YouSaid · the spoken record

Haley

lines on the record: 982
first: 2017-02-02
most recent: 2018-12-18
sittings or episodes: 124
sources: un-security-council

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“- but it never found any when we held the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) to be responsible. The flaws did not seem to exist then. They came about only when Syria was blamed. Why is that? Was the process different? Did the experts not do it the same way? Did they treat ISIS differently from how they treated Syria? Is that what we are going to imply? So where is our responsibility? Our responsibility is that the JIM. must remain independent. So then we had a new draft resolution. By the way, the United States worked with each and every member of the Council on the draft resolution, even Russia. Though it did not want to engage with us, we took into account things that we knew we could bring in from the draft resolution, and we have the changes.”
2017-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8105 (2017) · source
“Bolivia really tried to pull one over on the entire Council, and it is on Bolivia alone to deal with. Secondly, the United States took the draft resolution very seriously. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) is one that we strongly believed in. We engaged in good faith with Russia when we first came up with the JIM. We were all united and together when we established the JIM. It was there for a reason, because chemical weapons usage in Syria continues, and people continue to die from it. Because of that, we knew how important the JIM. was. I was glad to hear Russia say how important the JIM. is. What is fascinating, however, is that Russia is now suddenly finding numerous flaws in the JIM.”
2017-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8105 (2017) · source
“There are a few things that I think we have to realize here. I think a lot of it has do with genuineness - whether it was used or not; with the actors, Whether they were to be trusted or not; with the process of how all ofthat played out; and where we go from there. Given that, I have a few comments to make. First, we all voted. We voted that we were going to follow the rules. We were going to take the Russian draft resolution (S/2017/933) first and the United States draft resolution (S/2017/962) second. Bolivia showed a complete lack of respect for the Council by turning around and playing a game so as to have its vote after the vote on the United States draft resolution. We will have that vote, and it will have the same outcome. For a member that always says it wants to be transparent, there was nothing transparent about that.”
2017-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8105 (2017) · source
“The Security Council created the JIM. in a rare moment of unity. I thank the other members of the Council for their support, but what a shame it is that Russia has brought us to this point. What a shame it is that Russia has revealed itself to be a Government whose allegiance is to the Syrian regime, not to the truth or the protection of innocent civilians. Russia may have succeeded in silencing one independent voice in Syria today, but there are others that will carry on this work, and we will not stop until there is justice for the victims and accountability for the perpetrators of the chemical-weapons attacks in Syria.”
2017-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8105 (2017) · source
“There is the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Persons Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011, which is mandated to generate the evidence to bring fair and independent criminal proceedings against those who commit atrocities in Syria. And if and when it is necessary, there is the United States of America. Regardless of what its Russian protectors do in the Security Council, the Al-Assad regime should be on clear notice that the United States does not accept Syria's use of chemical weapons. As we did in April, we will do it again if we must - we will defend the international standard against chemical-weapons use. It would be wise for the Al-Assad regime to heed this warning.”
2017-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8105 (2017) · source
“It is clear now that the only concern Russia had was that the JIM. even existed and that it was capable of finding the truth. Russia had hoped to bury the truth about chemical weapons in Syria, but it has failed. We know who is behind these attacks. The JIM. has provided that information time and time again. The United States will not give up on trying to achieve justice for the victims in Syria. Tragically, these attacks are ongoing. New cases are being alleged. Russia has destroyed our best tool for attributing these attacks, but it is not our only tool for ending this barbaric practice. There is the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic.”
2017-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8105 (2017) · source
“In this case, the distraction is the draft resolution that it offered. The draft resolution would also allow Russia or any other member to micromanage the JIM. and it would put the Council in the absurd position of putting the fox in charge of the henhouse, having countries such as Russia and Syria dictate how, when and where we investigate the use of chemical weapons. In recent weeks, the United States has taken great pains to work with Russia in drafting our draft resolution. It is a shame that we found out today they had planned to veto it the entire time. We revised our draft resolution three times to incorporate Russia's concerns and those of all Council members. At the same time, Russia refused to hold a single consultation on its own draft, while we held many consultations.”
2017-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8105 (2017) · source
“How then can we trust Russia's supposed support for peace in Syria? How can anyone take Russia's proposal for political talks in Sochi seriously? I have lost count of how many times I have stood in this Chamber and implored Russia to do the right thing in Syria. But instead Russia has played games. Russia wants a mechanism, but not an independent one. It wants reporting, but not if it blames Syria. If Council members pay attention, they will notice that the Russians think the JIM. works great when it finds the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant at fault for chemical weapons, but when the perpetrator is one of its own friends, the problem is suddenly the JIM, not its friend that committed the crime. But Russia knows how bad it looks to defend a regime's use of chemical weapons, so it attempts to create a distraction.”
2017-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8105 (2017) · source
“Russia has issued vetoes before in order to prevent Council action and ensure accountability in Syria. Russia has invented reasons not to support a mechanism that it helped created, because it did not like its scientific conclusions. Russia has acted to obstruct those investigations many times, but today it strikes a deep blow. Russia has killed the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM), which has the overwhelming support of the Council. By eliminating our ability to identify the attackers, Russia has undermined our ability to deter future attacks. Al-Assad and ISIS will no longer be on notice for the use of chemical weapons as a result of Russia's actions today. The message to anyone listening is clear. In effect, Russia accepts the use of chemical weapons in Syria.”
2017-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8105 (2017) · source
“Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations gives the Council the responsibility to "determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression and shall make recommendations to maintain or restore international peace and security". Among the greatest threats to peace and security is the use of chemical weapons. That is why for more than two decades, the international community has outlawed the production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons. For almost half a decade, the Council has worked tirelessly to put an end to the use of such weapons in Syria. But for the tenth time regarding Syria and for the fourth time regarding chemical weapons, Russia has actively obstructed the international community's ability to identify the perpetrators of chemical-weapon attacks.”
2017-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8105 (2017) · source
“Rule 32 of the provisional rules of procedure states that principal motions and draft resolutions shall have precedence in the order of their submission.”
2017-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8105 (2017) · source
“I would like to read out the first part of rule 32 of the provisional rules of procedure of the Security Council, which says "Principal motions and draft resolutions shall have precedence in the order of their submission." My Russian friends have chosen once again to say that they go according to procedure, except when it applies to something they do not like. What we have to do is go according to procedure. Rule 32 spells out exactly how that order should be. We do not need the Russians coming in and saying "We do not like the answer to this, so we want you to change it". I think that the Council should be disciplined, abide by rule 32 of the provisional rules of procedure and take the politics out of the situation.”
2017-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8105 (2017) · source
“The result of that rare unity was the JIM, which is the best tool we have to ensure that no individual, group or regime is allowed to attack with chemical weapons and get away with it. The JIM. will cease its operations in 10 short days. There can now be no higher priority for the Security Council than to ensure the continued operation of the Joint Investigative Mechanism. Anyone who prevents us from achieving that goal is aiding and abetting those who have been using chemical weapons in Syria. They are helping to ensure not just that more women and children will die, but also that those women and children will die in one of the cruellest, most painful ways possible. We are better than that. We must be. Now is the time to show the world. I call on the Security Council to act immediately to renew the Joint Investigative Mechanism.”
2017-11-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8090 (2017) · source
“cost it nearly six months of work. We cannot afford such a loss this year when there is evidence of the ongoing use of chemical weapons in Syria. Tragically, there is no lack ofcases for the JIM. to investigate. Just last week, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission determined that the chemical weapon, sarin gas, was used in the attack that took place on 30 March, injuring more than 70 people. That incident bears the hallmarks of the Khan Shaykhun attack that occurred just a few days later. I remember vividly the faces of the murdered children of Khan Shaykhun. I remember the outrage expressed by the Council. In 2015, the Council came together in a rare moment of unity in order to identify those who used chemical weapons and to ensure that such barbaric acts did not continue.”
2017-11-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8090 (2017) · source
“Since 2012, there have been hundreds of reports of uses of chemical weapons in Syria. That is not something that we can turn away from. Our concern is not about ISIL, the Syrian regime or anyone else. It is about the people of Syria and their protection. Ensuring that those responsible be identified and held accountable is critical to ending the use of chemical weapons. The Council has created the tool, the Joint Investigative Mechanism, to do just that. Now is the time for the Council to unanimously renew the JIM's mandate in order to ensure that it will continue to do its crucial work for at least another year. The arguments for renewing the J IM's mandate are clear. Its most recent report has only strengthened those arguments. We must ensure continuity of operations. Last year's delay in renewing the JIM.”
2017-11-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8090 (2017) · source
“We can accept all of them as a show of good faith and a desire to find consensus. We have told that to our Russian friends, and we intend to circulate our text this afternoon. However, we cannot put language in the draft resolution that keeps the Syrians from being investigated or from having been found to have used chemical weapons. That is completely up to Syria and Russia to work out. Yet, even though we have continued to engage Russia bilaterally and have made efforts to address its concerns since it vetoed the draft resolution two weeks ago, our Russian friends continue to push unacceptable language that is meant only to undermine the investigators and divide the Council. The team of experts that the Council created to investigate those horrific attacks in Syria has done its job. Now it is time for us to do our job.”
2017-11-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8090 (2017) · source
“In the intervening days, we have tried to work with our friends from Russia in order to ensure that we could achieve a unanimous reauthorization. We have listened carefully to Russia's concerns regarding methodology and site visits, even though most Council members do not share them. We have much that we can agree on. We can agree to strengthen the language on the use of chemical weapons by terrorists. We can also emphasize the need for all parties to help investigators access sites in Syria relevant to their investigation, and we can underscore the ongoing importance of high standards and sound evidence for each attribution. On those issues we want to work with Russia and find common ground. All of those items are found in Russia's proposed draft resolution.”
2017-11-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8090 (2017) · source
“Again, I agree with them. The JIM's report not only identifies those behind the chemical attacks, it also explains how it reached its conclusion. It lays out in great detail how the team carried out such a challenging investigation. And just as any independent team of experts would, it takes note of any irregularities that it found in the information obtained from the investigation. The report transparently lays out those facts, but determines that they do not call into question the findings. Russia has insisted that it is ready to return to the question of extending the JIM's mandate after the publication of the latest report. "Give us more time", they said two weeks ago. "Give us until 7 November", they said as they acted to protect one of the world's most murderous regimes from the consequences of its actions. Today is 7 November.”
2017-11-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8090 (2017) · source
“until we have discussed the report. They tell us that they want to determine who is responsible for the chemical weapons attacks in Syria. Russia affirmed that desire when it voted to create the JIM. in 2015 and to reauthorize it in 2016. I share that desire for answers, so let me try to address their concerns. The JIM. has fulfilled its mandate to identify the perpetrators of chemical weapons attacks in Syria. It had produced a report that concludes that the Al-Assad regime is responsibility for the 4 April sarin gas attack at Khan Shaykhun. In addition, the report concludes that the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) is responsible for the September 2016 sulfur mustard attack at Umm Hawsh. Our Russian friends tell us they want to ensure that the report and the work of the JIM itself are professional and impartial.”
2017-11-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8090 (2017) · source
“I want to thank Ms. Nakamitsu for her briefing today. I want to say a special word about Mr. Mulet and to thank him for being here. One look at his resume shows that he is the right man to lead the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM). He had a distinguished career in public service in his home country of Guatemala. He has served as the Assistant Secretary- General for Peacekeeping Operations and as Special Envoy to Haiti. His long list of academic credentials is impressive. In other words, Mr. Mulet is a man very much like the institution he heads - experienced, professional and independent. All of those qualities are reflected in the JIM's latest report (S/2017/904, annex). Our friends from Russia have insisted that we put off the crucial task of reauthorizing the JIM.”
2017-11-07 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8090 (2017) · source
“After several difficult months, the armed groups have reached a long-term ceasefire and expanded dialogue. These are positive signs, but serious differences between the Malian Government and the armed groups continue to challenge the peace process. The armed groups and the Malian Government must work together to implement the agreement. As with all peacekeeping missions, we must see the Government working with MINUSMA towards achievable outcomes and a durable political solution. Real progress here would provide the surest path to greater security in the region. In closing, let me reiterate our strong support for the undertaking of the G-5 countries. We welcome this regional ownership of security and stabilization in the Sahel.”
2017-10-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8080 (2017) · source
“A long-term solution must be found as the G-5 Sahel Joint Force continues to evolve, and security gains must be consolidated by bringing good governance. In Mali, interim authorities in the northern part of the country need to deliver services to show the local population that their presence will deliver concrete improvements for the Malian people. The United States will continue to work closely with regional stakeholders and partners to identify the needs of the Force and tailor our support as effectively as possible. We look forward to participating actively at the donor conference in Brussels, which will help the Force move closer to directly addressing and defeating this threat. It is important to remember that the fate of the region is ultimately in the hands of the Governments in the Sahel.”
2017-10-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8080 (2017) · source
“We will each bring different strengths, insights and resources to bear on addressing insecurity in the Sahel. We look forward to discussions with our Security Council colleagues in the coming days on how best to bring the Force to life. We know that security alone will not solve the complex and entrenched challenges in the Sahel, and we applaud the G-5 Sahel for encompassing aspects of resilience, governance and infrastructure in addition to security. The mass closure of schools and the loss of safety and opportunity that comes from extremist violence threaten an entire generation. For many, the temptation to join the extremists is strong. We cannot abandon the people of Mali, the Niger, Burkina Faso, Mauritania and Chad to this fate.”
2017-10-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8080 (2017) · source
“Moreover, the Mission is coming under increasing attack from violent extremists and shifting operations and locations. For those reasons, the Mission struggles to execute its strategic objective: to support the peace process in Mali. Its ability to focus on its core objective could be further compromised by a mandate to support a force with a broad concept of operations and recurring needs. We owe it to the troops, as well as to those who have lost their lives, to protect the Mission's vital resources from further overstretch and ensure that they are devoted to supporting a political solution in Mali. I note that we also have serious and well-known reservations about using United Nations resources to support non-United Nations activities.”
2017-10-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8080 (2017) · source
“However, we believe that the G-5 Sahel Joint Force must be owned first and foremost by the countries of the region themselves. We expect that the G-5 Sahel countries will take on full regional ownership of the Force within a period of three to six years, with continued United States engagement. That is the approach that will be most effective in the end to free the region from terror. We are inspired by the region's effort and intent, but we have reservations about encumbering a large peacekeeping mission with tasks it would not traditionally perform. The Mission in Mali has struggled to reach its full troop authorization. It continues to suffer from a lack of enabling equipment and it expends most of its resources protecting and resupplying itself.”
2017-10-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8080 (2017) · source
“To that end, the United States will continue its long-standing bilateral support to the security forces of the members of the G-5 Sahel. We will also continue to work closely with our partners to help the G-5 Sahel Joint Force to be effective and well-coordinated with other counter-terror efforts in the region. The United States is committed to stabilizing the Sahel region. We are proud to announce today that we plan to provide up to $60 million in bilateral assistance, which we will work with our Congress to identify, in order to help stand up the Joint Force. We understand that the Force will need ongoing support, and we are eager for opportunities to work closely with our partners to make this effort a successful one.”
2017-10-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8080 (2017) · source
“During the Security Council's mission to the Sahel region last week, we witnessed the dedication to a brighter future by Government officials, officials from the Group of Five for the Sahel and members of civil society and of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali. Those men and women are fighting an expanding threat that is mobile and resilient and has little respect for life. Their dedication is not only admirable, but worthy of the Council's continued attention and support. The United States supports the initiative of the G-5 Sahel countries to develop a Joint force and deepen cooperation, which has the potential to improve security and complement the efforts ofthe peacekeeping mission in Mali.”
2017-10-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8080 (2017) · source
“Many families have lost loved ones - earlier this month, four members of our special forces and five members of the Niger army were killed on the Mali-Niger border while working together as partners to ensure peace in a threatened region. But it is not just violent extremism that plagues the people of the Sahel; crime is also a growing problem. Historical trade routes across the region provide an opportunity for some of the worst actors in the continent. Criminals who traffic in drugs and human beings seek to profit from the chaos in the Sahel and are succeeding, to the detriment of human security in West Africa.”
2017-10-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8080 (2017) · source
“I thank Secretary-General Guterres and the other briefers for being here today. I also thank France for its leadership on the issue and for organizing today's discussion. Violent extremism in the Sahel is a growing problem, and responding to this violence is more dangerous than ever. We applaud the men and women ofthe armed forces ofthe countries ofthe Group ofFive for the Sahel (G-5 Sahel). We also salute the region's partners, particularly France with its long-standing counter-terror operation. And we thank the brave men and women serving in the world's most dangerous peacekeeping mission, in Mali. All those forces and missions have lost personnel. Civilians have also been the victims of violence across the region, including the tragic attack in Burkina Faso in August.”
2017-10-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8080 (2017) · source
“With our decision to take a comprehensive approach to confronting the Iranian regime, the United States will not turn a blind eye to such violations. We have made it clear that the regime cannot have it both ways. It cannot consistently violate international law and still be considered a fit and trusted member of the international community. The Council now has the opportunity to change its policy towards the Iranian regime. I sincerely hope it will take this chance to defend not only the resolutions, but also peace, security and human rights in Iran.”
2017-10-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8072 (2017) · source
“It imprisons or murders members of the political opposition. It persecutes Christians and other religious minorities. It denies the freedom of speech. It executes gays and lesbians. There is one more thing. The list of Iran's dangerous and destructive behaviour that I just outlined does not even include the regime's most threatening act - its repeated ballistic missile launches, including the launch in the summer of an intercontinental ballistic missile. That should be a clarion call to everyone in the United Nations. When a rogue regime starts down the path of ballistic missiles, it tells us that we will soon have another North Korea on our hands. If it is wrong for North Korea to do that, why does that same mentality not apply to Iran?”
2017-10-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8072 (2017) · source
“He has repeatedly boasted that sanctions cannot hurt Hizbullah because "everything it cats and drinks, its weapons and rockets, come from the Islamic Republic of Iran". Those are only the Iranian regime's activities on which the Security Council has taken a clear position. What about Iran's support of arms, financing and training of fighters for the bloody Al-Assad regime in Syria? There are also the consistent Iranian threats to freedom of navigation in the Persian Gulf. There are also the Iranian regime's cyberattacks against the United States, Israel and other United Nations States Members. Then there is Iran's imprisoning of foreign journalists and tourists on made-up charges. Some Americans, like Bob Levinson, have not been heard from in over a decade. Unfortunately, we are not done yet. The Iranian regime abuses its own people.”
2017-10-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8072 (2017) · source
“Resolution 2231 (2015) also bans travel outside Iran by senior Iranian officials, including Major General Soleimani. And yet the Secretary-General's report (S/2017/515) lists multiple press photos and reports of the General travelking to Syria and Iraq. There are even pictures on social media of him visiting Russia. That is an open and direct violation of resolution to 2231 (2015). And yet where is the outrage of the Council? There is more, plenty more. In resolutions 1701 (2006) and 1559 (2004), the Council unanimously called on Hizbullah to disarm. Nonetheless, Hizbullah is building an arsenal of war in Lebanon, with weapons supplied by Iran. Again, none of that is going on in secret. The leader of Hizbullah talks openly about the support Iran provides.”
2017-10-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8072 (2017) · source
“Yet today we see Iran identified as a source of weapons in conflicts across the region, from Yemen to Syria and Lebanon. The United States, France, Australia, Ukraine and others have intercepted Iranian shipments of rocket-propelled grenade launchers, machine guns and anti-tank missiles, among other weapons, that are bound for Yemen. The Iranian regime has been a key source of arms in strategic military support to the Houthi rebels, both directly through its military and indirectly through its Hizbullah proxy forces. Not only is that a violation of resolution to 2231 (2015), it also violates resolution to 2216 (2015), which imposes an arms embargo on the Houthi rebels. Iran has repeatedly and brazenly violated not one, but two, Security Council resolutions on Yemen. Yet few on the Council have said anything at all.”
2017-10-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8072 (2017) · source
“It gives us the chance to work together as a community of nations to uphold the provisions of the resolutions we have all worked so hard to adopt. The Security Council has repeatedly adopted resolutions aimed at addressing Iranian support for terrorism and regional conflicts, but Iran has repeatedly thumbed its nose at such efforts; worse yet is that the regime continues to play the Council. Iran hides behind its assertion of technical compliance with the nuclear deal, while it brazenly violates the other limits on its behaviour. We have allowed them to get away with it. That must stop. The list of the Iranian regime's violations of Security Council resolutions is too long to repeat here, so I will confine myself to the highlights. Resolution 2231 (2015) bans the transfer of conventional weapons from Iran.”
2017-10-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8072 (2017) · source
“The report has always noted the International Atomic Energy Agency's findings that Iran is implementing the nuclear deal, but then it goes on. It lists the regimes multiple flagrant violations on the resolution's non-nuclear- related provisions. Every six months, the Security Council is presented with a laundry list of bad news, but somehow manages to hear only the good news. Some countries, to their credit, have called out Iran for its maligned behaviour, but as a Council we have adopted a dangerously short-sighted approach. Judging Iran by the narrow confines of the nuclear deal misses the true nature of the threat. Iran must be judged in totality of its aggressive, destabilizing and unlawful behaviour. To do otherwise would be foolish. Such clarity brings opportunity. It gives the Council the chance to defend its integrity.”
2017-10-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8072 (2017) · source
“Our goal in discussing the Middle East is to work on peace, security and human rights for the region. We cannot talk about stability in the Middle East without talking about Iran. That is because nearly every threat to peace and security in the Middle East is connected to Iran's outlawed behaviour. For the international community's engagement with Iran, this is a time of clarity and opportunity. The United States has now embarked on a course that attempts to address all aspects of Iran's destructive conduct, not just one aspect. It is critical that the international community do the same. Every six months, the Secretary-General delivers a report on the implementation of resolution to 2231 (2015), which the Council unanimously adopted.”
2017-10-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8072 (2017) · source
“Famine prevention is an important part of our mandate. Famine is both the result of the breakdown in peace, security and human rights, and the contributor to further violence and insecurity. We request the Council's sustained attention to this good and necessary work. We asked that we not stop at words and donations alone. Let us go one step further to hold those preventing access accountable for their crimes.”
2017-10-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8069 (2017) · source
“In Somalia, unprecedented donor contributions and the effective leadership of the Federal Government of Somalia have helped avert famine thus far, but the threat persists. There too, terrorists and other armed groups impede the humanitarian response. In each of those four countries, avoiding famine means making sure that aid can be delivered to the hungry. There is no excuse for a delay. All members of the Council and the international community must come together to hold all actors on the ground accountable. When they block aid, we have to call them out. When they do not allow the safe passage of humanitarian workers, we have to insist that aid workers can operate without fear for their safety and can access all populations in need. The job of the Council is the promotion and maintenance of peace, security and human rights.”
2017-10-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8069 (2017) · source
“But the humanitarian needs in Yemen will not wait for a political process. All sides must do everything in their power to alleviate the suffering of civilians in Yemen. There are practical steps that can be taken now, today, to facilitate the delivery of food, fuel and medicine to desperate people. These steps begin with increasing capacity for aid delivery and allowing humanitarian access in all of Yemen. In Nigeria, as well, attacks by Boko Haram and the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant continue to prevent aid from being delivered. The United States is fully committed to working with our Nigerian partners to defeat terrorists, but the needs of the 5.2 million suffering Nigerians must be addressed. The Nigerian Government must do more to streamline assistance deliveries and allow humanitarian workers to reach all civilians in need.”
2017-10-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8069 (2017) · source
“In South Sudan, a massive humanitarian response helped to roll back famine earlier this summer, but the pervasive conflict in South Sudan has left half the population facing life-threatening hunger. Armed groups and bureaucratic impediments frequently prevent or delay the delivery of humanitarian assistance, and attacks on aid workers are increasing at an alarming rate. Since 2013, 85 humanitarian workers have been killed in South Sudan alone - 18 were killed this year. In Yemen, the people are simultaneously facing the world's worst cholera outbreak and the world's largest food-security emergency. Like elsewhere, women and children are suffering the most. There is no military solution in Yemen. A lasting end to the violence will come only through a comprehensive political agreement.”
2017-10-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8069 (2017) · source
“That is horrifying and demands the Council's full and immediate attention. Many have responded to the urgent need for assistance in these four countries. At the opening of the General Assembly, the United States announced more than $575 million in additional aid, bringing our total contribution to populations affected by this crisis to more than $2.4 billion in 2017. We urge all States Members of the United Nations to join us and do their part. But more funding, however necessary, will not be enough. In most cases, access to desperate people is the key problem. Food aid may be available, but the assistance cannot be delivered to those in need. That is especially true in South Sudan, Nigeria and Yemen.”
2017-10-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8069 (2017) · source
“In August, the Council acknowledged that unfortunate reality when we declared that famine is an issue of international peace and security (S/PRST/2017/14). Those conflicts threaten us all. People without access to food, water, basic services and economic opportunities are more likely to turn to armed and extremist groups. Epidemics, like cholera, can spread across borders. It is not a drought or some other natural disaster that has caused the largest food-security emergency since the Second World War. The main reason that there is a risk of famine in Yemen, South Sudan, north-east Nigeria and Somalia is that fighters are not letting food get to those who need it. In some cases there are reports that warring parties are trying to starve entire communities into submission.”
2017-10-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8069 (2017) · source
“I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. We appreciate his leadership and voice in raising the alarm about the nations on the verge of famine today. The humanitarian needs in north-east Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan and Yemen are unprecedented. Those countries are experiencing what is being called the most vicious of vicious spirals, where conflict compounds food and health-care shortages, which in turn compound the risk of disease. All four countries are experiencing devastating cholera outbreaks. The plagues seem to come one after the other, but they are not the result of the wrath of God but of the acts of men. In too many cases, they are the acts of leaders who are more interested in power or personal gain than the safety and security of their own people.”
2017-10-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8069 (2017) · source
“In concluding my remarks, I would like to speak directly to the Burmese people. I would like to appeal to the goodness and hope for the future that exists in the hearts of the overwhelming majority of them. So many of them have sacrificed so much for a better country. I know they are sickened by the images of violence coming from Burma and being seen around the world, but the goal of an open, democratic Burma is still possible. We urge them to hold fast to that vision, not to give up on it and not to be satisfied with leaders who give up on it either. Every Burmese man, woman and child is a child of God with equal moral standing. They should stay strong in that belief, and they will have the future they dreamed of - the future they deserve.”
2017-09-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8060 (2017) · source
“The United States is providing $95 million to support urgent humanitarian needs in Burma and Bangladesh, but, given the likelihood of more people fleeing across the border, plus the ongoing monsoon season and the humanitarian need already present in Bangladesh, such generosity will not be enough. The risk that the conflict will spill over to other countries in the region is real. Additional support will be needed to head off a wider conflict. What is perhaps most frustrating about the conflict is the fact that we should have seen it coming. The various communities in Rakhine state have had periods of peaceful coexistence, but they have also seen periods of extreme violence and, between such outbursts, the Rohingya have suffered discrimination and have been denied basic rights as citizens of Burma.”
2017-09-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8060 (2017) · source
“We were glad to see the commitment made by the State Counsellor during her state-of- the-union address to allow those who fled the violence to voluntarily return to their homes when it is safe to do so. We will all watch to see if the Government follows through on that pledge. We call on Burmese officials to work with the Government of Bangladesh to develop a framework for returns as agreed to by both Governments, an idea that enjoys international support. In the meantime, we have seen the generosity of the Bangladeshi Government in accepting and sheltering Burmese refugees.”
2017-09-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8060 (2017) · source
“We have noted the Government's decision to work with the International Red Cross to distribute aid, but the Government has not allowed other relief organizations meaningful access to northern Rakhine state. If the Burmese authorities are sincere about wanting those displaced to come home, why would they not want food and treatment to get to those people? The Government needs to work with all partners who can help to get assistance to all affected communities. Otherwise, there is a significant danger that life-saving assistance will be delayed in reaching those who need it the most. Thirdly and finally, the Government must commit to welcoming all displaced persons to return to their original homes.”
2017-09-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8060 (2017) · source
“The time for well-meaning diplomatic words in the Council has passed. We must now consider action against the Burmese security forces, who are implicated in abuse and in stoking hatred among their fellow citizens. The actions needed now to resolve this crisis are very clear. First, the Burmese military must respect human rights and fundamental freedoms. Those who have been accused of committing abuses should be removed from command responsibilities immediately and prosecuted for wrongdoing. Any country that is currently providing weapons to the Burmese military should suspend such activities until sufficient accountability measures are in place. Secondly, the Burmese authorities must immediately allow rapid, safe and unhindered humanitarian access for United Nations agencies and other relief organizations.”
2017-09-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8060 (2017) · source
“The Burmese military have ignored calls to respond to such attacks by focusing on identifying and prosecuting the perpetrators. Instead what is taking place is a brutal assault that does not advance justice in Burma. It puts the country further out of reach. The Government's response has undermined Burma's security stability and its fragile democratic transition. The Government has a responsibility to restore the rule of law and prevent attacks by citizens in its name. That responsibility holds regardless ofwhat individual or group is the target of such attacks. An already dire situation has been made even worse by some of the rhetoric coming from official military channels inside Burma, Worse, that language encourages ugly views among the Burmese people. History has shown us what happens when such views go unopposed.”
2017-09-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8060 (2017) · source