YouSaid · the spoken record

Holmes

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557
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2007-04-04
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2010-07-07
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un-security-council

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  1. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the benefits of January's conference on peace, security and development are yet to be felt by those being sheltered in camps and public buildings in the east, including the 175,000 people newly displaced this year. In Iraq, sectarian violence, as well as armed confrontations around Basra and Sadr City, have forced more thousands from their homes. In Afghanistan, conflict-induced displacement continues to undermine the gains made in the return or resettlement of those previously displaced. In Colombia and Sri Lanka, the threat of further displacement is ever present in some areas, as violence continues. Of course, displacement is not the only indicator of conflict or of its impact on civilians. Each of the contexts that I have mentioned raises very different concerns for the protection of civilians.

    2008-05-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5898 (2008) · source

  2. Important though this progress is, the stark reality remains that in conflicts throughout the world, countless civilians continue to see their hopes shattered by violence and displacement and their lives blown apart by suicide bombers or ground down by physical and sexual violence, deprivation and neglect. In just the first five months of this year, more than half a million people have been displaced by conflict, both within and across borders. In Burundi, the Central African Republic, Chad, Somalia and Sudan, over 337,000 civilians have been forced to flee violence this year, some of them not for the first time.

    2008-05-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5898 (2008) · source

  3. It is essential that these missions be given the requisite support and resources to fulfil their mandates. Last but not least, we see the potential for notable progress towards improved protection for civilians from the devastating impact of cluster munitions. Over 100 States are currently gathered in Dublin to negotiate a treaty banning them. I urge States to seize this historic opportunity and conclude a treaty that has the protection of civilians at its core and that contributes to reducing the dangers they face from these weapons during and after conflict.

    2008-05-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5898 (2008) · source

  4. We see varying degrees of progress on all these fronts. In Kenya, mediation in the wake of post- election unrest reduced the prospects of intensified violence. The consolidation of peace and relative stability continues in Cote d'Ivoire, Nepal, Timor- Leste and, in a more fragile way, Uganda, allowing for the return of internally displaced persons and refugees. At the same time, recent upsurges in violence in recovering areas like Burundi and Southern Sudan are of great concern. The full deployment of peacekeepers in Chad, the Central African Republic and Darfur has the potential to augment significantly efforts to protect and assist those caught in the turmoil of violence in the region. 08-3528] But the risks of deterioration are currently very great.

    2008-05-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5898 (2008) · source

  5. Mr. Holmes: Thank you, Mr. President, for this opportunity to brief the Security Council again on the protection of civilians in armed conflict. Mr. President, the mural on the wall behind you, by the Norwegian artist Per Krogh, serves as a compelling reminder of the past -the world rising from the ashes of the Second World War into a period bearing the promise of peace, prosperity and equality. But it serves also as a vivid reminder of the present - that millions of ordinary people are still trapped in the horror of war and conflict, hoping desperately to rise from the chaos that surrounds them into more peaceful times. It is also a reminder to the Council, to Member States and to the United Nations itself, of our collective responsibility to prevent war, to secure peace and, in its absence, to ensure the protection of civilians.

    2008-05-27 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5898 (2008) · source

  6. In the absence of any real progress 8 towards a solution, whatever the efforts of the international community and the Council, profound human suffering will continue to grow in Darfur.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  7. Further progress in the deployment of UNAMID, equipped to protect civilians and improve security, will help, but only an end to all violence and concrete steps towards a political settlement will make the fundamental difference needed, as the rebel movements themselves above all need to recognize. Otherwise, the reality is that the people of Darfur face a continued steady deterioration of their conditions of life and their chances of lasting recovery. I said at this time last year that I hoped from the bottom of my heart that I would not be back here one year later to repeat the same messages, but the reality is that I have come here today to give the Council even worse news.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  8. I salute their determination and that of donors. However, even if the humanitarian presence at times can act as a deterrent to Violence against civilians and our efforts sustain the lives of millions, humanitarians still cannot provide what is fundamentally lacking. I am saddened and angry as Emergency Relief Coordinator that, after five years of that suffering and four years since the Council became actively engaged, we have still not been able to find a lasting solution to the suffering of those millions of men, women and children. A study in 2006 suggested that 200,000 had lost their lives from the combined effects of the conflict. That figure must be much higher now, perhaps half as much again, yet we continue to see the goalposts receding, to the point where peace in Darfur seems further away today than ever.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  9. They should stop endangering the lives of civilians by the kind of attacks that are bound to provoke a response in civilian areas, with predominantly civilian casualties. All groups should stop attacking humanitarian vehicle convoys and premises, control all those within their ranks and punish those responsible. The movements should ensure safe humanitarian access and assistance and show respect for basic humanitarian principles. They should ensure the civilian character of IDP camps and Villages. In spite of those challenges, 14,700 international, national and local relief workers continue, wherever and whenever possible, to provide life-saving assistance. I spoke a year ago of the fragility of the operation. That has increased as time has gone by. But the agencies, organizations and individuals involved have refused to be intimidated.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  10. In areas under its control, the Government should improve security for civilians and the international community, in accordance with international law, and ensure more freedom of movement for relief organizations. The Government should disband once and for all the Janjaweed militias and put an end to impunity for those who commit crimes - including banditry, the killings of civilians and rape - by actively seeking out those responsible and prosecuting them. As an increasingly prosperous country, the Sudan should provide more assistance to its population, rather than continuing to allow the international community to shoulder Virtually all the financial responsibility. Rebel movements are responsible for many of the threats facing civilians and the relief operation. They too can do much more.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  11. I am pleased to say that the moratorium on restrictions and the joint communique on the facilitation of humanitarian assistance in Darfur, which were extended at the end of January, have helped to alleviate bureaucratic obstacles. I am grateful to the Government of the Sudan for improved cooperation in that area, but the humanitarian operation still faces other obstacles. Those agreements do not, for example, ensure physical access to IDPs and other vulnerable groups. Humanitarian workers are too often blocked by military intelligence, national security elements or civilian police, seemingly at random. Those denials of access serve no discernible purpose aside from frustrating relief efforts and increasing suffering. The Government of the Sudan can therefore do much more to help on the humanitarian side.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  12. Global acute malnutrition in children under the age of five, for example, which is already in excess of emergency thresholds in many areas of Darfur, could double. It is therefore Vital that the Government of the Sudan does much more to protect those convoys and that the armed groups stop such attacks by anyone associated with them, as well as halting all attempts to extract so-called taxes at checkpoints along the roads. The African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur is also looking at how it can help. Meanwhile, I appeal to the donor community to redouble its efforts to ensure that key under-funded sectors such as health, nutrition and water and sanitation receive the rapid support they need.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  13. Regular attacks on its convoys, in particular on the roads from Kordofan to El Fasher in north Darfur and Ed Daein in south Darfur, mean that they have simply not been able to preposition food stocks as necessary and cannot now catch up without a radical transformation of the position. That means that the amount of food provided to the conflict-affected men, women and children in Darfur will be halved in a matter of days. That heart- breaking decision could not come at a worse time, as the agency continues to struggle in any case to deliver to its existing beneficiaries as the rainy season approaches. During that period malaria, water-borne diseases, respiratory infections and other illnesses normally cause mortality to increase in Darfur. The effects on those further weakened by poor nutrition are likely to be much worse.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  14. That partly reflects the global phenomenon of rising food prices and partly unfavourable weather, but it is also a result of general dislocation and neglect as so many fields go untilled and infestations of disease and pests go unchecked. Unfortunately, we cannot always access those rural communities. It is inevitable that some of their inhabitants too will end by migrating to IDP camps - many of which are currently well beyond capacity - in search of assistance. We are already seeing this in Al Salaam camp in south Darfur, where approximately 1,000 newly arrived families remain unregistered, with 17 deaths among that group during the month of March alone. There is a risk that developments will take an even more serious turn. The World Food Programme announced last week that it would be forced to reduce its food distributions next month.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  15. But the conflict and the continuing degradation of traditional social structures after five years of fighting and flight have serious consequences not just for the stability of camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs), but more fundamentally for the long-term stability of Darfur itself. How many will be able, or indeed even willing, to return to their previous lives when peace finally arrives? Normality cannot simply be suspended for five years or more and then resume as if nothing had happened. That problem is aggravated every month that passes without peace. Meanwhile even relatively untouched rural communities are increasingly vulnerable and require our assistance in growing numbers. In some areas, for example, the price of staple commodities such as millet has doubled since this time last year.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  16. It also comes at a time when several key humanitarian indicators are getting worse, including those on malnutrition, which 6 is now in excess of emergency threshold levels in many areas of Darfur. That may sound a sadly familiar story, if no less unacceptable for that. But we need also to be aware of the cumulative effects of continued Violence, stress and upheaval in Darfur. Those in the camps feel helpless and voiceless. The fear of never being able to return to their areas of origin and the pressure by Government authorities to return when conditions are clearly not right lead to increasing tension, polarization, politicization and even militarization.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  17. The humanitarian community itself is also subject to constant violence. Since the start of the year we have seen 106 vehicles hijacked - 46 United Nations and non-governmental organization vehicles and 60 trucks contracted to the World Food Programme (WF P). One WFP-contracted driver has been killed and 26 drivers are still missing. The rate of hijackings is more than 350 per cent higher than even the already alarming statistics of 2007. So far in 2008, 42 humanitarian premises have been assaulted, and six aid workers killed. Rebel groups and individuals associated with them appear to be primarily responsible for the attacks on convoys and hijackings, whether their motives are military or criminal. All that is seriously jeopardizing efforts to deliver aid, and in particular to preposition relief supplies ahead of the rainy season.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  18. A particularly worrying feature is evidence of high levels of sexual violence and exploitation in the northern corridor of West Darfur over the past two months - for example, judged by the dramatically increased number of women and girls seeking treatment for the effects of those brutal acts and statistics for sexually transmitted infections treated at local health clinics. In my previous trips to Darfur, I met women who had the courage to tell me some of their stories, while the authorities have continued to deny that any such thing could exist in their country. Sexual violence in Darfur is not a figment of our collective imaginations. I call upon the Government, which has the primary responsibility for the protection of its citizens, to take concrete steps to address this scourge, and on the armed groups to help stamp it out.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  19. Elsewhere in Darfur, too, hostilities between the parties, intra-rebel and tribal clashes, aerial bombardments and the resurgence of Janjaweed militias have resulted in death, displacement and widespread violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. Cross-border attacks and support for each other's rebel groups by Chad and the Sudan have further destabilized security in both countries, despite efforts to reduce tensions following the Dakar Agreement. Darfur today is therefore still characterized by insecurity, lawlessness and impunity. The effects on civilians are not difficult to imagine. Widespread human rights abuses continue to be reported in many areas.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  20. The Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) rebel movement was responsible for initiating the latest round of violence there by attacking Government installations, including reportedly launching attacks from within civilian areas, with the civilian population bearing the brunt of the consequences. But military units of the Government of Sudan once again used disproportionate force and failed to differentiate between military and civilian targets in their response, including aerial bombardments. Last month's report by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights highlighted targeted attacks on civilians during that campaign, in particular through the use of Janjaweed militias to terrorize the population before the arrival of regular forces.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  21. Of Darfur's estimated 6 million people, some 4.27 million have now been seriously affected by the conflict; 2.45 million are internally displaced, while an additional 260,000 have sought refuge in neighbouring countries. One year ago, I briefed the Council myself for the first time, following my first visit to Darfur as Emergency Relief Coordinator. I am sad to say that the humanitarian situation is as grim today as it was then, if not more so. In 2008 so far, a further 100,000 civilians have been forced to flee, many of them not for the first time. Nearly 60,000 were displaced in West Darfur alone.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  22. Mr. Holmes: Thank you, Mr. President, for the opportunity to provide the Council with an update on the humanitarian situation to complement what members just heard from the Joint Special Representative. The Council first discussed Darfur four years ago this month. Sadly, many of the observations that my predecessor made at that time remain only too relevant today: growing numbers of displaced, continuing hostilities and violence against civilians, increasing humanitarian needs and limited access to beneficiaries. The difference is that almost six times as many people are now affected. Jan Egeland spoke in April 2004 of approximately 750,000 people in danger.

    2008-04-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5872 (2008) · source

  23. Finally, I appeal to the Security Council to continue to speak up about the consequences for civilians, in both the occupied Palestinian territory and Israel, of what is happening and about the overriding duty on all sides to comply with international humanitarian law and the resolutions of this Council.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  24. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East and the other agencies and NGOs working in Gaza, in particular, are doing a heroic job under circumstances that are difficult and dangerous, not least due to the imposed restrictions on the movement and access of United Nations staff, which are too often not consistent with the immunities and privileges to which they are entitled. Meanwhile, I also appeal to the donor community to continue to respond generously to what has now become the third largest annual consolidated appeal for humanitarian funds, after Darfur and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  25. As the Special Coordinator has stressed, unless this chasm is bridged quickly and the humanitarian indicators begin to rise and create some sense of hope for the future, the chances of success in the peace talks may be fatally undermined, no matter how great the sincerity and ingenuity of all concerned. And we desperately need those talks to succeed this year. The alternative comforts only the extremists. Notwithstanding all the difficulties, the humanitarian community will continue to do all it can to respond to the moral imperative of saving and improving lives and preserving human dignity.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  26. Israel has obligations towards the Palestinian population under occupation. I therefore pressed the Israeli authorities to begin implementing their commitments to ease at least some of the restrictions. 08-2520] Looking at these deteriorating realities on the ground in Gaza and the West Bank, as well as in Sderot, the disconnect between these realities and the hopes and aims of the continuing peace talks seemed almost total and, indeed, risks making a mockery of the readiness of the international community to invest $7.7 billion in the economic development of the occupied Palestinian territory.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  27. This was particularly evident from my visit to Hebron, where the presence of a relatively small group of 600 settlers and the considerable security arrangements put in place to ensure their protection have divided the city and severely affect the economy and the lives of its citizens. Representatives of Palestinian civil society throughout the West Bank appealed passionately to the United Nations, through me, to do something about their plight and their lack of a viable future, as they saw it. Israel has legitimate security concerns and a right and duty to defend its citizens. But even in such circumstances, security cannot override all other concerns or justify so much damage to ordinary people's livelihoods and infringements of their human dignity and human rights.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  28. The combination of the construction of the barrier, the steady expansion of the settlements, all still illegal, and the now 580 separate checkpoints and blockages within the West Bank is fragmenting communities. It seriously impairs the access of tens of thousands of people to their lands and to essential services, not least medical services. Severe restrictions on the movement of goods and people are affecting economic growth, as well as increasing poverty and food insecurity and reducing health standards. They further threaten the viability of a future Palestinian State. In my meetings with Palestinians in the West Bank, I felt that the despair and sense of humiliation and injustice were no less than in Gaza.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  29. A properly negotiated role is also necessary 08-2520] for the Rafah crossing, a role which does not give credence to the idea that Israel can hand over its responsibilities and obligations for Gaza to Egypt or any other State or authority. Arrangements which ensure proper screening for goods passing in both directions through the crossings, to meet Israel's security concerns, should be possible, if necessary with appropriate international support. The conditions of life I saw in the West Bank were obviously better than those in Gaza, but the situation there is of no less fundamental humanitarian concern. I had read about the barrier, the settlements, the permit regime and the access closures, but that had not prepared me for the visible and tangible reality on the ground.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  30. In particular, I asked that the materials necessary for the restart of $213 million worth of frozen humanitarian United Nations projects, in areas such as sanitation, housing, education and health, be allowed in by Israel and that spares and equipment for medical and sanitation services be given priority. There were some indications that the Israeli authorities are willing to respond positively to these requests. I would add that the proposals of the Palestinian Prime Minister, Salam Fayyad, for the reopening of the key Karni crossing - the only one with adequate infrastructure to process large quantities of goods appropriately and effectively - deserve all our support.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  31. The current situation in Gaza is not sustainable and is extremely damaging to the prospects for the current peace process. Only political efforts can change this dynamic. Meanwhile, from a humanitarian point of View, while a return to the 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access is what is really needed, I pressed the Israeli Government and the Palestinian Authority at least to ensure that more humanitarian and other goods are allowed in, on a more predictable and systematic basis. I made the same message clear to Hamas in what I said publicly. This means reopening the crossings and establishing better mechanisms for identifying and addressing the fundamental needs of the population.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  32. It amounts to collective punishment and is contrary to international humanitarian law. Moreover, it does not appear to be having the desired effect, either in halting the rockets or in weakening Hamas's position among the people of Gaza, or more widely. Only those who want to see further radicalization can be happy with the present situation. Meanwhile, the consequences for civilians on both sides are dramatic, not only through the imposed restrictions and the continuous firing of rockets, but also through the resulting repeated incursions into and military clashes inside Gaza, which cause many civilian casualties, however unintended they might be. The fundamental principles of distinction between combatants and non-combatants and of proportionality in attacks during the conduct of hostilities must be respected by all sides.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  33. My visit to Sderot, which has been the target of more than 4,300 rockets since 2004, brought out the physical and psychological damage to the population there from this constant barrage. These crude rockets are aimed at hurting civilians and clearly constitute terrorism. Their continued firing is completely unacceptable and must be halted unconditionally. Hamas, which claims to govern the Gaza Strip, must accept its full share of responsibility for the suffering in Gaza. Above all, it must act to stop these rockets immediately. However, I also made clear publicly and privately my View that, whatever the provocation and illegality of the rockets, the effective Israeli isolation of Gaza is not justified, given Israel's continuing obligations to the people of Gaza.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  34. For instance, in October 2007 the number of children under the age of 3 diagnosed with diarrhoea increased by 20 per cent compared to the previous year, and anaemia among children is up by 40 per cent. This bleak situation is further compounded by bureaucratic difficulties between the Palestinian Authority and those administering health care, for example, in Gaza. The Israeli Government has said that, while there are security concerns about the crossing points themselves, which have been fired on and through which attempts have been made to smuggle arms and potential bombers, the main motivation for the restrictions is the continuing firing of Qassam rockets from Gaza.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  35. Almost 80 per cent of the population are now receiving food aid; most industry and agriculture has collapsed, raising unemployment and poverty to new heights; frequent and lengthy power cuts severely impair the functioning of essential services and infrastructure; water quality is declining rapidly, where water is available at all; the inadequacies of the sewage system are increasingly exposed, with a real risk of a sewage lagoon at Beit Lahiya collapsing; the medical and education systems are teetering on the edge of failure, as lack of equipment, spare parts and qualified staff, and psychological strains, undermine their functioning. Vulnerability of the weakest to disease is rising, notably among children, who make up more than half of the population of Gaza.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  36. Since June 2007, the movement of Palestinians in and out of Gaza has been virtually impossible, apart from the short period when the Rafah wall was down, and with limited exceptions made for urgent medical cases, pilgrims, those with student and work visas and foreign residence documentation. The consequences are increasingly severe and visible.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  37. Eight months of severe restrictions on the movement of goods and people entering and leaving the territory, following the Hamas takeover in June 2007, have taken a heavy economic and social toll, coming on top of years of difficulty and economic decline. Whilst the most basic humanitarian goods, particularly food aid, have mostly continued to struggle through, other imports have been progressively closed off, including critical spare parts and raw materials such as cement. Only about 10 per cent of what went into Gaza in January 2007 was allowed to enter in January 2008. In addition, in October, Israel started to reduce the flow of industrial diesel used to operate the single power station in Gaza. In February, the amount of electricity supplied to Gaza from Israel was also reduced.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  38. Mr. Holmes: Thank you, Mr. President, for this opportunity to brief the Council on my visit to the occupied Palestinian territory and Israel from 14 to 18 February. I spent a day in Gaza, a day in the West Bank and a morning in Sderot in southern Israel. I also called on Israeli Government officials, the Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority and others and held intensive discussions with the United Nations and other humanitarian agencies and non-governmental organizations working in both the West Bank and Gaza and with representatives of civil society. I found conditions for the people of Gaza grim and miserable, and far from normal.

    2008-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5846 (2008) · source

  39. The humanitarian consequences of that could dwarf anything we have seen so far, so the responsibility of the politicians on all sides is very great, as is the need for continuing strong support from the international community, including this Council, for solutions to both the short-term political problems and the long-term questions.

    2008-02-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5845 (2008) · source

  40. We will strengthen our own presence further and reinforce our work alongside the Kenyan Red Cross on the basis of a strategic analysis of the needs, a clear action plan and contingency planning in case things deteriorate. As I have suggested, the United Nations will also need to look hard at how to reorient its development programmes for Kenya to reflect the need to deal with the deep underlying problems which have come to the surface. On the other hand, if there is no quick resolution to the political crisis, the risk of a fresh surge in violence, more displacement and further polarization of society is very high.

    2008-02-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5845 (2008) · source

  41. For example, fuel prices in Uganda, the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo and Burundi have increased by almost 50 per cent in the past six weeks. Aid agencies are having to look into alternative routes - for example, through Dar Es Salaam - as a matter of sensible contingency planning in present circumstances. But a peaceful Kenya remains by far the preferred option. There is a huge amount, therefore, at stake. In summary, my assessment is that major humanitarian needs will have to be addressed for many months to come. We are currently looking at least a year ahead, even on the basis of a quick and effective political settlement of the immediate issues.

    2008-02-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5845 (2008) · source

  42. We will be revising the Response Plan in the coming weeks and I hope that donors will respond generously as the strategy behind it develops. The regional implications of this crisis are considerable because of Kenya's long-standing role as East Africa's main transport hub. More than 80 per cent of Uganda's total imports for 2007 passed through Mombasa, as did almost all of Rwanda's exports. Burundi, the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, parts of northern Tanzania and the southern Sudan also rely on the port's facilities to a significant degree. That means that many aid and humanitarian operations in the region also rely on Mombasa and are at risk of being significantly affected by violence and disruptions. There are secondary effects, too.

    2008-02-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5845 (2008) · source

  43. There must also be accountability for those responsible for the violence, the widespread abuses of human rights and the multiple failures to protect civilians. I believe that the United Nations can and should play a vital helping role in many of those areas, including programmes to tackle provision of livelihood support, youth unemployment and reconciliation between communities, building on local initiatives. While in Nairobi, I spoke to the donor community to remind it that the response to the international Emergency Humanitarian Response Plan, which had appealed for $42 million, was so far only 3 around 60 per cent, including a contribution of $7 million from the United Nations Central Emergency Response Fund. That level of funding response is a concern for most agencies in light of the potential for a protracted crisis.

    2008-02-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5845 (2008) · source

  44. Meanwhile, the depth and complexity of the underlying causes of the violence should not be understated; nor should the difficulty of tackling those long-standing issues. Time and political will from all sides will be needed if there is to be any hope of real success and a decent chance of averting further violent explosions in future. Decades-long grievances over land, poverty and wide economic inequalities must be addressed in a context of strong population growth and limited availability of fertile land. Political manipulation of land and tribal issues will have to be prevented in future, including, no doubt, through constitutional and electoral reform to encourage more equitable representation of different interests in Government.

    2008-02-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5845 (2008) · source

  45. We are reinforcing our guidelines on those points and working with the Government and the opposition on the way forward. I emphasized those points in meetings with the Government and the opposition. Both the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister of State for Special Programmes acknowledged them and expressed their gratitude for the support of the United Nations and the international humanitarian community. The Secretary- General of the Orange Democratic Movement and his humanitarian team did likewise, while emphasizing that we needed to pay as much attention to those who were not landowners and who were therefore fleeing to their homelands as to those who were likely to stay in the camps for some time.

    2008-02-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5845 (2008) · source

  46. All of this poses a huge challenge for the politicians, for Kenyan society and for the humanitarian community. Questions about the possible return and resettlement of internally displaced persons are particularly sensitive. There are pressures of conflicting kinds on them and on the humanitarian community. It is natural to want to see as many people as possible return home as soon as possible, but there 08-25105 is a lot to be done in terms of rebuilding confidence and providing reliable security before that can happen in many cases. It is vital in these circumstances to adhere strictly to the principles of impartiality, voluntariness and the need for full consultation with the internally displaced persons themselves about their future.

    2008-02-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5845 (2008) · source

  47. Common threads among all the displaced groups were their urgent need for safety and security, particularly for women and children, with some disturbing accounts of continuing abuses in and around camps, and the deep psychological consequences of the trauma they had been through. I heard dreadful stories of murder, of rape and of burning. The ethnic basis of much of what happened was tragically clear. Heightened ethnic awareness and fears have quickly spread through much of Kenyan society, fuelling polarization. The effects of ethnic divisions on basic government services, for example, have been dramatic in some areas because staff have quietly left or fear to go to work. Overall, it is clear that this displacement crisis will not disappear quickly even if there is a political agreement in the coming days.

    2008-02-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5845 (2008) · source

  48. However, it was also clear that a good deal more needs to be done to consolidate sites, build new camps, increase security and privacy, particularly for women, children and other vulnerable groups, and upgrade the quality of our assistance. It was evident from my discussions in the camps that the vast majority of these people left in panic, taking nothing with them, and are reluctant to return to their homes in the near future because of the violence they have experienced and their continuing fear. In many cases, their homes and crops had been destroyed. These people did not take the view that they had tribal homelands to return to. Many said that they wanted to be resettled elsewhere, though this poses considerable problems of both principle and practicality.

    2008-02-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5845 (2008) · source

  49. Many of them have returned, at least temporarily, to their ancestral homelands in the western provinces. Third are those living in the slums of the greater Nairobi area, who were forced out of their homes and shops during the violence and are now in 08-25105 camps around Nairobi, unsure of where and how to restart their lives. In the first category, Rift Valley Province has over three quarters of the total displaced in Kenya and was one of the worst affected by the violence. I visited five sites in Nakuru and M010 and was impressed by the cooperative efforts of the communities themselves, the Government, the Kenya Red Cross, United Nations agencies and NGOs to meet people's immediate needs.

    2008-02-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5845 (2008) · source

  50. When I was visiting camps in the Nairobi area, one site had had approximately 5,000 people just a few days earlier, but was virtually empty by the time I went to see for myself. Those concerned were moving to their tribal homelands, areas that they considered to be safer. That is a pattern for certain groups among those affected. It greatly complicates identifying and assisting all those in need, including host communities, which will be a considerable challenge for the humanitarian community in the weeks to come. In practice, we have mapped three main types of displaced persons. The first are farmers or smallholders living in the Rift Valley, who have been driven from their land and remain in camps, churches and police stations. Second are migrant workers from western Kenya, who have been chased out of their homes by reprisal attacks.

    2008-02-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.5845 (2008) · source