YouSaid · the spoken record

Lancry

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313
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2000-04-19
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2002-10-17
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24
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un-security-council

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  1. Is there going to be a day when the Syrian democrats, professional enslavers, will restore the Lebanese people their freedom? Where is, then, the lost resolution of the Security Council that will one day invite one of its members - I would say the most unusual one, in his dual guise as occupier and member of this Council - to finally negotiate its withdrawal from Lebanon. That is the question that Syria must respond to before this Council.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  2. The representative of Syria engaged with vigour in the ritual denigration of Israeli democracy, no doubt because he himself is steeped in a staunch Syrian democracy. His republic is run in flawless republican order, including the transmission of power from father to son, or, more precisely, from one generation to the next. The representative of Syria is revolted by Israel as a democracy of occupation. I would remind that revolted democrat that the Israeli occupation, a result of Arab aggression, is at least, negotiable. I would recall that it was negotiated with Egypt and Jordan, to the satisfaction of all parties. But can the same be said of the Syrian occupation of Lebanon? Is it pursued on behalf of Syrian democracy? What hope is there for Lebanon?

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  3. Neither the Arab party concerned - I refer to Syria - nor the Palestinian side can set itself up as sole and selective master decoder of resolutions whose inconvenient provisions they trample underfoot, only to play the role of inspector of works undertaken and completed by Israel. Negotiations and reciprocity in the implementation of Security Council resolutions are the cornerstone of the Israeli-Arab-Palestinian dialogue. Thus, the offhand association of Israel with Iraq is nothing more than a dangerous distraction that plays into the hands of an unscrupulous dictatorship. I know that reference to Israel as a democracy, howsoever imperfect its need to survive and its dedication to peace, occasionally stirs up emotions in certain quarters.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  4. Have we heard the Permanent Observer of Palestine say a single word about the need, as stipulated in those resolutions, to end the suicide attacks and Palestinian terrorism in all its forms, or to declare a genuine ceasefire between Israelis and Palestinians? This is a slew of Palestinian obligations with which the most recent series of Security Council resolutions is replete and which the Palestinians seem to ignore with easy disdain. It is essential that we differentiate between resolutions adopted, on the one hand, under Chapter V1 with respect to Israel and its partners in peace, and those adopted under Chapter VII with respect to Iraq, on the other. We must declare null and void indictments based on false linkages.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  5. Undoubtedly, such resolutions exist, but their existence is so bound up in the context of earnest and responsible implementation that they are at the very heart of negotiations with the Palestinians. The final status of Jerusalem, along with the question of refugees, the issue of settlements and the definitive shape of the borders of the Palestinian State are inscribed in the framework of the final status stipulated in the Oslo accords. It should be noted once again that the Permanent Observer of Palestine continues to be obsessed, in defending and elaborating his argument, with forcing a one-dimensional reading of the resolutions of the Security Council that he cited earlier. For the Permanent Observer of Palestine, those resolutions concern Israel alone, while the Palestinians may ignore them with impunity.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  6. Mr. Lancry (Israel) (spoke in French): If Israel has felt it useful to speak in this discussion, it is basically to resist the thoughtless intermingling of ideas that lumps Iraq and Israel in the same category of offender with respect to the implementation of Security Council resolutions. We wish to express our disagreement with regard to Iraq by retracing a very evocative illustration of Security Council resolutions on peace between Israel and its Arab and Palestinians neighbours. It will be said, as was done a few moments ago by the Permanent Observer of Palestine, that beyond the principal resolutions - resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) - there is a series of other resolutions, touching on various aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian dialogue, that require implementation.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  7. We cannot lose sight of the fact that the resolution of the conflict in the Middle East is only possible through both sides fulfilling their obligations and negotiating the terms of a final settlement in an atmosphere of partnership and cooperation. We hope that other Member States will do their utmost to help create such an atmosphere.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  8. Take two States, one a dictatorship and serial violator of Council resolutions and human rights that is dedicated to the acquisition of chemical, biological and nuclear weapons and fighting for regional domination; the other is a democracy upholding the principles of the rule of law and freedom of speech, a people whose survival has been tested for decades but who are still committed to peace, both for themselves and for future generations in the Middle East. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a serious one, and deservedly a source of international concern. But the cause of peace in the Middle East is not served by the charges we have heard in the course of this debate, nor is it served by false comparisons and deliberate obfuscation intended not to foster constructive action, but rather to prevent it.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  9. But beyond all that lies a more significant, and indeed more fundamental, distinction between Iraq and Israel. Israel is a country confronting the daily threat of terrorist attacks against its civilians, as well as repeated threats to destroy it, including threats from remote neighbours like Iran and Iraq. Are we to forget that just months before the Gulf War, Saddam Hussein threatened to "completely burn half of Israel", and that in the course of that war 39 Iraqi Scud missiles fell on Israeli cities without any provocation? Is there a double standard, as certain Member States have alleged? There is a simple test.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  10. The Palestinian Authority has thus far refused to live up to its obligation to arrest and prosecute terrorists and has thereby forced Israel to take actions to protect its citizens. In short, these obligations were totally ignored by the Palestinian Authority. Unlike resolutions concerning Iraq, the Council's resolutions on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict do not envision Israeli actions without reciprocal commitment and implementation by other parties to the dispute. They are part and parcel of a number of interdependent actions aimed at ending violence and terrorism and returning the parties to a political process. They cannot be compared to resolutions adopted under Chapter VII, which address the threat posed by the aggressive intentions of one regime to both the region and the world.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  11. Following the adoption of resolution 1402 (2002), Israel has gradually withdrawn its troops from Palestinian cities, including Ramallah, successfully negotiated a peaceful end to the stand-off at the Church of the Nativity and redeployed our forces to the perimeter of population centres, in the hope that reciprocal Palestinian measures called for in the resolution would follow. But despite the call on the Palestinian Authority to adhere to a meaningful ceasefire and to end all acts of violence, terror and incitement, it did none of those things. Similarly, the recently adopted resolution 1435 (2002) placed obligations on both parties, including a call upon the Palestinian Authority to end all acts of violence, terror and incitement, and to bring to justice those responsible for terrorist acts.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  12. Despite that, Hizbullah terrorists have continued to launch cross- border attacks against Israel. The group has abducted three Israeli soldiers and one civilian, jeopardized security and stability in the area and threatens to provoke a broader regional confrontation. These illegal and dangerous activities are carried out in blatant violation of resolution 425 (1978) and with the ongoing support of the Government of Syria, which is itself a member of the Council, and the acquiescence of the Government of Lebanon. Israel has also taken significant steps to implement the resolutions adopted by the Council since September 2000.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  13. All parties accepted those resolutions as the basis of the Madrid Peace Conference. They also provided the basis for our peacemaking with the Palestinians, for our mutual recognition, for the Oslo accords and for nearly a decade of peace negotiations. Those negotiations broke off as a result of the decision by the Palestinian side to revert to a strategy of violence and terrorism and as a result of its rejection, both in word and deed, of the right of States in the region to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries, as required by resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). In May 2000, Israel fully implemented its obligations under Security Council resolution 425 (1978), a fact that has been confirmed by the Secretary- General and endorsed by the Council.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  14. The distinction between resolutions adopted under Chapter VI and those adopted under Chapter VII recognizes that in certain cases the Council might wish to express itself in the form of a recommendation or in a broadly outlined statement of principles, rather than an explicit demand of one particular Member State. What else but a double standard could possibly blur the gaping distinctions between Iraq, which has repeatedly violated and flouted the resolutions of the Council, and Israel, which has repeatedly taken significant steps, at considerable risk to its own security, to implement the Council's will? Indeed, the principles set out by the Council in resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) provided the basis for Israel's peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan, and will hopefully enable us to reach peace with our other neighbours as well.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  15. What else could explain the failure to see any distinction between binding resolutions, adopted under Chapter VII of the Charter - resolutions that set out specific actions to be taken by Iraq, independent of the actions of any other party - and interdependent recommendations or statements of principle, adopted under Chapter VI, that are designed to move all the parties forward in the Middle East? The Charter of the United Nations is itself founded on the understanding that different situations and disputes require different responses and that not every conflict requires identical action.

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  16. Israel feels compelled to take the floor in the light of the numerous charges, made in the course of this debate, that the Security Council has adopted a double standard with regard to Israel's compliance with Council resolutions. In fact, those statements are the strongest proof that there is indeed a double standard: one directed against Israel. What else could explain such a deliberate blindness to the fundamental differences between Iraq's defiance of the Council and Israel's commitment to a peaceful settlement of conflict with its neighbours?

    2002-10-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4625Resumption3 (2002) · source

  17. We remain committed to working in a cooperative, regional approach, as part of a shared global commitment to end the tragedy caused by these weapons. Finally, Israel believes that the international community should recognize the right of States to acquire and produce small arms for self-defence and the necessities of national security, as determined by each State. However, the international community does have the right to insist that the use of these weapons be restricted to self-defence and national security purposes only. Moreover, we have the full right - and, indeed, the obligation - to demand that States ensure that these weapons do not fall into unauthorized hands.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  18. Moreover, Israel's export control regulations concerning the export of small arms and light weapons obligate the exporter to apply for separate and specific licences from the relevant authorities, including negotiation permits and export licences. In addition, Israel invests in research, development and production of new technologies and equipment to prevent the illicit smuggling of arms along its borders and points of entry. Israel has an extremely advanced marking and record-keeping system, which is an integral part of the production process. This marking is very reliable. Israel is willing to work with other countries in our region to coordinate our efforts and share our experience in combating the illicit spread of small arms and light weapons.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  19. We share the efforts of like- minded States to place this issue at the top of the arms control agenda. We also believe that cooperation and coordination at the international level should be strengthened in the continuing fight against proliferation. Israel adheres to strict export control regimes. Israel's firm arms-transfer policy includes tight controls aimed, inter alia, at the prohibition of exports to regions or States under United Nations Security Council sales embargoes, non-State entities, subversive and underground movements, terrorist or guerrilla groups, criminal organizations, or areas where there is ongoing internal armed conflict between rival parties.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  20. Terrorism, after all, is only viable if countries allow, and even support, its fortification by weapons transfers. The Security Council, as the body now charged with coordinating the international efforts against terrorism, must also address the role of arms proliferation in terrorist activities. Specifically, in the context of the counter-terrorist measures it is requiring of all States, the Council must issue a call for the implementation of measures to prevent arms from falling into the hands of terrorists. Israel continues to face threats to its very existence, as well as a regional build-up of conventional weapons. We therefore have consistently attached great importance to confronting overall proliferation threats and challenges, including small arms, and have placed counter-proliferation high on Israel's security agenda.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  21. It hardly needs to be mentioned that these weapons are intended not for defensive purposes but to escalate the terrorist campaign against the citizens of Israel and that they serve only to create ever-greater obstacles along the path to peace and reconciliation. Many of the weapons seized were subsequently destroyed. We wish to take this opportunity to call upon our neighbours and all the countries in the region to adopt a responsible policy and to take the necessary measures to stop the flow of arms from their territories to terrorist groups. We expect the international community to join us in that call. The result of this flow of arms is the fuelling of the conflict by increasing the amount of illegal arms in terrorist hands, thereby adding to human suffering, animosity and instability in the region.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  22. The Karine A and the weapons discovered aboard it were financed by the Palestinian Authority with the assistance of other States in the region. The use of boats to carry weapons intended for terrorist use, without any country accepting responsibility, is a phenomenon that should be declared unacceptable by the international community. Furthermore, last April, in the course of Operation Defensive Shield, Israel seized nearly 2,000 Kalashnikov rifles, almost 400 sniper rifles and over 2,000 long rifles from Palestinian terrorists. These weapons are in addition to the pistols, mortars, grenades, launchers, bombs and other explosive devices that Israeli forces discovered. Much of this weaponry was purchased with the help of other regimes in the Middle East.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  23. Though the spirit and the letter of the Oslo agreements greatly restrict the number and type of weapons permitted to the Palestinian Authority, we remain perpetually at risk due to the dangerous violation of these accords. In the early morning of 3 January 2002, the Israel Defense Forces seized a ship called the Karine A, carrying 50 tons of weapons and ammunition bound for the Palestinian territories. The ship contained an enormous cache of weaponry that would have significantly elevated the ability of Palestinian terrorists to kill and maim Israeli civilians. Among the weapons found were a large number of rockets, mortars and launchers; anti-tank weaponry, mines and explosives; and other types of light weaponry, including sniper rifles, assault rifles and hand grenades.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  24. Small arms in the hands of terrorist organizations have exacted a high price in human suffering, while also serving to obstruct efforts to achieve a durable peace. Not only in Israel, but in other parts of the world as well, terrorism has been a cause of political instability and hinders social and economic development. Clearly, small arms have not had small consequences. Moreover, the relative speed and ease with which terrorist groups have built up significant stockpiles of conventional arms even raises the spectre of their one day being capable of deploying weapons of mass destruction. It is imperative that we act now to prevent even greater threats in the future. In our region, we are particularly vulnerable to the harmful effects of the illicit traffic in small arms.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  25. All efforts should be exerted to find ways and means to implement the provisions of the Programme of Action, including measures to pressure recalcitrant States to do more to fulfil their obligations. We are pleased with the progress that has been made, especially in several regional initiatives which constitute an appropriate framework for combating the illicit circulation of small arms and light weapons. Still, more work needs to be done to prevent arms from falling into the hands of those who would use them for criminally destructive purposes. Israel is a country that, more than half a century after its establishment, continues to face threats both from States in the region as well as from terrorist organizations with increasing access to conventional weapons.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  26. Action taken at the national level must be supplemented by regional coordination and cooperative international efforts. Arms proliferation is, after all, a transnational problem, exploited mainly by international terrorists and criminal organizations. If States adopt clear and explicit commitments to bar different entities under their jurisdiction from engaging in the illicit traffic of arms, withhold assistance from outside elements involved in this traffic, and cooperate in international and regional frameworks, we can greatly reduce the threat posed by these weapons. The Programme of Action, adopted in July 2001 during the Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects, represents an important first step in this regard.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  27. These efforts to deny terrorists the means to carry out their attacks must also include steps aimed at denying them access to small arms and light weapons. This may seem like an unattainable objective, but in fact it is entirely within our ability to achieve. Israel believes that the best way to curb the illicit circulation of small arms and light weapons throughout the world is, first, through strong national commitment and determination. It is our view that States bear the primary responsibility for ensuring that no weapons, including small arms, are transferred from their territory without proper oversight. States must undertake adequate marking and recording procedures for all weapons, stringent export controls and appropriate domestic legislation to prevent the misuse and proliferation of arms.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  28. Our aim must be to prevent not only the irresponsible flow of arms, ammunition and explosives, but also the indiscriminate attacks which inevitably result from illicit trade and trafficking. Our actions must also deal directly not only with States that engage in this activity, but also with non- State actors - terrorist groups, criminal organizations and others - that gain access to small arms and light weapons. In the past year, the world has recognized the threat that terrorism poses to freedom, security and global stability. The international community has resolved not only to combat terrorists directly, but also to insist that States end the financial and logistical support that makes terrorism possible.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  29. At the outset, I would like to commend the Secretary-General for his report on small arms and, in the same vein, to thank Under- Secretary-General Dhanapala for his remarkable introduction of the report this morning. The State of Israel views the illicit trade and trafficking in small arms and light weapons first and foremost as a humanitarian issue. Such activity invariably leads to the loss of innocent life and affects the basic right of people to lead their lives peacefully, without fear of getting killed simply for being in the wrong place at the wrong time. The humanitarian dimension of this problem must remain foremost in our minds as we conduct deliberations on this matter.

    2002-10-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4623Resumption1 (2002) · source

  30. Those who trample our most fundamental values by targeting innocent civilians, and those regimes that do not act to prevent such atrocities by failing to fulfil their obligations under resolution 1373 (2001), must be made to pay a price. It is the responsibility of the Security Council to set a high price for such actions and to take the steps necessary to exact it.

    2002-10-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4618Resumption2 (2002) · source

  31. If terrorist tactics succeed in intimidating the international community and extracting concessions from it, we are only inviting further terror and run the risk of destabilizing vast regions of the globe. The success of any terrorist organization serves as an inspiration to terrorist organizations elsewhere. Conversely, the defeat of terrorism anywhere, and our collective refusal never to succumb to its threats, will send a clear message to terrorists everywhere. If we are to be victorious in our campaign to rid the world of terrorism, we must clearly demonstrate our resolve never to reward terrorism or to allow terrorists to succeed in their goals.

    2002-10-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4618Resumption2 (2002) · source

  32. As the Secretary-General declared in the aftermath of the attacks of 11 September, and as he has emphasized on other occasions, "There can be no acceptance of those who would seek to justify the deliberate taking of innocent civilian life, regardless of cause or grievance. If there is one universal principle that all peoples can agree on, surely it is that." (A/56/PV.]2, p. 3) The cause of terrorism is fundamentally the success of terrorism. If terrorist organizations and their patrons see that they can engage in morally abhorrent tactics without losing sympathy or international standing, it will merely embolden them and those who emulate them.

    2002-10-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4618Resumption2 (2002) · source

  33. Accepting that terrorism can be legitimate under certain political conditions threatens to severely undermine those parties willing to resolve disputes through peaceful means. If the international community tolerates any act of terrorism as a legitimate tactic, it risks discouraging the very methods it has championed for the peaceful resolution of disputes. Furthermore, accepting that there are different kinds of terrorism will weaken the international community's war on terrorism by allowing States to take shelter behind the argument that the type of terrorism they support is of the "justifiable" kind. We must defend the principle that no cause or grievance ever justifies the deliberate and indiscriminate targeting of civilians. We must define terrorism on the basis of what one does, not what one does it for.

    2002-10-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4618Resumption2 (2002) · source

  34. The consequences of failure are potentially so severe that to turn a blind eye to even one State's failure to abide by its responsibilities is to threaten the security of the entire world. Another lesson we have learned is that, even in the face of overwhelming evidence, certain parties continue to fabricate distinctions between different types of terror in a deliberate attempt to obscure and divert the international community's fight against terrorism. These parties maintain that differences exist between so-called good terrorism and bad terrorism, between the justifiable targeting of civilians and the unjustifiable targeting of civilians. Israel believes that such distinctions are not only wrong and contrary to the most basic principles of international law, but that they are also profoundly dangerous.

    2002-10-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4618Resumption2 (2002) · source

  35. Whereas the cooperation of 180 or 185 Member States on issues such as sustainable development or combating HIV/AIDS is generally considered an extraordinary achievement, the failure of even one State to comply with the provisions of resolution 1373 (2001) could portend widespread disaster. The CTC must look carefully and comprehensively at each country's report. It must scrutinize and draw attention to gaps, failures and oversights. It must possess the will, determination and courage to expose and confront those States that have failed to fulfil their responsibilities under resolution 1373 (2001) - a resolution adopted under Chapter VII of the Charter in recognition of the threat to international peace and security posed by terrorists.

    2002-10-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4618Resumption2 (2002) · source

  36. In the Middle East, many terrorist groups receive training and funding from States in the region, including payments of tens of thousands of United States dollars to the families of suicide bombers. We have also learned that the amount of money and training required to perpetrate a massive act of terrorism is frighteningly small. Just as only a few determined individuals and a relatively small amount of money succeeded in shocking the world on 11 September, it takes only one country granting safe harbour and financial and logistical support to terrorists to sustain a large, complex and deadly organization. The Counter-Terrorism Committee must therefore insist on full compliance with resolution 1373 (2001) by every United Nations Member State.

    2002-10-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4618Resumption2 (2002) · source

  37. First and foremost, the world has recognized the fact that terrorism does not exist in a vacuum, but can survive only with the support and complicity of States. Resolution 1373 (2001) was predicated on the conviction that if we deny terrorists the safe harbour and financial and logistical support they currently receive from States, we will have dealt a serious blow to the global terrorist infrastructure. These States and others that support terrorism must be targeted no less than the terrorists themselves. Without the training areas and safe harbour that Al-Qaeda enjoyed in Afghanistan, the attacks of 11 September would likely have been impossible.

    2002-10-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4618Resumption2 (2002) · source

  38. As a country that has endured the perpetration of countless acts of terrorism on its soil and which continues to deal with that threat on a daily basis, Israel is acutely aware of the dangers terrorism poses to free and open societies and of the need to combat it uncompromisingly and without fear. Israel also understands the challenges facing certain States that have little experience in battling terrorism. Israel stands ready to assist those States by sharing the many strategies and techniques it has developed in its decades-long struggle against terror. The tragic events of 11 September have taught the world many important lessons about terrorism and the threat it poses to all civilized nations.

    2002-10-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4618Resumption2 (2002) · source

  39. (spoke in English) In the year since the horrific events of 11 September, the international community, and particularly this Council, have worked with great resolve and determination to adopt measures that will substantially hinder the ability of terrorist organizations to perpetrate their evil acts. Israel continues to strongly support and cooperate with the work of the Counter-Terrorism Committee (CTC) and extends its congratulations to its Chairman, Sir Jeremy Greenstock, for his most capable leadership. We fully support the counter-terrorist measures that the Council has established, as well as the CTC's efforts to monitor their implementation. Much important progress has been made and much more remains to be done.

    2002-10-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4618Resumption2 (2002) · source

  40. Mr. Lancry (Israel) (spoke in French): Permit me, Sir, to congratulate you in French, a language that you wield so admirably. I believe that every member of the international community and of the Security Council duly appreciates your linguistic talents, particularly in this language, which you imbue with undeniable poetic grace. I wish to express my joy at seeing you in the presidency of the Security Council and also to thank your predecessor, our friend Ambassador Stefan Tafrov of Bulgaria, for his excellent work as President of the Council last month. I wish you every success in your undertakings and in the difficult tasks that await you this month.

    2002-10-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4618Resumption2 (2002) · source

  41. This act provided her with a life-saving transplant. In the past, the families of Palestinians who have lost their lives in the conflict with Israel have made similarly life-affirming and courageous gestures, donating their organs to Israelis suffering from illness and disease. These contributions are the very antithesis of terror. They provide a glimmer of hope that, despite the bitterness, death and mourning, we can still recognize common humanity and common destiny.

    2002-09-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4614 (2002) · source

  42. Ending the terror, incitement and hatred, and engaging in genuine face-to-face negotiations, in a spirit of good faith and partnership, is the only way we can achieve the vision the Council has endorsed and pave the way for a brighter future for all the peoples of the region. I would like to conclude by drawing the Council's attention to a story that I believe should serve not only as an inspiration, but also as a reminder that, even in the face of the devastating reality Palestinians and Israelis face each day, there remains among the peoples of this troubled region the basic need for coexistence. Jonathan Jesner was a teenage student who was among those killed in Tel Aviv on Thursday. The Jesner family donated his kidney to a 7-year-old Palestinian girl, Yasmin Abu Ramila, who was suffering from a debilitating disease.

    2002-09-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4614 (2002) · source

  43. Resolutions that fail to address the context of terrorism, specifically demand the dismantling of terrorist organizations such as Islamic Jihad, Hamas and the Fatah Al-Aqsa Brigades and condemn suicide bombing in the strongest possible terms are simply a further incentive for the continuation of the Palestinian terrorist campaign. If international support can be garnered for one-sided resolutions, why should compromise be sought at the negotiating table? As we know from history, achieving a vision of two States living in peace and security depends not on entertaining partisan initiatives, but on genuine and meaningful dialogue. But if violence and terror continue, it will be impossible to arrive at a political settlement.

    2002-09-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4614 (2002) · source

  44. That it has utterly refused to do so, even after more than two years of hostilities, is a most telling indication of the status of its commitment to ending violence and returning to a political process. The only enduring solution to the conflict in the region is the one articulated by President Bush and endorsed by the Council, one in which two States live side by side in peace, security and coexistence. The Foreign Minister of Israel, addressing the General Assembly just a few days ago, again expressed Israel's enduring commitment to that vision. Additional Security Council resolutions, particularly one-sided ones, are more than unhelpful; they are counterproductive.

    2002-09-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4614 (2002) · source

  45. Rather than take action against those it knows are complicit in acts of terrorism, the Palestinian Authority grants them immunity within its headquarters and protects them. The Palestinian leadership must establish itself as the only party with the authority to exercise the use of force. It can no longer tolerate the existence of numerous armed groups, each with its own agenda, methods and doctrine, acting independently of one another. The monopoly of the use of force is one of the most basic responsibilities of national leadership. A leadership that fails to exercise that responsibility has also lost its legitimate right to lead. These steps, which are expected by the international community, are more than within the power of the Palestinian leadership to undertake.

    2002-09-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4614 (2002) · source

  46. It must stop hanging portraits of terrorists from buildings, naming streets after them and holding them up as role models for other Palestinians to follow. In short, it must completely de-legitimize terrorism and suicide bombing in the eyes of its people. Every one of these obligations stem from specific Security Council resolutions, signed commitments and the requirements of international law, which the Palestinian leadership has repeatedly flouted. Instead of respecting its legal obligations, the Palestinian leadership, even to this day, continues to harbour terrorists and refuses to arrest them and bring them to justice. Inside the leadership compound in Ramallah are 50 individuals who have planned, funded and orchestrated scores of terrorist attacks and who are responsible for countless deaths of innocent civilians.

    2002-09-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4614 (2002) · source

  47. If the Palestinian leadership is unwilling to confront these demonstrated enemies of peace, then it undermines its claim to be a partner for peace. The responsibility of the Palestinian leadership is clear. It must act decisively and resolutely to combat Palestinian terrorism. It must end the financial, logistical and moral support it has provided to terrorist organizations. It must dismantle the infrastructure upon which Palestinian terrorists depend. It must confiscate their weapons, arrest their leaders, shut down their offices and cut off their sources of funding. It must end the relentless incitement to violence in the official Palestinian Authority-controlled media. It must stop the glorification of violence and martyrdom in Palestinian schools.

    2002-09-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4614 (2002) · source

  48. Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres and Defence Minister Benjamin Ben-Eliezer have met a number of times with Palestinian officials and the meetings appeared promising. The Quartet met in New York in still another effort to revive the peace process. And yet, with every hopeful step forward, terrorism forces us to take an even greater step backward. As Foreign Minister Peres observed in his recent speech before the General Assembly, despite the complexity of the conflicts in the Middle East, if it were not for terror we could have already resolved them. Terror, however, does not solve conflicts, it entrenches them. Time and again Palestinian terrorist groups have shown their eagerness to scuttle any attempts to energize the peace process and restore hope to the people of the region.

    2002-09-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4614 (2002) · source

  49. Steps that were taken to improve the humanitarian conditions of the Palestinian population have been cynically Viewed by terrorists as opportunities. Any relaxation in Israeli security policy is seized upon, and in the past few days we have all witnessed the catastrophic result. This is the clearest affirmation of what we have constantly asserted: that the only thing which stands between Palestinian terrorists and their Israeli victims is the preventive actions of the Israeli military. These attacks have also affirmed the terrorists' violent rejection of any efforts at reconciliation between the parties, as they come amidst resurgent efforts of responsible parties to help stop the violence and bring the parties back to the negotiating table.

    2002-09-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4614 (2002) · source

  50. During this same period there have been some encouraging signs of internal Palestinian dialogue, including the voices of those who are beginning to question the value of the Palestinian campaign of terrorism and suicide bombings. Israel is following these discussions with great interest, and we are cautiously optimistic that they may signal a new direction for the Palestinian people. As a result of this period of quiet, and out of genuine concern for the plight of the Palestinian population, Israel had begun to scale back some of the security precautions it had implemented. Various steps were taken to ease the freedom of movement of Palestinians, particularly the suspension of curfews. It is no coincidence that terrorist attacks have resumed at precisely the moment that Israel has relaxed some of its security precautions.

    2002-09-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4614 (2002) · source