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Galouzeau De Villepin

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71
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2003-01-20
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2003-09-24
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un-security-council

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  1. More than ever, it is our collective responsibility to work for the effectiveness of efforts to that end and, together with the Secretary-General, collectively to consider concrete directions. France is prepared to take its full part in that mobilization. Together, let us work to advance the objectives of the rule of law wherever justice and solidarity require our common efforts.

    2003-09-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4833 (2003) · source

  2. In order to further improve our action in the area of rule of law, let us ask the Secretariat to carry out a more systematic assessment of the lessons learned. Let us make ready a pluralistic and representative pool of experts in the areas of justice and the rule of law who can be called upon in emergency situations. Let us prepare early warning and observation mechanisms in order to ensure that the support given continues over time with the necessary intensity. The United Nations has a great capacity for action and considerable experience in the domain of the rule of law. It is up to us to make the most of those faculties and ensure that they bear fruit.

    2003-09-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4833 (2003) · source

  3. The United Nations Development Programme is responsible for disarming and reintegrating former armed combatants, in particular in Afghanistan. We must go even further, in particular by working to ensure effective coordination on the ground among all the actors of the United Nations system. We must also work to develop synergies with the international financial institutions and regional organizations that have expertise and specific capacities in this field such as the European Union, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe. Finally, the Security Council has an essential role to play. Together, let us seek how to enable the Council better to shoulder its responsibilities and to ensure respect for the values enshrined in the Charter.

    2003-09-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4833 (2003) · source

  4. But for that it must be able to count on the solidarity and assistance of the international community embodied foremost by the United Nations. The importance of what is at stake requires us today to strengthen our Organization and its means. There are many aspects to action to promote the rule of law: legal and political, of course, but also financial, economic and social. That calls for the mobilization and coordination of our efforts. The whole United Nations system must be in the vanguard. Let us improve the coherence of the efforts of its components as a whole, in particular the General Assembly. All the complexity and richness of the democratic process must be harnessed. Innovative ideas have already been implemented. The Economic and Social Council has established ad hoc groups for strengthening peace in Burundi and Guinea Bissau.

    2003-09-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4833 (2003) · source

  5. After 30 years of Ba'athist dictatorship and three wars, a lasting stabilization of the country will require more than soldiers and money. For the Iraqis fully to take their destiny in hand once again will require the establishment of the rule of law, which their country has known all too rarely. The duty of justice will be an important building block in this edifice. The criminals of the former regime must answer for their crimes in order finally to turn the page. But it is equally imperative to place the restoration of sovereignty at the centre of our action and to rally all sectors of the Iraqi population around a mobilizing political project. Only the Iraqi people will be able to find the internal balances it needs.

    2003-09-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4833 (2003) · source

  6. In the ongoing, difficult quest to achieve a balance, the International Criminal Court represents a major stride forward. The Court is not directed against any country. It does not represent the justice of the victors, but is a recourse against unlawful or unjust situations. It is not intended to take the place of national courts. It has the advantage of permanence, universality and the scope of its powers. It is the best possible instrument of the primacy of law and justice. Aside from the force of the verdict, truth and reconciliation commissions can be a useful instrument for reviving the hope of coexistence among neighbouring communities that are still enemies. Iraq presents all of these challenges.

    2003-09-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4833 (2003) · source

  7. The first challenge is to reconcile, on the one hand, the promotion of the universal values of democracy and human rights with, on the other, the need to take into account the specific character of each society, its culture and identity. The rule of law is not an abstract concept. Aside from the juridical rules it implies, it presumes a practice, a state of mind which are subject to learning and gradual ownership, according to each situation. A model is learned, not imposed. The United Nations must make no mistake in the course to be taken. The second challenge is to ensure that justice and the values of peace prevail wherever crime and arbitrary acts have sown terror and hatred. This is what led the Security Council to create the international criminal tribunals.

    2003-09-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4833 (2003) · source

  8. To pursue these objectives, the United Nations system has developed a whole range of resources adapted to each situation: special representatives, Blue Helmets, police, United Nations Development Programme experts, High Commissioner for Human Rights personnel, United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) staff, international judges, civilian executives, electoral observers and so on. I would like to pay a solemn tribute to all of them. I am thinking in particular of Sergio Vieira de Mello, of his courage and dedication to peace, from Cambodia to Iraq. He knew better than anyone that building a State based on the rule of law is a difficult and challenging task. I will mention two challenges.

    2003-09-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4833 (2003) · source

  9. It is also about protecting persecuted minorities in Timor or Kosovo, assisting victims who have been humiliated to the core; enforcing respect for human rights in Liberia and in the Democratic Republic of the Congo; freeing repressed aspirations to democracy in Cambodia; solidifying fragile national institutions and restoring life to democratic citizenship in Haiti; offering nations weakened by war the means to recover their political sovereignty through the establishment of a constitutional process, as in Afghanistan; and setting up an independent and effective police force and judicial system in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    2003-09-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4833 (2003) · source

  10. Mr. Galouzeau de Villepin (France) (spoke in French): Justice and the rule of law are emerging as the cornerstones of building peace and democracy. They lie at the heart of United Nations action. That is why I am pleased that our debate today focuses on this question, and I thank the United Kingdom for its initiative. The defence of justice and the building of the rule of law are central to the United Nations mission of peace. The United Nations, by its universal vocation, promotes the many aspects of the rule of law. One fact has to be recognized: restoring peace does not mean just silencing the weapons of war through the use of force.

    2003-09-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4833 (2003) · source

  11. The judgement of future generations will depend on our capacity to meet this great challenge, at the service of our values, at the service of our common destiny, at the service of peace.

    2003-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4721 (2003) · source

  12. It is up to this body to muster the resolve to meet these challenges, because the United Nations is the place where international law and legitimacy are founded and because it speaks on behalf of peoples. To the clash of arms, a single upwelling of the spirit of responsibility - the voices and action of the international community gathered here in New York in the Security Council - must respond. That is in the interests of all: the countries engaged in the conflict, the States and the peoples of the region, the international community as a whole. Confronted by a world in crisis, we have the moral and political obligation to restore the lifelines of hope and unity.

    2003-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4721 (2003) · source

  13. The keystone of international order, it must apply under all circumstances, but even more so when it is a question of taking the gravest decision: to use force. Only on that condition can force be legitimate, and only on that condition can it restore order and peace. Next is the defence of freedom and justice. We must not compromise on what is at the core of our values. We shall be listened to and heeded only if we are inspired by the very ideals of the United Nations. Last is the spirit of dialogue and tolerance. Never before have the peoples of the world aspired so fervently to its respect. We must hear their appeal. We see this clearly. Never has the United Nations been so necessary.

    2003-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4721 (2003) · source

  14. Let us recover the initiative in the regional conflicts that are destabilizing entire regions; I am thinking in particular of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. How much suffering must the peoples of the region continue to endure before we force open the doors of peace? Let us not resign ourselves to an irreparable situation. In a world where the threats are asymmetrical, where the weak defy the strong, the power of conviction, the capacity to persuade and the ability to change hearts count as much as the number of military divisions. They cannot replace them, but they are the indispensable elements of a State's influence. Given this new world, it is imperative that the international community's action be guided by principles. The first is respect for law.

    2003-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4721 (2003) · source

  15. To deal with that reality, we must act in a united way and on all fronts at the same time. Therefore, we must remain constantly mobilized. In that spirit, France renews its call for heads of State and Government to meet here in the Security Council to respond to the major challenges that we are confronting today. Let us intensify our fight against terrorism. Let us fight mercilessly against its networks, with all the economic, legal and political weapons available to us. Let us give new impetus to the fight against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. France has already proposed that our heads of State and Government meet on the sidelines during the next General Assembly to define together the new priorities for action.

    2003-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4721 (2003) · source

  16. Similarly, it will be up to the United Nations to establish a framework for the country's economic reconstruction - a framework that will have to affirm two complementary principles: transparency and the development of the country's resources for the benefit of the Iraqi people themselves. Our mobilization must also extend to the other threats that we must address together. Given the very nature of those threats, it is no longer possible today to address them in a casual order. To give an example, terrorism is fueled by organized crime networks; it cleaves to the contours of lawless areas; it thrives on regional crises; it garners support from the divisions in the world; and it uses all available resources, from the most rudimentary to the most sophisticated, from a knife to whatever weapons of mass destruction it can manage to acquire.

    2003-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4721 (2003) · source

  17. The Secretary-General has already begun to mobilize the various United Nations agencies. France will take part fully in the collective effort to assist the Iraqi people. The oil for food programme must be continued under the authority of the Security Council, with the necessary adjustments. We are awaiting the Secretary-General's proposals. Next, it will be necessary to build peace. No single country has the means to build Iraq's future. Above all, no State can claim the necessary legitimacy. The legal and moral authority for such an undertaking can stem only from the United Nations. Two principles must guide our action: respect for the unity and territorial integrity of Iraq, and the preservation of its sovereignty.

    2003-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4721 (2003) · source

  18. To those who think that the scourge of terrorism will be eradicated through what is done in Iraq, we say that they run the risk of failing in their objectives. An outbreak of force in such an unstable area can only exacerbate the tensions and fractures on which terrorists feed. Over and above our differences, we share a collective responsibility, in the face of these threats, to restore the unity of the international community. The United Nations must remain mobilized in Iraq to aid in that objective. In that regard, there are duties that we must assume together. First, we must dress the wounds of war. As always, war brings its share of victims, suffering and displaced people. So it is a matter of urgency to prepare now to provide the required humanitarian assistance. This imperative must prevail over our differences.

    2003-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4721 (2003) · source

  19. To ignore that is to run the risk of misunderstanding, radicalization and spiraling violence. That is especially true in the Middle East, an area of fractures and ancient conflicts, where stability must be a major objective for us. To those who hope to eliminate the dangers of proliferation through armed intervention in Iraq, I would like to say that we regret the fact that they are depriving themselves of a key tool for resolving other similar crises. The Iraqi crisis has allowed us to craft an instrument, through the inspection regime, that is unprecedented and can serve as an example. Why not envision, on that basis, establishing an innovative, permanent structure - a disarmament body under the aegis of the United Nations?

    2003-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4721 (2003) · source

  20. It will be necessary, when the time comes, to complete our knowledge about Iraq's programmes and achieve the disarmament of Iraq. The inspectors' contribution at that time will be decisive. Make no mistake about it - the choice before us is between two visions of the world. To those who choose to use force and think that they can resolve the world's complexity through swift preventive action, we, in contrast, choose resolute action and a long-term approach, for in today's world, to ensure our security, we must take into account the manifold crises and their many dimensions, including the cultural and religious ones. Nothing enduring in international relations can be built without dialogue and respect for the other, without strictly abiding by principles, especially for the democracies that must set the example.

    2003-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4721 (2003) · source

  21. It proposes and prioritizes the tasks involved in disarmament and presents a realistic timetable for their implementation. In so doing, the report confirms what we knew all along. Yes, the inspections are producing tangible results. Yes, they offer the prospect of effective disarmament through peaceful means and in shorter time frames. The path that we mapped out together in the context of resolution 1441 (2002) still exists. Although it is being interrupted today, we know that it will have to be resumed as soon as possible. Two days ago, the Council took note of the Secretary-General's decision to withdraw the inspectors and all United Nations personnel from Iraq. The discharge of their mandates has therefore been suspended.

    2003-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4721 (2003) · source

  22. Mr. De Villepin (France) (spoke in French): We are meeting here today, just a few hours before hostilities begin, to exchange our opinions once again in observance of our respective commitments, but also to outline together the path that must allow us to recover the spirit of unity. I wish to reiterate here that for France, war can only be a last resort, while collective responsibility remains the rule. However much we may dislike Saddam Hussain's cruel regime, that holds true for Iraq and for every crisis that we will have to confront together. To Mr. Blix, who introduced his work programme, and to Mr. ElBaradei, who was represented today, I wish to say thank you for the sustained efforts and the results achieved. Their programme reminds us that there is still a clear and credible prospect for disarming Iraq peacefully.

    2003-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4721 (2003) · source

  23. It carries with it a vision of the world, a concept of the role of the United Nations. France therefore believes that to make this choice, to make it in good conscience in this forum of international democracy, before their peoples and before the world, heads of State or Government must meet again here, in New York, in the Security Council. This is in everyone's interest. We must rediscover the fundamental vocation of the United Nations: to allow each of its Members to assume its responsibilities in the face of the Iraqi crisis, but also to seize together the destiny of a world in crisis and thus recreate the conditions for our future unity.

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  24. Let us not forget that the Middle East crisis represents our greatest challenge in terms of security and justice. For us, the Middle East, like Iraq, represents a priority commitment. This calls for even greater ambition and even greater boldness. We should envision a region transformed through peace, and civilizations that, through the courageous act of reaching out to each other, can rediscover their self-confidence and an international prestige that is equal to their long history and their aspirations. In a few days, we shall solemnly fulfil our responsibility through a vote. We will be facing an essential choice: disarming Iraq through war or through peace. This crucial choice includes others. It includes the international community's ability to resolve the many current or future crises.

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  25. Four months ago, we unanimously adopted a system of inspections to eliminate the threat of potential weapons of mass destruction and guarantee our security. Today we cannot accept, without contradicting ourselves, a conflict that might well weaken it. Yes, we, too, want more democracy in the world. But we can achieve this objective only within the framework of a true global democracy based on respect, sharing, and the awareness of genuinely common values and a common destiny. Its core is the United Nations. Let us make no mistake. In the face of multiple and complex threats, there is no single response, but there is a single requirement: we must remain united. Today we must together invent a new future for the Middle East. Let us not forget the immense hope created by the efforts of the Madrid Conference and the Oslo Agreement.

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  26. Furthermore, the large number of communities and religions in Iraq itself increases the danger of a potential break-up. We all have the same demands. We want more security and more democracy. But there is another logic besides that of force. There is another path; there are other solutions. We understand the profound sense of insecurity with which the American people have been living since the tragedy of 11 September 2001. The entire world shared the sorrow of New York and of America, struck at the heart. I say this in the name of our friendship for the American people and in the name of our common values: freedom, justice, tolerance. But there is nothing today to indicate a link between the Iraqi regime and Al Qaeda. Will the world be a safer place after a military intervention in Iraq? Let me state my country's conviction: it will not.

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  27. No one underestimates the cruelty of that dictatorship or the need to do everything possible to promote human rights. But that is not the objective of resolution 1441 (2002), and force is certainly not the best way of bringing about democracy. In this case and in others, it would encourage a dangerous instability. Is it a question of fighting terrorism? War would only increase it, and we could then be faced with a new wave of violence. Let us beware of playing into the hands of those who want a clash of civilizations or a clash of religions. Finally, is it a question of reshaping the political landscape of the Middle East? In that case, we run the risk of exacerbating tensions in a region already characterized by great instability.

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  28. Their origins lie deep in the turmoil of history. There may be some who believe that these problems can be resolved by force, thereby creating a new order. But this is not what France believes. On the contrary, we believe that the use of force can give rise to resentment and to hatred, and fuel a clash of identities and of civilizations - something that our generation has a prime responsibility to avert. To those who believe that war would be the quickest way to disarm Iraq, I can reply that it would create divisions and cause wounds that will be long in healing. How many victims will there be? How many grieving families? We do not subscribe to what may be the other objectives of a war. Is it a question of regime change in Baghdad?

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  29. I will say it again: as a permanent member of the Security Council, France will not allow a resolution to be adopted that authorizes the automatic use of force. Let us consider the anguish and the expectations of people all over the world, in all our countries, from Cairo to Rio, from Algiers to Pretoria, from Rome to Jakarta. Indeed, the stakes go beyond the fate of Iraq alone. Let us be clear-sighted. We are defining a method for resolving crises. We are choosing how to define the world we want our children to live in. This is true in the case of North Korea, and in the case of south Asia, where we have not yet found the path towards a lasting resolution of disputes. It is true in the case of the Middle East. Can we continue to wait while acts of violence multiply? These crises have many roots - political, religious and economic.

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  30. Secondly, we propose that the inspectors submit a progress report every three weeks. That will make the Iraqi authorities understand that under no circumstances may they interrupt their efforts. Finally, let us establish a schedule for assessing the implementation of the work programme. Resolution 1284 (2002) provides for a time frame of 120 days. We are willing to shorten it, if the inspectors consider it feasible. The military agenda must not dictate the calendar of inspections. We agree to accelerated timetables, but we cannot accept an ultimatum as long as the inspectors are reporting progress in terms of cooperation. That would mean war. That would lead to the Security Council's being stripped of its responsibilities. By imposing a deadline of a few days, would we merely be seeking a pretext for war?

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  31. The American and British military presence in the region lends support to our collective resolve. We all recognize the effectiveness of the pressure that is being exerted by the international community. We must use it to achieve our objective of disarmament through inspections. As the European Union noted, these inspections cannot continue indefinitely. The pace must therefore be stepped up. That is why France wishes today to make three proposals. First, let us ask the inspectors to establish a hierarchy of disarmament tasks and, on that basis, to present us, as quickly as possible, with the work programme provided for by resolution 1284 (1999). We need to know immediately which priority issues could constitute the key disarmament tasks to be carried out by Iraq.

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  32. ElBaradei's statements confirm that we are approaching the time when the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) will be able to certify the dismantlement of the Iraq programme. What conclusions can we draw? That Iraq, according to the very terms used by the inspectors, represents less of a danger to the world than it did in 1991, and that we can achieve the objective of effectively disarming that country. Let us keep the pressure on Baghdad. The adoption of resolution 1441 (2002); the assumption of converging positions by the vast majority of the world's nations; diplomatic actions by the African Union, the League of Arab States, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement - all of these common efforts are bearing fruit.

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  33. The method that we have chosen works. The information supplied by Baghdad has been verified by the inspectors and is leading to the elimination of banned ballistic equipment. We must proceed the same way with all the other programmes - with information, verification, destruction. We already have useful information in the biological and chemical domains. In response to the inspectors' questions, Iraq must give us further information in a timely fashion, so that we may obtain the most precise knowledge possible about any existing inventories or programmes. On the basis of that information, we will destroy all the components that are discovered, as we are doing for the missiles, and we will determine the truth of the matter. With regard to nuclear weapons, Mr.

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  34. That, indeed, is the key to resolution 1441 (2002). I would solemnly like to ask a question in this body, the same question being asked by the people of the world: Why should we today engage in a war with Iraq? I would like also to ask: Why smash instruments that have just proved their effectiveness? Why choose division, when our unity and our resolve are leading Iraq to rid itself of its weapons of mass destruction? Why should we wish to proceed by force, at any cost, when we can succeed peacefully? War is always an acknowledgement of failure. Let us not resign ourselves to the irreparable. Before making our choice, let us weigh the consequences; let us consider the effects of our decisions. Indeed, it is clear to all that in Iraq, we are resolutely moving towards the complete elimination of weapons of mass destruction programmes.

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  35. Mr. Galouzeau de Villepin (France) (spoke in French): First of all, I would like to begin by saying how pleased France is that the Security Council is being presided over on this decisive day by Guinea, an African country. I would like to thank Mr. Blix and Mr. ElBaradei for the presentation they have just made. Their reports testify to the regular progress in the disarmament of Iraq. What have the inspectors told us? They have told us that Iraq has been actively cooperating with them for a month; that, with the progressive destruction of Al Samoud 2 missiles and their equipment, substantial progress has been made in the area of ballistics; and that new prospects are opening up with the recent questioning of several scientists. Significant evidence of real disarmament has now been observed.

    2003-03-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4714 (2003) · source

  36. In this temple, the United Nations, we are the guardians of an ideal; we are the guardians of a conscience. The heavy responsibility and the immense honour that are ours must lead us to give priority to disarmament through peace. It is an old country, France, of an old continent such as mine, Europe, that speaks before the Council today, that has known war, occupation, barbarity - a country that does not forget and that is aware of all it owes to the fighters for freedom who came from America and elsewhere. And yet France has always stood upright in the face of history and before mankind. Faithful to its values, it wants to act resolutely with all the other members of the international community. We believe in our ability to build a better world together.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  37. In such a scenario, I want to recall here the questions that I stressed at our last debate, on 5 February, to which we must respond. To what degree do the nature and the extent of the threat justify immediate recourse to force? How do we ensure that the considerable risks of such an intervention can actually be kept under control? In any case, in such an eventuality it is the unity of the international community that would guarantee its effectiveness. Likewise, it is the United Nations that, whatever may happen, will remain tomorrow at the centre of the peace to be built. To those who ask with anguish when and how we will yield to war, I should like to say that nothing will be done in the Security Council, at any time, in haste, out of a lack of understanding, out of suspicion or out of fear.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  38. Ten days ago, the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Powell, cited alleged links between Al- Qaeda and the Baghdad regime. Given the present state of our research and information, gathered in liaison with our allies, nothing enables us to establish such links. Moreover, we must assess the impact that a disputed military action would have on that level. Would not such an intervention be likely to deepen divisions among societies, among cultures, among peoples - divisions that nurture terrorism? France has always said that we do not exclude the possibility that, one day, we might have to resort to force if the inspectors' reports concluded that it was impossible for inspections to continue. Then the Council would have to take a decision, and its members would have to shoulder all of their responsibilities.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  39. Premature military intervention would call that unity into question, and that would remove its legitimacy and, in the long run, its effectiveness. Such intervention could have incalculable consequences for the stability of a scarred and fragile region. It would compound the sense of injustice, would aggravate tensions and would risk paving the way for other conflicts. We all share the same priority: fighting terrorism mercilessly. That fight requires total determination; since the tragedy of 11 September 2001, it has been one of the main responsibilities of our peoples. And France, which has been struck hard several times by that terrible scourge, is wholly mobilized in this struggle, which involves all of us and which we must pursue together. That was the sense of the Security Council meeting held on 20 January at France's initiative.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  40. Could it be our sole recourse in the face of today's many challenges? Therefore, let us give the United Nations inspectors the time that is necessary for their mission to succeed. But let us together be vigilant and ask Mr. Blix and Mr. ElBaradei to report regularly to the Council. France, for its part, proposes another meeting at ministerial level, on 14 March, to assess the situation. Thus we would be able to judge the progress made and what remains to be accomplished. In that context, the use of force is not justified at this time. There is an alternative to war: disarming Iraq through inspections. Moreover, premature recourse to the military option would be fraught with risks. The authority of our action rests today on the unity of the international community.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  41. The option of war might seem, on the face of it, to be the swifter. But let us not forget that, after the war is won, the peace must be built. And let us not delude ourselves: that will be long and difficult, because it will be necessary to preserve Iraq's unity and to restore stability in a lasting way in a country and a region harshly affected by the intrusion of force. In the light of that perspective, there is the alternative offered by inspections, which enable us to move forward, day by day, on the path of the effective and peaceful disarmament of Iraq. In the end, is that not the surer and the swifter choice? No one can maintain today that the path of war will be shorter than the path of inspections; no one can maintain that it would lead to a safer, more just and more stable world. For war is always the outcome of failure.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  42. France has already announced it has additional resources to make available to Mr. Blix and Mr. ElBaradei, starting with our Mirage IV reconnaissance aircraft. Yes, I hear the critics: there are those who think that, in principle, inspections cannot be at all effective. But I recall that they are the very foundation of resolution 1441 (2002) and that the inspections are producing results. One may judge them to be insufficient, but they are there. Then there are those who believe that continuing the inspection process would be a kind of delaying tactic aimed at preventing military intervention. That naturally raises the question of the time allotted to Iraq. Here, we are at the centre of the debate. What is at stake is our credibility and our sense of responsibility. Let us have the courage to see things plainly. There are two options.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  43. In order to do this we must give the inspections every opportunity to succeed. On 5 February I made proposals to the Council. Since then we detailed those proposals in a working document addressed to Mr. Blix and Mr. ElBaradei and distributed to Council members. What is the spirit of those proposals? They are practical and concrete proposals that can be quickly implemented and are designed to enhance the efficiency of inspection operations. They fall within the framework of resolution 1441 (2002) and consequently do not require a new resolution by the Council. These proposals support the efforts of Mr. Blix and Mr. ElBaradei, who are the best to tell us which ones they wish to accept to ensure maximum effectiveness in their work. Mr. Blix and Mr. ElBaradei have already made useful and operational comments in their reports.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  44. It has allowed Iraqi scientists to be questioned by inspectors without witnesses. A draft legislative bill barring all activities linked to programmes for weapons of mass destruction is being adopted, in accordance with a long-standing request from the inspectors. Iraq is providing a detailed list of the experts who witnessed the destruction of military programmes in 1991. Naturally France expects these commitments to be verified. Beyond that we must maintain strong pressure on Iraq so that it goes further along the path of cooperation. Progress like this strengthens us in our conviction that the inspections can be effective, but we must not close our eyes to the amount of work that remains to be done. Questions remain to be clarified, verifications must be made, and installations or equipment undoubtedly remain to be destroyed.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  45. Dismantling of unauthorized programmes must now begin, in accordance with Mr. Blix's conclusions. In the nuclear domain, useful information has been given to IAEA on the important points discussed by Mr. ElBaradei on 27 January: the acquisition of magnets that could be used to enrich uranium and the list of contacts between Iraq and the country that may have provided it with uranium. We are now at the heart of the logic of resolution 1441 (2002), which must ensure effective inspections through precisely identifying banned programmes and then eliminating them. We are all well aware that the success of the inspections presupposes that we get full and complete cooperation from Iraq, something France has consistently demanded. We are starting to see real progress. Iraq has agreed to aerial reconnaissance over its territory.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  46. In previous reports to the Security Council, on 27 January 2003, the Executive Chairman of the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) and the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) identified with precision the areas in which progress was expected. Significant gains have now been made on several of these fronts. The Iraqis have provided the inspectors with new documents regarding chemical and biological weapons and also announced they are establishing commissions of inquiry led by former officials of weapons programmes, in accordance with the requests of Mr. Blix. In the ballistic area, the information provided by Iraq has also enabled the inspectors to make progress. We now know exactly the real capabilities of the Al Samoud 2 missile.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  47. First, the option of inspections has not been exhausted, and it can provide an effective response to the imperative of disarming Iraq. Secondly, the use of force would have such heavy consequences for the people, the region and international stability that it should be envisaged only as a last resort. What have we just learned from the reports by Mr. Blix and Mr. ElBaradei? We learned that the inspections are producing results. Of course, each of us would like more, and we will continue, together, to put pressure on Baghdad in order to obtain more. But the inspections are producing results.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  48. In unanimously adopting resolution 1441 (2002) we collectively expressed our agreement with the two- stage approach proposed by France: disarmament through inspections and, if this strategy should fail, consideration by the Security Council of all the options, including resorting to force. Clearly, it was in the event that inspections failed, and only in that case, that a second resolution could be justified. The question today is simple: do we believe in good conscience that disarmament via inspections missions is now a dead end, or do we believe that the possibilities regarding inspections made available in resolution 1441 (2002) have not yet been fully explored? In response to this question, France believes two things.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  49. Mr. Galouzeau de Villepin (France) (spoke in French): I would like to thank Mr. Blix and Mr. ElBaradei for the information they have just given us on the ongoing inspections in Iraq. I would like to reiterate to them France's confidence in and complete support for their work. One knows the value France has placed on the unity of the Security Council from the outset of the Iraqi crisis. Today this unity is based on two fundamental elements. Together we are pursuing the objective of effectively disarming Iraq, and therefore we are obligated to achieve results. We must not call into question our common commitment in this regard. Collectively we bear this onerous responsibility that must leave no room for ulterior motives or assumptions. Let us be clear: none of us feels the least indulgence towards Saddam Hussain and the Iraqi regime.

    2003-02-14 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4707 (2003) · source

  50. Between now and the inspectors' next report, on 14 February, Iraq will have to provide new elements. The upcoming visit to Baghdad by the leaders of the inspectors will have to be the occasion for clear results to that end. This is the demanding demarche that we must take together towards a new stage. Its success presupposes, today as yesterday, that the international community will remain united and mobilized. It is our moral and political duty first to devote all our energy to Iraq's disarmament in peace and in compliance with the rule of law and justice. France is convinced that we can succeed on this demanding path so long as we maintain our unity and cohesion. This is option of collective responsibility.

    2003-02-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4701 (2003) · source