820 (1993). Of course, many of the points received support from many delegations, and these concerned meaningful action and effective measures, including military action, that should be taken, first of all, in order to take control of, or to neutralize the Bosnian Serbs' heavy weapons; secondly, to interdict the supply lines from Serbia-Montenegro - I call it that because the name "Yugoslavia" is illegal - that penetrate Bosnia; thirdly, to state clearly that the arms embargo does not deprive the side that has been aggressed - the Bosnian Muslims - of their inalienable right to self- defence.

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  14. The Bosnian Serbs, having first pledged that they would not shoot, then did shoot, carried out massive shelling and killed civilians, later shamelessly claiming that they had done nothing - the denials are coming in. These are the facts. Therefore, in order to save the honour of everybody here, I think that there is a need to use air power against the Serbian military lines for any country, community, pact or organization that has the ability to do so if it claims to protect human rights and justice. This is a question of honour: we must study how urgent steps can be taken to bomb the Bosnian Serb artillery units before they kill more women and children and wound many others. In what was said here today before I spoke many important points were raised. I am sure that you, Mr.

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  15. Now, of course, there is the peace plan, which, of course, does not adequately recompense the victims among the Muslims of Bosnia: rather, it in many cases rewards the territorial aggressions of the Bosnian Serbs. And this plan has been prepared taking into consideration some of the expansionist views of the Bosnian Serb leaders, yet the Bosnian Croats and Muslims have, however, accepted it, as the representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina said today, as a necessary vehicle. However, the Bosnian Serb refusal to accept the plan proves that it was wrong to be optimistic in talking to the Bosnian Serbs about it, that it was useless to take into account the Bosnian Serbs' claims in the process of preparing the peace plan. And what has happened in the last few days in Srebrenica?

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  16. Of course, since I have mentioned the Middle Ages, let us remember that today the aggression against civilians - the killing, the policy of extermination - is performed with the most modern weaponry, in addition to that very modern tactic of hypocritical propaganda of the hegemonist Bosnian Serb leaders. To return to the war in Afghanistan, another difference is that in the case of the Bosnian war, the systematic detention and rape of women practised in massive proportions by the Bosnian Serbs is atrocious, while some of their leaders are even considering that this crime is a means of imposing the morals of the invaders. This is an insult to the honour of us all.

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  17. The label "ethnic cleansing" is not even linguistically accurate. In fact, it is simply an extermination on the basis of religion. Hence it is a return to the most barbaric ways of the Middle Ages. Of course, all of us know that the International Court of Justice issued a preliminary ruling stating that there is sufficient basis to Say that violations of the Convention on genocide is being committed against the Muslim Bosnian people. Therefore, there are serious violations of international humanitarian law, and the leaders responsible for these crimes are well known.

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  18. The President of the Council is himself an expert on the history of the war in Afghanistan, and he knows how much of a resemblance there is between what is happening today in Bosnia and what happened in Afghanistan: an attack on sovereignty, on territorial integrity and on the political independence of a nation and taking territory by brute force: that is the resemblance. Of course, there is killing of civilians, including women and children, with ferocious brutality. We Afghans lost 1.7 million people in that way. Displaced persons are the other problem that makes this case resemble the Afghan case: the expulsion of people, forced to flee from their ancestral dwellings. The magnitude of this human tragedy is akin to the tragedy of Afghanistan. The war in Bosnia has in some ways surpassed the tragedy of the Afghan war - in some ways.

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  19. But if Afghanistan approves of resolution 820 (1993), it also recognizes it as the minimum that could be done to protect the cvedibility of the United Nations, which must not surrender to the forces of aggression once again. We find that the many economic sanctions mentioned in the resolution may not be fully adequate. There are still in the text some remnants of healf~hearted measures, some remnants of hesitation and some remnants of what has been called realism in some powerful countries. That realism is doing nothing but providing permissiveness for the Bosnian Serbs. We Afghans know that, because for 11 years we experienced many similar situations.

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source

  20. I have the privilege, Mr. President, to have known you for more than a decade, and I know the high moral principles you cherish and your remarkable ability in dealing with very difficult matters. I congratulate you on your leadership in presiding over the Council, The Islamic State of Afghanistan, as a matter of policy, supports, in cases like this, the efforts of the non-aligned group, particularly the non-aligned caucus, in which you, Mr. President, have played a great part, of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and of course of the United Nations. Therefore, Afghanistan fully supports resolution 820 (1993) of 17 April, which elaborates, in a way, and lists the problems and to some degree provides remedies.

    1993-04-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3201 (1993) · source