YouSaid · the spoken record

Jokonya

lines on the record: 98
first: 2000-04-18
most recent: 2002-10-17
sittings or episodes: 9
sources: un-security-council

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“It is about the credibility of multilateralism, adherence to international law and the peaceful settlement of disputes. My delegation urges the Council to opt for multilateralism and for the upholding of international law, which gives credibility to this body. The law of the jungle should not creep into this Organization.”
2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source
“Israel, after violating Security Council resolutions with impunity, has been shielded by the same members which today want to wage war on Iraq. It is common knowledge in the Security Council and to one and all that that country has weapons of mass destruction. It, too, must be disarmed. The Security Council should address this double standard in order not to bring the Charter of the United Nations into disrepute. Let me conclude by reiterating that we need a solution which will quickly put an end to the sanctions, which have brought so much suffering to the people of Iraq. Let the inspectors proceed with their business, so that the suffering of the people of Iraq and the threat of weapons of mass destruction can be buried in the pages of history once and for all. The question before us today is about doing the correct thing.”
2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source
“Like other Members who have spoken before us, my delegation is concerned that, while we are - rightly - rushing to render useless Iraq's capacity to produce and to own weapons of mass destruction, we do not see the same zeal on the part of members of the Council to do away with the weapons of mass destruction that they themselves own. Other members of the Council have even decided not to sign disarmament treaties that seek to make the world free from these dangerous weapons. We are also concerned that, whereas there is a rush to have Iraq abide by Security Council resolutions, the same rush is not displayed when it comes to Israel, which has flouted no less than 28 Security Council resolutions. The murdering and maiming of Palestinian people and the destruction of Palestinian homes does not, in our View, seem to concern the Council.”
2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source
“We believe that this world body's responsibility is to disarm the Iraqi war machinery, particularly with respect to dangerous weapons of mass destruction - chemical, biological and nuclear. The question of regime change is a new phenomenon which makes clear that, instead of being true to their word, as usual, the mighty are bent on shifting the goalposts to suit their agendas. No State, big or small, should threaten other States with the possible use of weapons of mass destruction. We call for resolute action by this body against such States. We are of the view that Iraq's level of destructive capacity should also be of concern to its neighbours, which, in any case, feel the greatest threat. We have not heard cries from these neighbouring States about potential threats from Iraq, except, of course, from Israel.”
2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source
“We have resolution 687 (1991) on the inspection of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Let us use that resolution and wait for a report from the inspectors. Iraq must comply with resolution 687 (1991) and other relevant resolutions. My delegation finds it ironic that, at a time when the Iraqi authorities have agreed to the return of United Nations inspectors, there is talk of adopting a new resolution, with stiff requirements meant either to humiliate the Iraq authorities or to force Iraq to reject the conditions and so stop the inspectors from travelling to that country. This is the old gunboat diplomacy against weak adversaries, and here the goalposts are being shifted.”
2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source
“Any action taken by a Member State before the dispute-settlement channels offered by the United Nations have been exhausted represents a complete breach of international law. In particular, unilateral measures taken outside of the United Nations may register short-term gains but will be very harmful in the long term. Yesterday we had the opportunity to hear from some delegations about the possible consequences for the subregion if the issue of Iraq is handled outside the United Nations. The Government of Iraq has agreed to receive United Nations inspectors and to give them full and unfettered access to all the areas they need to inspect. Members of the Organization need to be vigilant in guarding against tendencies to try to settle disputes outside of the provisions of the Charter.”
2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source
“The whole world therefore expects those to whom these positions of heavy responsibility have been entrusted to desist from pursuing selfish national interests. Instead, they should strive to preserve the authority and credibility of the Charter of the Organization. The Council may recall that, when it was dealing with the question of the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq in 1991, Zimbabwe was presiding over this body. We strove then to put together an international coalition to deal with the matter. The result was a unified action by the international community to rectify untoward international behaviour on the part of Iraq. That result was a demonstration of what multilateralism can achieve. To this day there are no regrets as to those actions. The Charter of the United Nations encourages the peaceful settlement of disputes.”
2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source
“Mr. President, we are delighted to see you presiding over this very important and historic debate on a subject that has been described by some as the survival of the human race. We would also like to take this opportunity to thank our brother and colleague Ambassador Kumalo of South Africa, who has assisted you in facilitating this debate. The debate before us concerns a grave issue with serious implications for multilateralism in the conduct of our business in the United Nations. At risk is a Member of this Organization that is small by all standards and is being threatened with military action by powerful neighbours. Iraq, whose case has been before the Security Council since 1991, risks having its case dealt with outside of this body - a body whose responsibility it is to provide international peace and security for all of humankind.”
2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption2 (2002) · source
“In conclusion, let it be known that the dependence of UNITA on international trade networks renders its illicit trade vulnerable to concerted application of appropriate compliance and regulatory measures. The international community has an obligation to punish all those trading partners that have benefited and continue to benefit from UNITA's war against the Government and the people of Angola.”
2001-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4418 (2001) · source
“The point of war may be precisely the legitimacy which it confers on actions that in peacetime would be punishable as crimes". Angola is one of the major oil-producing countries of Africa and has vast diamond-mining areas. It also produces gold, and were it not for the environmental degradation, the legacy of millions of landmines strewn about its land, Angola has one of the best agricultural profiles in Africa. Unfortunately, because of the war, Angola has not been able to address the needs of its people. It has been said that the discovery of diamonds in a country should be seen as a benefit that brings wealth and prestige. However, in the case of Angola, because of UNITA, diamonds have become a curse that fuels greed and threatens the very existence of that country.”
2001-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4418 (2001) · source
“It is the submission of my delegation that, as long as the international community, particularly those countries that have extended their patronage to terrorist groups which pass for rebel movements in eastern Congo, do not bring to rein their surrogates, efforts to strengthen the sanctions regime against UNITA and plug the loopholes opened as a result of that organization's cooperation with rebel movements in the Congo will remain an exercise in futility. In an article entitled "The Economic Functions of Violence in Civil Wars", David Keen has remarked: "Conflict can create war economies. Often in the regions controlled by the rebels or warlords and linked to international trading networks, members of armed groups can benefit from looting. Under these circumstances, ending civil wars becomes difficult. Winning may not be desirable.”
2001-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4418 (2001) · source
“Savimbi and to lead him back to the Lusaka Protocol, the sole instrument available for the resolution of the Angolan conflict. My delegation welcomes the renewal of the Monitoring Mechanism's mandate for at least another six months. We also associate ourselves with Angola's call for the imposition of new restrictive measures against UNITA in the area of telecommunications under Article 41 of the United Nations Charter and operative paragraph 6 of Security Council 1295 (2000).”
2001-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4418 (2001) · source
“I need not enumerate all acts of wanton destruction, as the Secretary-General's report provides a detailed catalogue of the carnage. The Government of Angola has never closed its doors to negotiations with UNITA within the framework of the Lusaka Protocol. Just two months ago, on 20 September 2001, Angola's Minister for the Interior, Mr. Fernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos "Nando", submitted to the Security Council that "We, the Angolan Government, remain open to a peaceful resolution of our conflict on the basis of the Lusaka Protocol. This Protocol resulted from long negotiations and has essential elements needed to bring the Angolan conflict to an end". (S/PV.43 76) The Minister also reiterated that sanctions against UNITA were not an end but a means to restrain to the maximum extent possible the alternatives available to Mr.”
2001-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4418 (2001) · source
“Since that time, the Security Council has adopted numerous resolutions imposing weapons and oil embargoes against UNITA, prohibiting diamond trade, restricting travel of UNITA's leaders around the world and freezing its bank accounts and those of its leaders abroad. To the chagrin of all and sundry, UNITA's war chest continues to grow in spite of these measures. This is so, because there are willing individuals and organizations that are determined to pursue their narrow, selfish motives at the expense of the Angolan people, who have not known peace since 1975. The Secretary-General's report is an indictment of UNITA for crimes against humanity. Indeed, since May of this year UNITA has renewed its attacks on innocent civilians, triggering a new wave of internally displaced Angolans.”
2001-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4418 (2001) · source
“As one writer has put it; "Had Savimbi been Chairman of a multinational company overseeing such transformation, apart from earning a huge bonus award he would also have won international acclaim". But that transformation would not be possible without those State and non-State actors that disregard the embargo against UNITA. Madam President, with your indulgence let me remind the honourable members that the collapse of the 1994 Lusaka Protocol and the return of Savimbi to war was a consequence of UNITA's failure to comply with its treaty obligations to demobilize, surrender its weapons and hand over areas under its control to State administration.”
2001-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4418 (2001) · source
“Globalization and liberalization have made it easy for these disparate groups to establish parallel and transborder economic linkages necessary for survival, and in terms of reflecting this transformation, UNITA is instructive. During the 1980s UNITA was based near the southern border with Namibia and relied on cold war- sponsored cross-border support from the apartheid regime in South Africa. But today it controls diamond fields in the centre and north of Angola and has, through a shifting pattern of regional transborder and international commercial linkages, managed to sustain its war-making capacity. These linkages have enabled the conflict in Angola to reach levels of destruction far in excess of that during the cold war.”
2001-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4418 (2001) · source
“According to the report, the cooperation between UNITA and other rebel movements in the eastern Congo has made it possible for that part of the country to remain a major transit point for UNITA diamonds. We can only conclude that this cooperation and support to UNITA by the eastern Congo rebels is not founded on the principle of [inaudible]. In fact, in those rebel-controlled areas that straddle the common border of Angola and the Congo, a new political economy based on anarchy and chaos has emerged. As a result of diminishing external patronage, the rebels under the tutelage of UNITA have been forced to develop their own means of economic sustainability.”
2001-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4418 (2001) · source
“During the debate on the report of the Panel of Experts on the violations of Security Council sanctions against UNITA, my delegation submitted to the Council that the failure to account for the presence of economic agendas in conflict had at times undermined international efforts to consolidate fragile peace agreements. In paragraph 12, the supplementary report of the Monitoring Mechanism on Sanctions against UNITA observes that cross-border supplies still reach UNITA from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In that same paragraph, there are allegations that the Congo remains a conduit for UNITA diamonds. However, it should be noted that the report is not referring to the territory under the control of the legitimate Government in Kinshasa but to rebel-held territory in the eastern Congo.”
2001-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4418 (2001) · source
“Having participated in the debate on the ground-breaking report of the Panel of Experts on violations of Security Council sanctions against UNITA on 18 April 2000, and also having co- sponsored the resolution on the role of diamonds in fuelling conflicts, which was adopted by the General Assembly on 1 December 2000, my delegation has requested the floor not only to associate itself with this revealing report by the Secretary-General, which not only has provided an insight into the economic agenda and UNITA's role against innocent Angolans, but also calls for the relentless pursuit of those recalcitrant elements and/or entities that continue to abet UNITA's sanctions-busting exploits.”
2001-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4418 (2001) · source
“We are delighted to see you, Madam, presiding over these deliberations today. We are also delighted to see our brother and friend, Under-Secretary-General Ibrahim Gambari, whose report has enriched our minds today. Let me also recognize the presence of the honourable Minister here, Joao Bernardo de Miranda of Angola. Today's meeting on the situation in Angola, coming as it does after the release of the Secretary- General's report (S/2001/956) on the United Nations Office in Angola (UNOA), and the supplementary report (S/2001/966) of the Monitoring Mechanism on Sanctions against UNITA, could not have been more timely.”
2001-11-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4418 (2001) · source
“Despite the cataclysmic conflict that has resulted in the death of more than 2 million people - mostly in the occupied territories of the Congo - the inter-Congolese dialogue remains on schedule, and must be supported by the international community. I have often avoided apportioning blame, but today I urge the Security Council to impress upon those Lusaka signatories that support the rebels in the Congo to encourage their allies to toe the line. We all know that the rebels are pawns that can be ordered to comply.”
2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source
“The Democratic Republic of the Congo has gone further, and has disarmed the Rwandan rebels and handed them over to the United Nations, thus removing the pretext for Rwanda's invasion of the Congo. But, to the chagrin of all and sundry, instead of Rwanda's withdrawing its forces and being grateful for the assistance by the Democratic Republic of the Congo, it is actually deploying fresh battalions. It is time for the international community to stand up to all these blatant violations of international agreements. The continued presence of uninvited foreign troops does not further the peace dividend, but, rather, helps to unravel the process. In conclusion, my delegation acknowledges the indomitable will of the Congolese people in their quest to shape a new political destiny for posterity.”
2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source
“Both Uganda and Rwanda are reinforcing and consolidating their deployment in eastern Congo, as has been vividly put before the Council by the Foreign Minister. How long shall these belligerent forces continue to hoodwink the international community? Foreign occupation is always accompanied by gross violations of human rights, and this is the case in eastern Congo. The Council has been informed by both State and non-State actors of the suffering visited upon the Congolese people by the occupation forces. It must be emphasized that under the United Nations Charter the Democratic Republic of the Congo has the right to demand the withdrawal from its territory of uninvited foreign troops.”
2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source
“In this regard, my delegation urges those Lusaka signatories responsible for the destruction of Kisangani to fulfil their ceasefire obligations. The joke by RCD-Goma that it is protecting human rights through the illegal occupation of parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is not only farcical, but a blatant disregard for the rights of the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It makes a mockery of the United Nations and should be dismissed with the contempt that it deserves. Not to be outdone, the Ugandan-backed MLC has also been violating the ceasefire, as pointed out in the submission by Foreign Minister She Okitundu. The so- called withdrawal of uninvited foreign forces, which has been accompanied by pomp and ceremony, must be seen for what it is: a facade.”
2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source
“Despite resolutions calling for the demilitarization of Kisangani, Rwanda and its allies in RCD-Goma have not only disregarded these calls, but have set up governmental structures - a de facto balkanization of the Congo. Yet the Security Council has always called for respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. When President Joseph Kabila addressed the Security Council on 2 February 2001, he recognized the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement as the road map for the United Nations engagement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo peace process. In accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement acknowledges the indivisibility of the Congo. The demilitarization of Kisangani merits special attention by the Council.”
2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source
“This group is training and camped in the Rwanda-controlled part of the eastern Congo. Apportioning blame to Kinshasa for the slow progress in Addis Ababa by the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie (RCD)-Goma and the Mouvement pour la liberation du Congo (MLC) rings hollow, when we know from reliable information that just last weekend the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and its Congolese allies in RCD-Goma laid siege to Ugandan-backed Congolese rebels and captured the north-eastern town of Kanyabayongo. This information can be verified by the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Foreign Minister She Okitundu's submission is a challenge to the Security Council, a challenge to ensure that its resolutions are not violated with impunity.”
2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source
“My delegation welcomes, therefore, South Africa's offer to host the next session of the inter- Congolese dialogue. But I must quickly add that South Africa's decision to step into the breach does not excuse the international community from its duty to drive the peace process in the Great Lakes region. Against the backdrop that the Security Council has placed a great premium on the inter-Congolese dialogue in previous Council meetings, I do not need to remind its members that the absence of logistical support could unravel the peace process. Even as we sit here to consider the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, it has been reported that renegade officers of the Ugandan People's Defence Force have formed a rebel group called the People's Redemption Army - one wonders whom they are redeeming.”
2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source
“Zimbabwe regards it as a privilege to pronounce itself before the Security Council on an issue of such importance. The peace talks that have just ended in Addis Ababa have underscored the need for the international community to prodigiously endow the peace process with the requisite resources that would make it possible for the inter-Congolese dialogue to become an all- inclusive process. It is most unfortunate that only 70 of the 320 expected delegates attended the Addis Ababa plenary session. It must be recalled that the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement conceived the inter-Congolese dialogue as an all-inclusive process. For 70 delegates to pretend that they genuinely represented the diverse political opinions and aspirations of the Congolese nation is a violation of the spirit of Lusaka.”
2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source
“At the outset, let me congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month. My delegation also welcome the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mr. Leonard She Okitundu. We appreciate his very comprehensive contribution to this debate. We also welcome the new Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Namanga Ngongi. His appointment to replace Mr. Kamel Morjane is a demonstration of the confidence and trust the international community has in him to steer the Congo process, a challenge of our time. The timing of this meeting, coming immediately after the inter-Congolese dialogue in Addis Ababa, could not be more than perfect.”
2001-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4395 (2001) · source
“This may be so, but members know as well as I that not all sons of Africa have done the continent proud. We are proud of him. We shall always cherish his indomitable courage, candour and total commitment to the cause of peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. As he goes to a new assignment, we know that he will continue to serve humanity and mother Africa.”
2001-07-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4348Resumption1 (2001) · source
“If MONUC is having difficulties with a non-State actor but a signatory to the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement, like the RCD-Goma, what others would it have with those other elements which are not part of the Lusaka Agreement? I therefore urge the Security Council to revise upward MONUC troop levels so as to enable it to accomplish its monumental task. Indeed, the goodwill demonstrated to the Democratic Republic of the Congo by the international community, manifested by the creation of MONUC, should, in our view, be sustained. In conclusion, may I pay homage to a great son of Africa, my friend here, Ambassador Morjane. I know that Ambassador Morjane will consider that we do not need to pay him compliments for performing his duty to mother Africa.”
2001-07-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4348Resumption1 (2001) · source
“It makes a mockery of the Security Council and the United Nations. It must be dealt with. Lastly, let me thank the Security Council for raising both the visibility and the physical presence of the United Nations through the deployment of MONUC. MONUC, with the Joint Military Commission, has commendably driven the peace process. But let us not lose sight of the fact that the sheer size of the Congo makes it impossible for MONUC to effectively discharge its multifaceted duties, which at some stage would involve the tracking down, disarming and rehabilitation of members of the armed groups that are not signatories to the Lusaka Agreement.”
2001-07-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4348Resumption1 (2001) · source
“The Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, acknowledges the indivisibility of the Congo. It is disheartening to note that Kisangani remains militarized despite the adoption of the resolution by the United Nations calling for its demilitarization. The demilitarization of Kisangani merits the attention of this Council, and, in this regard, my delegation urges those Lusaka signatories responsible for the destruction of Kisangani to fulfil their ceasefire obligations. The joke - for it can only be ajoke of the RCD- Goma - that they are protecting human rights through the illegal occupation of parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is not only farcical, but constitutes blatant disregard for the rights of the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.”
2001-07-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4348Resumption1 (2001) · source
“We know that RCD-Goma is a pawn and can be ordered to comply. It is time to stop the continuous exploitation, repression and oppression of the Congolese people by the RCD- Goma. We agree with my colleague of the Russian Federation that sanctions and other measures must be imposed because of RCD recalcitrance. The SADC allied forces have done their part. If stock of what hitherto has been achieved were taken, it would show that the SADC allied forces have fulfilled their part of the bargain. When President Joseph Kabila addressed the Security Council on 2 February 2001, he recognized that the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement was the route map for United Nations engagement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo peace process.”
2001-07-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4348Resumption1 (2001) · source
“The Council will recall that in my previous pronouncement on the Democratic Republic of the Congo imbroglio, I noted three intertwined but different types of conflicts that dominated the Great Lakes landscape, namely, conventional war, guerrilla insurgency and ethnic cleansing. While the first type of conflict, conventional war, which involved State actors, has ceased, the other two types are yet to subside. This explains the upsurge of violence in the two Kivus over the last few weeks. It is in the occupied territories that MONUC is facing harassment and obstructions, particularly from the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratic (RCD- Goma). While it is not the object of my delegation to apportion blame, I call on the Security Council to urge those Lusaka signatories that support RCD-Goma to encourage their ally to toe the line.”
2001-07-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4348Resumption1 (2001) · source
“In this regard, Ambassador Morjane can confirm that since the United Nations situated itself at the head of the table of the Democratic Republic of the Congo peace process through the deployment of MONUC, Zimbabwe has been withdrawing its troops from both the front lines and from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. My delegation also wishes to acknowledge the indomitable will of the Congolese people in their quest to shape a new political destiny for posterity. Despite the cataclysmic conflict that has resulted in the death of more than 2 million people, mostly in the occupied territories, the inter-Congolese dialogue remains on schedule. In this regard, the political space of civil society, especially in occupied eastern Congo, should be recognized.”
2001-07-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4348Resumption1 (2001) · source
“Let me take this occasion to congratulate the United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC) on the sterling work it has accomplished in the last few months. Indeed the deployment of MONUC, together with the cooperation of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement signatories, has transformed challenges into possibilities. For their part, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) allied forces in the Democratic Republic of the Congo took heed of the Security Council's condition that phase II of MONUC deployment would be contingent on the disengagement of all foreign troops.”
2001-07-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4348Resumption1 (2001) · source
“Like my colleagues who have spoken before me, I would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month. You are aware of the very close relations between our two countries, which we shall always cherish. The timing of today's meeting could not have been more perfect, coming as it does after the Security Council has been briefed on the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo by the Secretary- General's Special Representative to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, my brother and dear friend, Ambassador Morjane, who has assumed in our eyes in Africa the role of a spirit medium in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. My delegation regards it as a privilege to participate in this open debate on the Democratic Republic of the Congo.”
2001-07-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4348Resumption1 (2001) · source
“Winning may not be desirable; the point of war may be precisely the legitimacy which it confers on actions that in peacetime would be punishable as crimes." The adoption of the report's recommendations will act as a disincentive to those forces that have unleashed violence on the Congolese people, purportedly in search of security.”
2001-05-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4317Resumption1 (2001) · source
“My delegation supports the Panel's recommendations around the outlined broad themes of sanctions against countries and individuals involved in the illegal activities; preventive measures to avoid a recurrence of the current situation; reparations to the victims of the illegal exploitation of natural resources; improvement of international mechanisms and regulations governing some natural resources; and security issues. In conclusion, let me quote David Keen, who has observed: "Conflict can create war economies, often in the regions controlled by rebels or warlords and linked to international trading networks where members of armed gangs can benefit from looting. Under these circumstances, ending civil wars becomes difficult.”
2001-05-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4317Resumption1 (2001) · source
“In line with the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement, Zimbabwe has started withdrawing its forces form the Congo and my delegation would like to take this occasion to reaffirm that Zimbabwe has no hidden agenda in the Congo and seeks only to safeguard its territorial integrity and sovereignty. I would also like to bring to memory the role Zimbabwe has played in the cause of African liberation and dignity. Zimbabwe deployed its forces in Mozambique in 1995 to fight alongside their Mozambican counterparts against RENAMO, a surrogate of apartheid South Africa. Those same troops were to remain in Mozambique for seven years and effectively contributed to ending the war in Mozambique with only one purpose: to help Mozambique regain peace, stability and development.”
2001-05-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4317Resumption1 (2001) · source
“Furthermore, the request of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to SADC was in line with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter regarding the right of a State to ask for military assistance when its security, sovereignty and territorial integrity are threatened. The decision was also in line with a resolution of the Inter-State Defence and Security Committee at a meeting held in Cape Town, South Africa, in 1995, at which SADC countries agreed to take collective action in the case of attempted coups to remove Governments by military means. It was in this spirit that troops from Botswana and South Africa intervened in Lesotho to suppress an armed mutiny against the Government in 1998.”
2001-05-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4317Resumption1 (2001) · source
“In addition to eyewitness reports of Rwandese troops passing through the war front, there was also the interesting coincidence that the rebellion started only after Kabila had dismissed Rwandese officers from the army of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. After realizing that he could not contain the foreign invaders alone, the late President Kabila appealed for assistance from the member countries of the SADC. The request was made at a meeting of the Inter-State Defence and Security Committee that was held in Harare on 18 August to consider the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The military intervention by Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe came as a result of this appeal by the internationally recognized Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a member of SADC.”
2001-05-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4317Resumption1 (2001) · source
“In pursuance of the above, the Foreign Ministers of Namibia, Tanzania and Zambia, headed by Zimbabwe's Foreign Minister, visited Uganda, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including Goma, from 11 to 18 August. During their trip, the team held extensive discussions with Presidents Museveni, Bizimungu, Kabila and Kagame and the rebel leadership in Goma, as well as the people of the eastern Congo, regarding the war situation. The ministerial team concluded that while there were rebels in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, there was very clear and irrefutable evidence of a foreign invasion, that propped up the rebellion.”
2001-05-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4317Resumption1 (2001) · source
“Pursuant to President Museveni's request, President Mugabe called a summit meeting of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda, Rwanda, Zambia, Tanzania and Zimbabwe at Victoria Falls on 7 and 8 August 1998. The disagreement at the Victoria Falls Summit regarding the nature of conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo - whether it was an internal rebellion against Kabila, as claimed by Rwanda and Uganda, or a foreign invasion - resulted in the setting up of a committee comprising Namibia, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe that had a dual mandate. The mandate was as follows: to verify whether the fighting in the Democratic Republic of the Congo was the result of an internal rebellion or an aggression by neighbouring countries and to recommend a way forward, depending on the findings.”
2001-05-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4317Resumption1 (2001) · source
“To set the record straight, let us go back down memory lane to 1998. At the Southern African International Dialogue on smart partnership, held in the Namibian coastal town of Swakopmund at the end of July 1998, President Museveni of Uganda asked President Mugabe, in his capacity as Chairman of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security of the Southern African Development Community, to convene a meeting to discuss the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Museveni told President Mugabe of Zimbabwe, President Mkapa of Tanzania and President Nujoma of Namibia that trouble was brewing in the eastern Congo, and that Mugabe and his colleagues needed to call Kabila of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Bizimungu of Rwanda to ascertain what was happening.”
2001-05-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4317Resumption1 (2001) · source
“Allow me to observe that many foreign countries and companies, the majority from the developed countries, are operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in accordance with international and domestic laws of that country in the same manner that Zimbabwe is doing, and yet they are not treated as "special cases". President Joseph Kabila's explanation of Zimbabwe's intervention in the Congo therefore differs very much from the conclusions drawn by the report before us, and it is not difficult to see why. Because the report treats Zimbabwe's intervention in the Congo from an ahistoric perspective, it renders the whole exercise a perfunctory one, whereby the Panel congratulates itself for doing its job by coming up with conclusions of non- cooperation, but for the wrong reasons.”
2001-05-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4317Resumption1 (2001) · source
“In the same breath, in paragraph 165, the Panel says that it "does not draw any conclusions" from Zimbabwe's economic cooperation with the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Why then does it allow this insinuation to be embedded in the report? My Government dismisses this innuendo with the contempt that it deserves. As pointed out by President Joseph Kabila, the joint ventures and other operations of Zimbabwean companies in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are above board and are carried out under agreements with the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and in compliance with the laws of that country.”
2001-05-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4317Resumption1 (2001) · source
“President Joseph Kabila concluded by saying that "The relationship between the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe in particular and the SADC region in general must be a good example of integration and southern African cooperation." Who is better qualified to pronounce himself on the legality of the economic cooperation between Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of the Congo than the President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo himself? The report before us insinuates that my President, Mr. Robert Gabriel Mugabe, once told unnamed interlocutors that the late President Kabila had given him a mine concession. The suggestion here is that my President derived personal gain from Zimbabwe's intervention in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.”
2001-05-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4317Resumption1 (2001) · source
“After expressing appreciation for the "African solidarity" shown by Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia in responding to the request of the legitimate Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to defend its territorial integrity and sovereignty, and after inviting and encouraging mutual beneficial economic cooperation between Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of the Congo and referring to "our mutual projects like SENGA MINES, among others", he had this to say: "The joint ventures between our two Governments are not to be confused with the looting of the mineral resources of the Democratic Republic of Congo, as is the case in the occupied zones of my country." He went on to invite experts from both sides to come up with "new creative projects that will benefit our two countries", and said that "we must accelerate the implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding, which includes free-trade circulation of goods and people between our two countries".”
2001-05-03 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4317Resumption1 (2001) · source