YouSaid · the spoken record

Fonseca

lines on the record: 291
first: 1999-06-10
most recent: 2006-08-15
sittings or episodes: 40
sources: un-security-council

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“The basis for the Security Council's action is, above all, the recognition that flagrant, grave and systematic violations of universally accepted international humanitarian and human rights law may pose a real threat to international peace and security. Security Council-mandated operations can contribute to improving the security of humanitarian personnel, but peacekeepers and civilian police are no substitutes for humanitarian agencies. Whenever the word "humanitarian" is invoked, we should not forget the principles of humanity, neutrality and impartiality, which are all the tenets of humanitarian assistance. The Council has the responsibility of addressing the political side of conflicts and, while doing so, it should bear in mind the humanitarian aspects related to conflicts.”
2000-03-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4109Resumption1 (2000) · source
“Conflict resolution efforts must be coupled with short-term relief assistance, rehabilitation and long-term development programmes. The prerequisites to cooperation among all organs and agencies involved in humanitarian affairs are clarity of goals and effective coordination. By the same token, the interrelation of humanitarian affairs and security issues should not entail an automatic involvement of the Security Council. Thus, the answer to my first question could be summed up in a word: coordination. The second question requires a more cautious answer, one that can hardly be summarized in one word.”
2000-03-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4109Resumption1 (2000) · source
“In order to respond to the first question, we should recognize that any given complex emergency is a multifaceted phenomenon. In a sort of vicious circle, humanitarian crises not only and the consequence of armed conflicts but can also contribute to fuelling tensions that provide fertile ground for more violence. The flow of refugees and internally displaced persons is, to a great extent, a consequence of a combination of interrelated factors: disregard for humanitarian and human rights law, extreme poverty, the disruption of the social fabric and the lack of State institutions and basic public services. This list shows why such situations are called complex emergencies. The overlapping of a vast array of problems demands that efforts undertaken by the United Nations be coordinated.”
2000-03-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4109Resumption1 (2000) · source
“Although many situations are truly discouraging, to say the least, a generous movement of non-governmental and other organizations has not lost its impetus. The complexities of assisting people in conflict situations are so daunting that we need to go beyond the spontaneous and - I insist - laudable work of non-governmental entities. The role the United Nations is to be a catalyst for international solidarity, so as to translate spontaneity into a comprehensive and coordinated effort to alleviate the suffering of those caught in distress and desperation. We should ask ourselves a couple of questions. First, how can the United Nations as a whole improve effectiveness in humanitarian assistance? Secondly, what is the role of the Security Council in this context, and what are the limits and constraints on the Council in acting in this field?”
2000-03-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4109Resumption1 (2000) · source
“Your presence among us, Mr. President, is a clear sign of the importance that your Government attaches to easing the hardships of those caught in humanitarian crises. We are grateful and honoured to see you presiding over the Security Council today. It is a tragic truth that humanitarian crises recur all too frequently these days. They frequently derive from irrational human choices and epitomize the prevalence of violence over dialogue, the triumph of conflict over negotiation. The history of crises in places such as Somalia, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of the Congo is well known. The gloomy situation of disregard for basic rights and the outright neglect that characterizes so many humanitarian emergencies could instill a great deal of pessimism in those who worry about such tragedies.”
2000-03-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4109Resumption1 (2000) · source
“In conclusion, I would like to acknowledge the contribution made by the champions of our cause, the women and men who risk their lives in volatile regions of the world to give hope to those without it. Humanitarian workers and United Nations personnel in the field unselfishly are writing one of the most poignant pages of our contemporary history. They deserve our recognition and respect. These are the true heros of our times. The best way of paying tribute to them is through concrete measures so that today's hero does not become tomorrow's martyr.”
2000-02-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4100 (2000) · source
“Secondly, the Office of the United Nations Security Coordinator must be strengthened. It is also important to spare no effort in training humanitarian personnel in security matters. Thirdly, in order to preserve credibility and trust in areas devastated by conflict, it is imperative to maintain the clear distinction between military activities and humanitarian activities. Troops certainly can support humanitarian efforts, but they cannot serve to replace agencies having a humanitarian mandate. Fourthly, the instruments of the Security Council should be used to always guarantee secure, unhindered access for humanitarian workers to those in need. In this context, the precarious security situation of humanitarian and United Nations personnel in Sierra Leone and in the Democratic Republic of the Congo poses an immediate challenge.”
2000-02-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4100 (2000) · source
“Let their be no doubt about our challenge: we must take concrete measures to protect the lives of those whose security is threatened and abused merely because they seek to relieve the suffering of desperate people. Concrete and specific suggestions have been put forward during this debate. I wish to emphasize the importance of the statements of our Deputy Secretary- General, Louise Frechette, and of Ms. Bertini, of the World Food Programme. The Brazilian delegation has no further suggestions, but we believe that we must underscore a few points. First, the preparation for United Nations operations and humanitarian operations must include, whenever appropriate, a significant security component, because respect for the flags of the United Nations and of the International Committee of the Red Cross cannot always be guaranteed.”
2000-02-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4100 (2000) · source
“2) The supplies used in humanitarian assistance are seen as useful assets and are often seized by belligerents for strategic purposes. Similarly, humanitarian workers are often seen as potential enemies, insofar as their attempt to provide relief for those in need is wrongly interpreted as a way of favouring one of the parties to the conflict. What we are confronted with here, in fact, are grave violations of human rights, of humanitarian law and of the rights of refugees in the face of scorched-earth policies and deliberate violence against civilians. It is urgent that we undertake every effort, on a priority basis, to improve the security of humanitarian personnel and United Nations personnel. This is not an abstract discussion.”
2000-02-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4100 (2000) · source
“The same reasoning applies to other organizations with a long history of impartial work in the humanitarian field, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross. It is not necessary to repeat examples of deeds that are widely known. What we need is not a precise diagnosis of the problem; we need appropriate remedies. The context in which humanitarian emergencies occur has changed. On 21 January 1999, the Under- Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, described to the Council what the new context signifies. He said, "Today's warfare often takes place in cities and villages, with civilians as the preferred targets, the propagation of terror as the premeditated tactic and the physical elimination or mass displacement of certain categories of populations as the overarching strategy." (S/PV.3968, p.”
2000-02-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4100 (2000) · source
“Mr. Fonseca (Brazil) (spoke in Spanish): It is a great honour for us to see you, Sir, presiding over the Security Council. I believe that you could not have chosen a better topic for this open debate under the Argentine presidency. The decision to tackle today's topic reflects Argentina's traditional commitment in the humanitarian field and demonstrates the generous concern of the Argentine people for international issues. Over the past few years we have seen an increase in the number of attacks or uses of force against United Nations personnel, associated personnel and humanitarian personnel. The sense of urgency in our discussion today cannot be denied. As the Secretary-General has recently stated, the presumption that the United Nations flag guarantees protection is no longer universally valid.”
2000-02-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4100 (2000) · source
“The so-called age factor is a characteristic shared by AIDS and war, for both AIDS and war impose a heavy toll on young adults, depriving many societies not only of an important part of its workforce, but also of loving parents. The consequence is a rising population of orphaned children left behind, often without adequate assistance. If our debate helps reverse even in a modest way the fate of these helpless children, it will have been worth undertaking. The impact of AIDS on Africa is a test case for the United Nations capacity to be both a catalyst of international solidarity and a vehicle for transforming pious words into tangible action.”
2000-01-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4087Resumption1 (2000) · source
“Nevertheless, our technical expertise has been put at the disposal of others, and we will continue to work closely with UNAIDS and the donor community in helping third countries to curb the spread of AIDS. Furthermore, Brazilian policies to cope with both the causes and consequences of AIDS may provide a useful example to other countries that face similar budgetary constraints. Our health system distributes free anti-HIV drugs to all patients. This policy has helped reduce the number of hospitalizations. In Brazil, strong public campaigns through the mass media have been key in our preventive strategy. Education and dissemination of information concerning AIDS constitute the best way to halt the spread of the disease in Africa and all over the world. It is tempting to compare the effects of AIDS to those of wars.”
2000-01-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4087Resumption1 (2000) · source
“Brazil's contribution to that group, which brings together a number of Latin American and Caribbean States, is centred on training and capacity-building in organizing local programmes for the prevention and control of AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases. Based on our regional experience, the Brazilian Government developed, in 1997, a similar cooperation scheme with the Portuguese-speaking countries of Africa. In 1999 experts from the Brazilian Ministry of Health visited Kenya, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Namibia and Botswana with a View to identifying cooperation projects that could be quickly set up. Being a developing country, Brazil is not a major donor.”
2000-01-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4087Resumption1 (2000) · source
“But our debate today may help raise the worldwide awareness of the social and economic devastation wrought by AIDS and of the greater threat ahead if effective action is not taken. Our debate places the problem of AIDS in Africa in the spotlight of international attention and stresses its implications, which extend far beyond health issues. Notwithstanding the support provided by multilateral agencies, bilateral and plurilateral partnerships remain fundamental. Throughout the 1980s, Brazil benefited from international cooperation and has since consolidated its national programme for preventing and combating AIDS. At the regional level, Brazil took an active part in the setting up, in March 1996, of a horizontal technical cooperation group on HIV/AIDS.”
2000-01-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4087Resumption1 (2000) · source
“Although the reality in Africa may be harsher than elsewhere, the social, economic and political implications of AIDS are felt everywhere. Its spread is a global problem that must be addressed in a comprehensive manner. The impact in Africa is especially severe because of the lack of resources for prevention and treatment. Africa requires the instruments of cooperation to be strengthened. In doing so, the international community will be helping itself, not just Africa. What we need most at this moment is international solidarity. Africans themselves have much to offer, with their many successful national experiences in combating AIDS. It is clear that the international response to the AIDS epidemic in Africa does not fall within the specific mandate of the Security Council.”
2000-01-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4087Resumption1 (2000) · source
“I should like to express to you very briefly, Mr. President, our compliments, which are well deserved. I must say that it is an honour to return to this table as a non-member of the Security Council and to speak on behalf of the Brazilian delegation at this very important meeting. If you will allow me, I should like to express my best wishes for success to the members that are just beginning their term of office, and especially to Jamaica, which has replaced Brazil in one of the seats of the Latin American and Caribbean Group in the Council. As previous speakers have stressed, in many African countries AIDS overburdens State institutions, undermines traditional family support schemes and adds to the climate of despair and disarray that tends to fuel conflicts.”
2000-01-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4087Resumption1 (2000) · source
“We will continue to work to support the Council and the United Nations in the fulfilment of their responsibilities with regard to East Timor. After independence, when UNTAET will have left the country, the United Nations will continue to have a role in assisting the Timorese people to build a prosperous and democratic country.”
1999-12-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4085 (1999) · source
“That attitude of forgiveness should not prevent the implementation of a thorough investigation to establish responsibility for the violence that was unleashed upon the East Timorese. We still have security problems, as Mr. Annabi clearly indicated. We have learned that some of the so-called militias have been dissolved. But others continue to prevent internally displaced persons from returning to East Timor. It is necessary to create the conditions for their return. With the support of the international community, UNTAET will assist in the building of democratic institutions in East Timor and in the economic rehabilitation of the territory. Brazil's present term on the Security Council will end in a few days.”
1999-12-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4085 (1999) · source
“That kind of leadership will be necessary in the coming task of promoting post-conflict peace-building and national healing. The reconstruction of the physical infrastructure will have to be matched with a political effort for further reconciliation in the transition to independence. Brazil considers that the National Council for East Timorese Resistance (CNRT) has a very important role in that regard. We are encouraged by the actions of the CNRT leadership, such as the meeting held in Singapore at the beginning of the month between CNRT officials and former pro-integration politicians, which translated into deeds the aspiration expressed by Xanana Gusmao while in prison to unite the East Timorese.”
1999-12-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4085 (1999) · source
“Brazil commends Japan and Portugal for their generosity. Brazil is going to make a modest contribution to the trust fund, and is ready to support East Timor in training human resources as well as through the provision of technical cooperation. In that context I note that Ambassador Roque Rodrigues, Chef de cabinet of Mr. Xanana Gusmao, is visiting Brazil and has been received by our highest authorities. The Tokyo meeting highlighted the good results that fluid cooperation among Member States, the United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions can yield. Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello and Mr. Jean-Michel Severino, the World Bank's Vice-President, East Asia and Pacific Region, deserve our applause for their leadership in steering the meeting.”
1999-12-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4085 (1999) · source
“The Security Council utilized all instruments available, including the highly successful mission led by Ambassador Andjaba. East Timor is an important source of lessons for the Council in its future action. The Brazilian people have always fully supported the goal of an independent East Timor. In April, however, we did not suspect that so much suffering was still to come. Today' s briefing marks the start of the reconstruction of East Timor. The very positive response by the international community to the donors conference held in Tokyo last week surpassed our best expectations. We understand that much of the resources pledged at that conference are still dependent on legislative approval and are to be disbursed over a three-year period. We hope that the commitments undertaken in Tokyo will be secured.”
1999-12-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4085 (1999) · source
“Thank you, Mr. President, for convening this open meeting on East Timor. We are grateful also to Mr. Annabi for his comprehensive briefing. At the outset, my delegation would like to speak a word of praise for the personnel of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) and of the International Force, East Timor (INTERFET), for the excellent work they are doing. In April of this year the Brazilian delegation asked the Secretary-General to brief the Security Council on the incidents that had taken place in Dili on the preceding weekend. That request for information marked the reactivation of an item that had been dormant in the agenda of the Council. That was only the beginning of the final chapter of a long and painful process in the direction of self-determination for East Timor.”
1999-12-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4085 (1999) · source
“Thank you, Mr. President, for giving me the floor a second time. I cannot refrain from thanking my colleagues for the words of praise addressed to my predecessor, Ambassador Celso Amorim. It is with pleasure that I will inform him of how meaningful his contribution was to the work of the Council on this difficult question.”
1999-12-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4084 (1999) · source
“The assistance of the Secretary-General may be needed. The adoption of the draft resolution today will also send to the international community a clear sign of our resolve to address the Iraqi issue solely through peaceful means. All actions that fall outside this legal framework should be avoided. Brazil will vote in favour of the draft before us in the firm belief that it represents the start of a new phase in relations between the United Nations and Iraq.”
1999-12-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4084 (1999) · source
“Clearly, it cannot be acceptable, since Security Council resolutions are not being implemented while the Iraqi people continue to suffer from all sorts of deprivations. Brazil wants to see the Security Council in full control of a process that can lead to the implementation of its resolutions and to the return of normalcy in Iraq. Finally, the question of how to engage Iraq has to be addressed, sooner rather than later. This will certainly not be an easy task, given the attitude of the Iraqi authorities, particularly after the events of December 1998 and the incidents of a military nature that continue to occur. It is our opinion that an effort of healing diplomacy will have to be made. The Security Council will need the help of all those with the capacity of holding dialogue with and influencing the Iraqi Government.”
1999-12-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4084 (1999) · source
“At that time, different views were presented in the French-Russian- Chinese draft. We regret that it was not possible to achieve consensus. But after eight months of negotiations, I believe that we have a balanced text. It also incorporates many - albeit not all - of the recommendations of the three panels. We are grateful to the British delegation for all the efforts that they have devoted to this process, and we commend its results. The draft may not be ideal for each and every delegation. But it is surely very close to the best possible result, taking into account the profound differences of opinion with regard to the question of Iraq. The alternative is the status quo, which, seen from the United Nations perspective, is a precarious balance of non-compliance and absence.”
1999-12-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4084 (1999) · source
“For almost a year now, the Security Council has been grappling with the question of how to reconstitute a unified stance on the Iraqi question and how to restore United Nations authority in Iraq. The first meaningful step has been the establishment of the three panels. My predecessor, Ambassador Celso Amorim, dedicated a great deal of energy to the task of redefining some of the parameters for United Nations action in Iraq. This was a serious and important endeavour that was recognized by all members of the Security Council. The reports of the panels offered viable technical solutions for political consideration by the Security Council. Last June, Brazil joined the group of sponsors of the Anglo-Dutch draft, with the main objective of helping to build consensus in the Security Council.”
1999-12-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4084 (1999) · source
“It renews the legal basis for our action in Iraq and creates a new political reality based on the idea of a process. Progress and suspension are important milestones that can be achieved in the medium term. Nevertheless, it seems imperative to recognize that they will have to be politically built. Such a building process, which is above all a confidence-building process, is conceived in the present draft as a continuous process of decision-making. At each particular step, the Security Council is asked to take concrete decisions that will require careful political judgment. We hope that this will be done and that the draft resolution will be fully implemented.”
1999-12-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4084 (1999) · source
“However, it does not seem possible to achieve that objective immediately. Although its goals remain, the system established by resolution 687 (1991) seems to have exhausted itself. No sign could be more eloquent than the lack of inspections in Iraq for almost a year. Such paralysis has made it necessary for the Security Council to define new parameters for its action in Iraq, without departing from the existing framework of rights and obligations laid down in previous resolutions. It is very important that we look critically at the past in order to learn the lessons that may pave the way for the implementation of the draft resolution on which we are about to vote. The text before us has as one of its main merits a forward-looking approach.”
1999-12-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4084 (1999) · source
“We are gathered here today to consider a draft resolution which Brazil hopes will be the first step towards the return of normalcy in Iraq. By normalcy I mean the assurance that Iraq does not pose a threat to regional and international security. Iraq has to abide by its commitment to fully disclose its programmes of proscribed weapons and accept the reinforced mechanism of ongoing monitoring and verification. But normalcy also means the free flow of trade to and from Iraq and the sovereign control of its resources - that is, the end of sanctions and the reintegration of Iraq into the community of nations on an equal footing. Paragraphs 21 and 22 of resolution 687 (1991) clearly spell out the conditions for the return of normalcy in Iraq. They remain the standard for the lifting of sanctions.”
1999-12-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4084 (1999) · source
“I would simply like to say that we should not forget an adjective that was used over and over again in the discussions when we began to try to tackle the problem of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and that is the adjective "robust". The strength of peacekeeping operations would have to be "robust", and I believe if we analyze all the consequences of that adjective and add "sent urgently", we could begin to solve the problem.”
1999-12-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4083 (1999) · source
“How do we reconcile two contradictory positions, both of which are right? It is not easy. I believe that my colleagues, especially my African colleagues, presented very clearly the need for the Security Council to act very, very swiftly. Ambassador Dejammet has drawn our attention to the need for a concept of operations to be developed in a very precise and clear-cut way. I believe that would be essential, with the support of other factors that been pointed out, such as the appointment of the ex- President of Botswana to facilitate the dialogue. All these are positive elements that we must certainly take into account in seeking a solution of the problem. I wish to conclude by saying that it is obvious that in this operation, we will have to have prudence and a sense of realism.”
1999-12-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4083 (1999) · source
“I believe, as my African colleagues have underscored, that the call is necessary in order for the accord to have the appropriate results - not merely to interrupt the crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but to have an impact on the whole region. I think that Ambassador Holbrooke's argument is valid. We must deal with the problem of the Democratic Republic of the Congo with all necessary realism. Were the United Nations to fail in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the consequences would go far beyond that country itself. The very authority of the Security Council would be adversely affected; therefore, I believe the Democratic Republic of the Congo is an important test for the United Nations. This is very clear, and there is no need to elaborate on it.”
1999-12-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4083 (1999) · source
“Therefore, the argument that can be made - and I believe previous speakers have made it - is that if a United Nations peacekeeping force had been put in place immediately after the signing of the Agreements, given all the difficulties and imperfections, as Ambassador Andj aba pointed out, perhaps today we would have a slightly different situation, because the presence of that force could have had a deterrent effect, and the violations of the Agreement might not have happened. This kind of argument, which is called "contrafactual", is very useful in academic theses, but for resolving political problems, it is of somewhat limited value. At any rate, we should pay close attention to this element. This is not an artificial call.”
1999-12-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4083 (1999) · source
“I agree with Ambassador Andjaba that no one could make a firmer, more forceful and more eloquent presentation than the African call made yesterday by Ambassador Kumalo for a more significant United Nations presence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I also think that what we want to specify here is that the call so eloquently presented is not an artificial one, it is not artificially contrived. We could imagine that the Lusaka Agreement could have done without the United Nations presence, because there are peace agreements in other parts of the world in which the United Nations do not have a role. If the call was so strong and clear, I believe that those who signed the Agreement were clearly aware that if the United Nations were absent from the Agreement, the Agreement would be more difficult to fulfil.”
1999-12-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4083 (1999) · source
“Mr. Fonseca (Brazil)(sp0ke in Spanish): First of all, I would like to express my appreciation to Under-Secretary- General Miyet for the briefing he presented to us and to Ambassador Holbrooke for the report on his visit to Africa. As previous speakers have done, I would like to refer to the dialogue that took place yesterday involving the representative of South Africa and Ambassador Holbrooke. I come out of a somewhat more dialectical tradition than does Ambassador Peter van Walsum, so I believe that in certain political situations, when two sides are presenting contradictory arguments both can be right. I believe that this is the case.”
1999-12-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4083 (1999) · source
“How can activities be coordinated, and even more than activities, how can a coordinated diagnosis be arrived at that will include not only specific political and security aspects, but also the economic, social and other aspects that have to do with health conditions in Africa.”
1999-12-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4081 (1999) · source
“But I think that we can admit that there is a deep truth to what he said. I do not know precisely what the relationship between the problem of AIDS and security is, but I believe we can acknowledge that it is at least something we should think about. So what is the implication of this? The implication is very simple: in order to address the problems of conflict and crises in Africa, we need to move beyond the Security Council. I think that this is the natural and necessary conclusion to be drawn from the kind of observation made by Ambassador Holbrooke. The problem is how to do this.”
1999-12-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4081 (1999) · source
“(spoke in Spanish) These are very serious things that we didn't hear about some of those involved in the Angola problem a few years ago. This is something new that has helped create the political atmosphere that allowed the work of Ambassador Fowler to have the impact it has had. Finally, I would like make a comment with regard to something that I believe Ambassador Petrella has mentioned and that has to do with the complex nature of the roots of African conflicts. I was very struck by what Ambassador Holbrooke said on the question of AIDS. I think that was the first time I heard it said that AIDS could have repercussions on security. As we all know, AIDS is traditionally dealt with as an epidemiological issue. The natural forum to deal with the AIDS problem is not the Security Council, but the World Health Organization.”
1999-12-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4081 (1999) · source
“I think that is a curious case because even before he completed his work, we were already feeling that the effects of the sanctions had changed, that they had become more effective. I think this has a lot to do with his personality, with his leadership, with the strength that he brought to bear on this work, but it also has to do - and this is very important - with the changing political atmosphere regarding UNITA; a tendency to strip UNITA of legitimacy, not only in the eyes of Africa but also in the eyes of important actors in the Western world. I am going to follow the example of the Ambassador of Gambia and mention you, Mr. President. You have said some weighty things about Mr. Savimbi. (spoke in English) "Savimbi was the West's creature. Savimbi - the blood of hundreds of thousands of Angolans drips from his hands".”
1999-12-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4081 (1999) · source
“I wonder why could they not be answered and resolved in a quick and immediate fashion - something that I think is in part the fault of the Council, because our procedures are often too formal. The time, the natural forum for responding to questions such as these, a more open, more frank debate, is informal consultations, but I do not believe that the Secretary-General of an organization such as the OAU has ever been invited to such consultations. So in part it is our fault that there are difficulties in creating informal procedures to resolve this kind of question. On the question of instruments, may I just touch on one of the instruments that we do have, namely sanctions, and I will draw on the example of sanctions against UNITA. Clearly Ambassador Fowler's work has been recognized by us all as extremely important.”
1999-12-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4081 (1999) · source
“The other problem that I wanted to touch on is the fact that though we may be familiar with the instruments, the big problem is how to adapt them to specific crises, because every crisis, every conflict in Africa has its own dynamics, its own logic, and we have to be able to calibrate the instruments to match the conflict. That, too, is a very delicate and difficult political issue. Having made these two general comments, I wish now to touch on more specific matters that have to do with the questions that you, Mr. President, have posed. With regard to the cooperation between the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Security Council, I believe that the questions raised by my colleague from Malaysia are also very pertinent. They are not new; we have discussed them very often.”
1999-12-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4081 (1999) · source
“The fact that the instruments are known does not solve the problems of peace in Africa, and on this point I should like to make two comments. First, reference has been made to the fact that one of the things lacking in Africa to make those instruments effective is political will. Political will is a very abstract entity which at times works almost like a magic solution for very complex problems. We know how difficult it is to create political will. There is a history of frustration with regard to peace operations in Africa precisely because of the difficulty of building such political will.”
1999-12-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4081 (1999) · source
“Mr. Fonseca (Brazil) (spoke in Spanish): I find myself in the same position as my colleague from Malaysia. I too fall into the same category of "note-less Ambassador" that you, Mr. President, have created, butI think I am a conscientious one. I would say that, after hearing so many statements, my delegation has little left to say about specific aspects of the problem that you have proposed for our consideration. I think that the point concerning instruments that can strengthen peacekeeping operations in Africa was well addressed by my colleagues and, as Ambassador Fowler said, these instruments are known to us. The base on which we should act is also known to us, and there are no surprises in what we have heard today. There is some consensus concerning the direction in which we should move.”
1999-12-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4081 (1999) · source
“Finally, we welcome the designation of Ambassador Adeniji of Nigeria as the new Special Representative in Sierra Leone and would like to express our deep appreciation to his predecessor, Francis Okelo.”
1999-12-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4078 (1999) · source
“The Secretary-General's report calls attention to the fact that humanitarian assistance cannot be provided in many areas of Sierra Leone due to the precarious security situation. It is imperative that safe access for humanitarian personnel be guaranteed so as to meet the needs of the entire affected population. There are also long-term tasks that the international community will have to address in the future, such as the rehabilitation and the reconstruction of the country and the need to assist with the return and reintegration of an estimated half a million Sierra Leoneans who have sought refuge in neighbouring countries. At this critical moment in the peace process, it is essential that the international community continue to provide financial and logistical support for the effective implementation of the Lome Peace Agreement.”
1999-12-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4078 (1999) · source
“They must be warned that the international community remains determined to prevent the country from plunging again into chaos and anarchy, as well as to adopt measures against those individuals who refuse to join the peace process. Implementation of the peace process requires adequate resources to be carried out. As a first priority, the programme of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants is essential. In this respect, we commend the Governments of the United Kingdom, Canada, Norway, Germany and Italy for their contribution to the DDR programme. We urge strict compliance with the provisions of the existing arms embargo on Sierra Leone, and we support further measures such as the establishment of a monitoring and inspection mechanism to strengthen the effectiveness of the sanctions regime.”
1999-12-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4078 (1999) · source
“We also deplore the increase in ceasefire violations which may lead to the resumption of civil war. So there is an urgent need for concerted action to remove all obstacles to the implementation of the Lorne Peace Agreement. However, international efforts to promote peace in Sierra Leone cannot replace the efforts of the Sierra Leonean parties themselves to promote national reconciliation. Since most parties are now represented in the Government of National Unity under a power-sharing agreement, priority should be given to ensure that all parties abide by the letter and the spirit of the Lorne Peace Agreement. Radical groups must be persuaded that dialogue is the only viable option.”
1999-12-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4078 (1999) · source
“Even though the situation in Sierra Leone is beginning to move in a positive direction, with the institution of the Government of National Unity and the initial deployment of the UNAMSIL, the country still faces serious difficulties in the security and humanitarian fields. The first report on UNAMSIL clearly indicates that the overall situation remains very fragile. The continued actions by the rebel groups, jeopardizing the implementation of the Lorne Agreement, are unacceptable. We condemn the continued detention of women and children by the rebel groups and the recent wave of violence against the civilian population and humanitarian personnel. We join our colleagues in demanding the immediate release of the two members of Medecins sans Frontieres.”
1999-12-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4078 (1999) · source