YouSaid · the spoken record

Muchetwa

lines on the record: 53
first: 1999-03-19
most recent: 2003-02-19
sittings or episodes: 5
sources: un-security-council

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“The French proposals and the offers made by other members of the Council to assist in the disarmament process of Iraq are a milestone in that process. Let us remember that resolution 1441 (2002) deals with the disarmament of Iraq and has nothing to do with regime change. Resolution 1441 (2002) remains a beacon of hope and the only legitimate road map for verifying Iraq's disarmament.”
2003-02-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4709Resumption1 (2003) · source
“Observations by the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission and the IAEA that they have not found Iraq in material breach of resolution 1441 (2002) and that Baghdad is proactively supporting the inspectors by encouraging its scientists to accept private interviews with the inspectors and by allowing reconnaissance flights are welcome and should be encouraged. I was present in the Security Council last Friday and heard the thunderous applause that punctuated France's statement. I would like to take this opportunity to identify my delegation with the leadership France has assumed in guiding the Security Council back to its core business of providing global peace and security.”
2003-02-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4709Resumption1 (2003) · source
“While my delegation is not suggesting that Iraq should not cooperate with the inspectors, we must give serious consideration to the Arab proverb that we heard from the Iraqi Permanent Representative in the Council Chamber last week that "an empty hand has nothing to give" (S/PV4707, p. 31). Mr. Blix and Mr. ElBaradei have informed us that they have found no evidence to suggest that Iraq has reactivated its weapons of mass destruction programme, and we must abide by their findings. It is the bounden duty of the Security Council to support the inspectors - whose mandate, by the way, is not to find fault but to verify Iraq's disarmament.”
2003-02-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4709Resumption1 (2003) · source
“It is true that a Member State can engage in individual and collective measures of self-defence even without the United Nations but, as is shown by the Iraq case, Security Council authority has assisted United States policy by adding the teeth of economic sanctions, extending a broad political umbrella and authorizing on-site monitoring on foreign-State territory. The Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Mr. ElBaradei, speaking on 14 February 2003, submitted to the Council that the Agency could carry out its mandate without Iraqi cooperation. That should put to rest the concerns of those who want us to believe otherwise.”
2003-02-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4709Resumption1 (2003) · source
“Those pronouncements by Henry Kissinger and Strobe Talbott are not the ramblings of two old men showing off at a public speaking contest. Rather, those statements by renowned United States public servants capture the essence of multilateralism. I retrieved them from the annals of history to quicken our memory - lest we forget. Germany has reminded us that the sanctions regime imposed to encourage Iraq's compliance with its disarmament obligations has been more effective in ridding Iraq of its weapons of mass destruction than the Gulf war itself. Let me add that the sanctions regime was made possible because of cooperation.”
2003-02-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4709Resumption1 (2003) · source
“There are many occasions when a negotiation has been completed, where the mechanism which the United Nations provides for observing compliance with the agreement would be very difficult to replace if not impossible to replace." The United Nations setting and its emphasis on cooperation resonate with former Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott's assertion that "in a fashion and to an extent that is unique in the history of great Powers, the United States defines its strength - indeed its very greatness - not in terms of its ability to achieve or maintain dominance over others, but in terms of its ability to work with others in the interest of the international community as a whole. American foreign policy is consciously intended to advance universal values".”
2003-02-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4709Resumption1 (2003) · source
“Indeed, even former United States Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, a Republican by political persuasion, agrees that: "There is no dispute that the vast range of UN activities are indispensable. There is no place for meetings with people where otherwise the fact of the meeting might be controversial than the annual sessions of the General Assembly.”
2003-02-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4709Resumption1 (2003) · source
“My delegation extends its heartfelt condolences to the people of the Republic of Korea and the United States over the loss of life that occurred a few days ago in their countries. I want to associate my delegation with the official position adopted by the African Union that unilateral military action against Iraq would adversely affect Africa's stability and development. During the last few weeks, this Council has witnessed an assault on the principle of multilateralism by a determined and impatient ad hoc coalition, which believes that might is right. The role and importance of the United Nations cannot be overemphasized in the settlement of disputes and the preservation of peace and security.”
2003-02-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4709Resumption1 (2003) · source
“Mudenge, made a very important statement to the United Nations Security Council in a meeting which was also attended by the Panel members. It is disappointing to note that, though the clarifications he gave have not been reflected in the final report, we participated in that meeting with the expectation that we would be engaged in a meaningful dialogue with the Security Council and the Panel. It appears as if we were talking to ourselves, because we see in the final report the repetition of innuendoes and allegations that we commented on last time without the submission of new evidence to justify their continued inclusion in this report.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“If the Panel is serious and sincere in wishing to promote "Ethical and transparent business practices", as stated in paragraph 156, so that the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo genuinely benefit from the exploitation of their country's resources, then it would have paid greater attention to this nefarious practice, rather than dangling a red herring before the Security Council. "- In paragraph 154, the Panel states that it is hoping that this report will contribute to a shift in policies that will bring the exploitation of resources back to a legally acceptable level". One may ask, when last was exploitation at that level? Who defines that level? Who decides that that level is now legally acceptable? On 14 December 2001, our Minister of Foreign Affairs, I. S. G.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“These are the financiers and end-users of the exploitative activities, and they are based in Western countries. Attention, however, is not focused where it should rightly be; rather, it is diverted to insignificant players. Indeed, one may ask who ultimately really benefits from the exploitation of these resources? Who are the arms manufacturers and merchants? Paragraph 43 of the report is illustrative of the exploitative and unfair business practices perpetrated by some western companies and multinationals in Africa since the colonial era. Those practices persist to this day. It illustrates who the real beneficiaries have been and are in the exploitation of African countries' resources.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“Why does the Panel provide for such unequal treatment for similar breaches? This stance smacks of a paternalistic, condescending and discriminatory attitude which has no place in the United Nations, where its Charter principle of the equality of States must not only be professed but must also be promoted and protected. No information is given on how OECD remedies or measures compare to those of the United Nations Security Council. What assurances do we have that the concerned OECD countries will be able to ensure compliance with the guidelines this time around when it is evident that they have failed to do so in the past? The final report grudgingly reveals the identity of those that are really behind the exploitation and illegal exploitation of the resources of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“What expertise or privileged information, if any, did the British High Commission have in connection with this matter that other foreign State representatives in Harare did not have? The Panel concludes that certain companies and individuals should be subject to some form of sanctioning as they are engaged in activities deserving of such sanctions. The Panel, however, proposes to treat these companies or individuals unequally on the basis of whether they are located in an Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) or non-OECD member country. Thus, the former group, the home countries, who happen to be European, are deemed competent to censure the erring companies, while the latter group is to be the subject of United Nations Security Council action.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“Why did Barthe not sign the final report? What exactly was Patrick Smith's role in the compilation of the final report? It is intriguing that none of the Panel members decided, for whatever reasons, to visit Zimbabwe in the course of compiling this report. What they did, however, was to send Patrick Smith, a British national, to Zimbabwe at a time of heightened suspicions and a much publicized conflict between Zimbabwe and Britain. This can only reflect lack of sensitivity on the Panel's part or insincerity in seeking our cooperation in providing the information sought. Is it by coincidence or by design that Mr. Smith met only with the British High Commission staff, out of all the many foreign State representatives in Harare?”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“The British project to destabilize Zimbabwe has, in this report, sought to draw attention to our military and security establishments and institutions. The allegations of criminal behaviour levelled against our military and security institutions, as well as some specific individuals connected thereto, are intended to bring these institutions and individuals into disrepute, ridicule and disrespect. We may wish to note that Patrick Smith, a British national and a part-time technical adviser to the Panel, is a signatory to this report, but Gilbert Barthe, a Swiss national with the same designation, is not. Gilbert Barthe, according to the records, has been with the Panel since at least February 2002. He contributed to and signed the May 2002 interim report. Patrick Smith was not mentioned in that report.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“It is in this context that, following a meeting of the Joint Inter-Ministerial Commission involving Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, held in Nyanga, Zimbabwe, from 18-22 August 2002, some eight agreements were signed between our two countries. These agreements encompass a wide range of areas of cooperation, including trade, investment, finance and the movement of persons. We are dismayed at the continued use of the Panel's report to do a hatchet job on Zimbabwe. For instance, paragraph 28 makes a totally irrelevant and uncalled for reference to Zimbabwe's electoral laws. What do the electoral laws of Zimbabwe have to do with the illegal exploitation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo resources? Nothing at all. They are brought in here purely to sully the name of Zimbabwe and its Government.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“This is in spite of the explanation given to the Security Council on 14 December 2001 by Minister Mudenge on the genesis and other attributes of the joint ventures. The final report's misrepresentations amount to questioning the veracity and credibility of the Minister's statement, purely on the basis of an operational thesis, for there is no evidence to conclude otherwise. Trade and commercial relations between Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of the Congo are multifaceted and predate the 1998 war there. As with our relations with other countries, Zimbabwe is always endeavouring to reinforce and deepen its relations with the Democratic Republic of the Congo for the benefit of not only our two countries but also of the Southern African Development Community region and of the wider African continent.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“This headquarters has been very active in combating criminal activities throughout our region and would certainly have been aware of the allegation being made by the Panel, as would the Zimbabwe Government. As will be indicated later, only one representative of the Panel, a part-time technical adviser, visited Harare in the course of the compilation of this report and there is no evidence that he visited Interpol or any organization that could have provided him with information to reach such a conclusion. The character and nature of the joint ventures between Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of the Congo are misrepresented, as they are now reduced to mere vehicles for the activities of the so-called elite networks.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“The Security Council, and indeed all of us, deserve an explanation from the Panel as to who it feels should Sign agreements on behalf of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, if it criminalizes the legitimate actions undertaken by the duly appointed Government ministers of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the conduct of their ministerial responsibilities. In paragraph 27, the Panel makes a very outrageous and serious allegation that Harare has been turned into "a significant illicit diamond-trading centre" without providing the slightest evidence to support it. Members of the Security Council may wish to note that the regional headquarters of Interpol for Southern Africa is in Harare.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“There is something fundamentally wrong with an approach that, on one hand, accepts that the Democratic Republic of the Congo is a sovereign and independent State whose affairs are being conducted and managed by a legitimate Government, and, on the other hand, questions the legality of the decisions and agreements taken and signed by that very same Government. The Panel betrays its schizophrenia about the legitimacy of the Government of the DRC; in many instances it refers to that Government in the accepted form but on occasion refers to it as the "Government in Kinshasa" (paragraph 23), an appellation we strongly objected to in December 2001.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“It thus criminalizes legitimate State-to-State relations between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zimbabwe and, by extension, legitimate activities carried out by duly appointed State representatives in the normal conduct and promotion of mutually beneficial relations between our two countries. We have no apologies to make for the very close and co-operative relations that exist between Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. These relations are being conducted in the framework of cooperation agreements signed between our two sovereign and independent States. If activities pursued under legal frameworks signed by sovereign Governments are considered illegal, then the Panel will have to come up with a new definition of legality.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“This, of course, fits in comfortably with the characterization of the conflict as a regional conflict perpetrated by individuals whose sole motive is greed and looting. But this paradigm has sinister motives as well. Apart from letting those States who are in violation of international law off the hook, it demeans the legitimate relations between Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Not only does it suggest the privatization of State interests but it also reduces relations between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zimbabwe to the level of the so-called elite networks and the individuals allegedly involved therein.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“It appears that the Panel, contrary to the Security Council's mandate as reproduced in the final report in paragraph 1 (a-d), decided on a mandate of its own. This propensity towards revising the mandate set by the Security Council can be traced to the addendum of November 2001. While the original Panel had painstakingly and meticulously defined the key concept of illegality in the mandate, the current Panel fudged the distinction between legal and illegal exploitation. For them, those activities amount to the same thing. Hence, the interchangeable use of the words "exploitation" and "illegal exploitation" throughout the final report. The new paradigm or operational thesis shifts the focus of attention from the State to the individual.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“Either the Panel mistakenly believes that repeating these falsehoods will somehow transform them into accepted truths or it is pursuing a certain agenda whose realization demands that the falsehoods should continue to be peddled in the public domain. In paragraph 5, the Panel states that it "determined that a central focus of its work should be gathering information about politically and economically powerful groups involved in the exploitation activities It adds that "the Panel developed the central concept of the elite network as an operational thesis". The report does not privilege us with information on why and on what basis it made such a determination, and how this thesis related to any or all of the components of its mandate.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“He further stated that since the issuance of the Addendum and final report, there seems to be a desire to attack Zimbabwe for reasons that are well known. It is important to note that the victim of these illegal exploitative activities, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, is at pains to understand why the Panel is choosing to drag Zimbabwe into the cabal of the uninvited forces. The final report repeats allegations that have been challenged and discounted in the past without offering any new evidence. For instance, in paragraph 23, there is the repetition of alleged Zimbabwe Defence Forces support for Burundi and Rwandan rebels; in paragraphs 17 and 54, the Panel alleges that the Democratic Republic of the Congo Government repaid Zimbabwe for military services and contributed to the salary payments for Zimbabwe Defence Forces personnel.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“For reasons best known by the Panel, these explanations including, as well, their recognition and acceptance by the Security Council as to the distinction in the character and purpose of the presence of allied troops and those of Rwanda and Uganda in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have not only been ignored but also questioned. Speaking on this issue, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mr. She Okitundu, as recently as October 24 this year, responding to this report, again stated clearly that the allied forces from Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe, at the invitation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo helped them defend their sovereignty from being over run by the invading forces of Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“Consequently, it now portrays the conflict as being no more than motivated by the greedy desire of African military and security leaders to loot, plunder and profiteer from the riches of Democratic Republic of the Congo. Zimbabwe has, on innumerable occasions, including at the Security Council and in the presence of the members of the Panel of Experts, gone to great lengths to explain the basis of its involvement in the war of aggression perpetrated by Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi against the Democratic Republic of the Congo.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“Mudenge, characterized the Addendum as a "hurriedly drawn Zimbabwe-bashing pamphlet". The final report is no different, in its intent, from the Addendum. Consequently, the observations and comments made on that occasion remain pertinent, even though the final report has shifted the focus of its attention from States to individuals operating the so-called elite networks. The final report deliberately, for it cannot be otherwise, misdefined the nature and character of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. By characterizing the conflict as regional in paragraph 12, the Panel detracts attention from the real causes of the conflict as well as its principal progenitors.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“We congratulate you for assuming presidency of the Security Council for this month and wish you well in your endeavours. We would also like to extend through you, our gratitude to your predecessor, Ambassador Belinga- Eboutou for the sterling work that he did in the Council during the past month. My Government's comments on the final report of the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (S/2002/1146) are as follows: The final report of the Panel Experts maintains the same approach as that of the Addendum to document S/2001/1372, issued on 13 November 2001. In its contribution to the United Nations Security Council debate on that Addendum on 14 December 2001, the Government of Zimbabwe, through the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr.”
2002-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4642 (2002) · source
“While women clearly need access to the peace table in order to advance towards the goal of gender equality, the peace table also requires women's participation to truly uphold the principle of democracy and to lay the foundations for sustainable peace.”
2000-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4208Resumption1 (2000) · source
“The maintenance and promotion of international peace and security cannot be realized without fully understanding the impact of armed conflict on women and girls, without effective institutional arrangements to guarantee their protection and without women's full participation in the peace process. We are pleased to note that, in many parts of the world representing all continents, from Africa to the Middle East and Asia, from Latin America to Europe, women have not waited to be invited to the peace table, but have risen to meet the challenge, with an impact that has been, in some cases, nothing short of legendary.”
2000-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4208Resumption1 (2000) · source
“While women are not necessarily better connected to the grass roots or more committed to conveying the concerns of marginalized people, and while there is no evidence to suggest that women at the peace table are more committed than men to promoting the greater good of the population at large, women are more likely than men to have arrived at the peace table via civil activism, often with first-hand experience of the brutal consequences of violent conflict. Both men and women suffer during war, but women are more likely to be the targets of gender-based Violence. Furthermore, the direct participation of women at the peace table is the most secure way to ensure that women's demands are incorporated into the agreements.”
2000-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4208Resumption1 (2000) · source
“While distant international actors have tended to highlight only political and economic disruptions in the aftermath of armed conflict, the victims of war often wake up to social disorientation and disorder. In these collapsed communities, the role of women in re- establishing and preserving social order is unparalleled. As primary and continuing educators both in their families and in their communities, women play an important role in fostering a culture of peace in strife- torn societies. We call for the promotion and sustenance of this role on a continuing basis in order to prevent the resurgence or escalation of conflict, so that the culture of peace is inculcated in current and future generations. This constitutes a sure way of planting the seeds of a sustainable peace.”
2000-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4208Resumption1 (2000) · source
“In this regard, it is crucial that we recognize the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and in peace-building. The organized involvement of women at the grass-roots and other levels makes them the linchpins of any early-warning mechanism. This meeting offers us an opportunity to once again call upon the United Nations and the international community at large to assist and cooperate with regional and subregional arrangements, such as the Organization of African Unity's Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution, as they seek to build their capacity and develop common indicators for early warning, taking into account women and gender issues.”
2000-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4208Resumption1 (2000) · source
“Nobody can understand, let alone address this fallout better than women themselves. There is a glaring need for mechanisms that enhance the protection of women and girls in conflict situations. Current statistics show that more than three quarters of all internally displaced persons and refugees are women and children. My delegation therefore supports Security Council calls upon all concerned to refrain from committing human rights abuses in conflict situations, to respect international humanitarian law and to promote non-violent forms of conflict resolution and a culture of peace. However, it is obvious that preventive measures, which have the potential to resolve disputes before they erupt into Violent confrontations, offer the best possible protection to all members of society.”
2000-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4208Resumption1 (2000) · source
“Unfortunately, and as correctly observed in the Windhoek Declaration of 31 May 2000 on the tenth anniversary of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group: "So far, women have been denied their full role in these efforts, both nationally and internationally, nor has the gender dimension in peace processes been adequately addressed." Every episode of war is accompanied by chronicles of horrendous assaults on the dignity and humanity of women. Dastardly as it is, the victimization of womenfolk has even been employed as a tool for the perpetration of war in some cases. The humanitarian fallout of armed conflict has almost always been disproportionately burdensome on women as refugees, as displaced persons or as traumatized heads of households with nothing but debris for a new beginning.”
2000-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4208Resumption1 (2000) · source
“Every occurrence of an armed conflict is a serious indictment of humanity. War is, in fact, a dehumanizing experience. To the extent that armed conflict is a challenge to all of humanity, everything relating to peace and security becomes the responsibility of all of us. Today's specific reference to "women and peace and security" reflects our acknowledgement of the particular vulnerabilities of women in conflict situations. It also reflects our acknowledgement of current inequalities in decision-making and power structures and, happily, our sincere endeavour to address that untenable condition. That women have everything to lose and an unbearable cost to pay in the wake of armed conflict establishes an undisputed mandate and role for them in all matters of peace and security.”
2000-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4208Resumption1 (2000) · source
“I wish to congratulate you, Sir, on your initiative to convene a meeting of the Security Council on such an important subject as "Women and Peace and Security". Your Government and country are well known for providing leadership and a good example in promoting an active and Visible policy of mainstreaming a gender perspective into all policies and programmes. Today's subject matter lies at the very centre of our endeavours to promote the culture of peace in human society. Rather than being treated as an agenda item to be ticked off the Council's work programme at the end of this meeting, this issue must be pursued on a continuing basis, and can be ignored only at our peril. When war breaks out, invariably we all pay a cost as individuals, families and societies, and as nations and members of the international community.”
2000-10-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4208Resumption1 (2000) · source
“These have already been fully enunciated by previous speakers, such as the need to have the political will in the Council to effect resolutions, and such as being fair in terms of the way African issues are treated in comparison to other areas of conflict. All in all, what I am trying to say here, at the risk of repeating myself, is that there must be that political will, and that Council members must cease highlighting national interests at the expense of international peace and security. We believe that the instruments are already at hand within the Council. It is up to the Council to have the necessary will and the necessary guts to cease doing this and make sure that peace and tranquillity prevail in Africa.”
1999-12-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4081Resumption1 (1999) · source
“Because more than 50 per cent of the Security Council's agenda is absorbed by African issues, mostly conflicts, the Security Council should think about setting aside some kind of a fund for purposes of conflict prevention and peacekeeping. We say this because much of the reasoning behind a delay in deploying forces is funding-related. A United Nations force should be in place for rapid deployment, and the force should also be armed with the appropriate mandate and the concomitant power and logistical support. Thirdly, let me touch on the question of additional instruments necessary to effect peacekeeping and the promotion of durable peace.”
1999-12-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4081Resumption1 (1999) · source
“First, on improving cooperation and coordination between the Security Council and the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the OAU should, on a regular basis and whenever necessary, send documentation through the Secretariat for the Council's consideration. Such documentation could cover early warning systems of possible hot spots in Africa and recommend what action needs to be taken in order to avert the possible resumption of conflict. In areas already in conflict, the Security Council, in collaboration with the Organization of African Unity, should expeditiously work towards a quick resolution of the conflict. Secondly, let me turn to the question of meeting the needs for African peacekeeping more effectively.”
1999-12-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4081Resumption1 (1999) · source
“My delegation welcomes this interactive debate on the prevention of conflict and promotion of durable peace in Africa, and it is our fervent hope that a programme of action will emerge from today's exercise. The causes of conflict in Africa are known to members of the Council. In the past, the Security Council has proposed measures that, when put in place, could preclude the occurrence of conflicts on the African continent. This notwithstanding, my delegation would like to zero in on the following issues raised by the President. I shall be very brief, because most of the issues have already been covered by previous speakers.”
1999-12-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4081Resumption1 (1999) · source
“The preservation of the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of States lies at the very core of the mandate of maintaining international peace and security. For that reason, the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo have invested their hope in the Security Council.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987Resumption1 (1999) · source
“The people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo need to be left to themselves to establish full peace and democracy, and indeed to start the process of developing their country in a state of tranquillity. One of the major causes of armed conflict in the Great Lakes region of Africa is the refugee-generating politics of exclusion pursued by the invading States. My delegation submits that an international conference on peace, security and stability in the Great Lakes region should be convened at the appropriate time and under the auspices of the United Nations and the OAU. Such a conference would involve all the Governments of the region and their respective parties to the conflict.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987Resumption1 (1999) · source
“Any problems existing between States are better dealt with through mechanisms that are at the disposal of all nations, including those offered by the United Nations. In that regard, the OAU and SADC have worked to produce a basis for a ceasefire. We ask the international community not only to uphold that framework, but also to impress upon the invading States the need to give peace a chance in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. My delegation therefore calls for the unconditional withdrawal of the invading forces from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and appeals to the Security Council and the international community to assist in the preservation of the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987Resumption1 (1999) · source
“They are ready to pull out their forces when, first, a ceasefire has taken effect and the invading States have withdrawn their forces from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and, secondly, a United Nations peacekeeping force has been placed along the common borders of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the invading States. The allied forces in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are sensitive to the security concerns of the invading States and strongly believe that these concerns can properly be addressed by mechanisms other than violating other States' boundaries. That expansionist philosophy will not address those security concerns. Zimbabwe believes that all countries, big or small, weak or strong, have a right to have their boundaries respected.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987Resumption1 (1999) · source
“To act otherwise would send wrong signals to invading States, similar to the policy of appeasement that emboldened Hitler to pursue his expansionist dream. Reports from the eastern parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which are occupied by the invading States, indicate that many Congolese have become internally displaced persons, while others are being massacred, and that natural resources are being pillaged by Uganda and Rwanda. Is it not surprising that Uganda has become a gold-exporting country, although it is well known that nature has not endowed it with that precious metal? Is the silence of the international community encouraging the invading States to think that their aggression is supported? The allied forces in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have no ulterior motives at all.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987Resumption1 (1999) · source
“Furthermore, at its Harare summit in 1997, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) avowed once and for all the change of legitimate Governments by military force was not to be tolerated. As a matter of principle and practice, the SADC region does not and will not tolerate any extra-legal road map to the corridors of power. Just last year, the Security Council itself deliberated a report (S/l998/318) submitted to it by the Secretary- General, the title of which was "The causes of conflict and the promotion of durable peace and sustainable development in Africa". Indeed, one of the causes of conflict in Africa is the lack of respect for other States' boundaries, as this case demonstrates. Zimbabwe calls on the Council to unequivocally oppose expansionism.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987Resumption1 (1999) · source
“Zimbabwe - together with Angola, Namibia and Chad - responding to a distress call by the legitimate Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, is now assisting that country to uphold its territorial integrity and national sovereignty. The intervention of the allied forces of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is upheld by the inherent right to individual or collective self-defense, in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. I also want to take this opportunity to inform you that at the meeting held in Cape Town, South Africa, in 1995, the Inter-State Defense and Security Committee of the SADC approved collective action in the event of attempts to change the legitimate Governments of its member States by military means.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987Resumption1 (1999) · source
“The establishment of the United Nations after the Second World War was to ensure that expansionism that sought to violate territorial integrity would not be tolerated again, and for that reason territorial integrity was enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations as an inviolable principle. In like manner, the charter of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) also embodied the principle of the territorial integrity of member States, as well as the sanctity of their colonial boundaries. Uganda and Rwanda, whose membership of both the United Nations and the OAU binds them to these cardinal principles of the United Nations Charter, have - to the chagrin of other United Nations Members - decided to violate international law, and it is therefore the bounden duty of the United Nations to condemn this wayward behaviour.”
1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987Resumption1 (1999) · source