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2015-05-12
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2018-01-10
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  1. There is a clear link between the level of engagement or interactivity, on the one hand, and the products that can come out, on the other. To take a couple of examples from this month, we very much welcome the discussion that the Venezuelan presidency organized on the workings of the subsidiary bodies on 11 February (see S/PV.7620). There was a very thoughtful concept note, which informed the exchange of views (S/2016/102, annex). The United Kingdom did not agree with everything in it, but we thought that it was very well thought through, and it led to an interesting exchange of views. And following the discussion, the Venezuelan presidency worked on a presidential note (S/2016/170), which, again, we welcome very much, to capture the areas of agreement.

    2016-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7633 (2016) · source

  2. I counted, I think, 17 people in the red seats. They are all very welcome, and it is great that they are all still awake, just about, but when we did the session informally in one of the other Chambers, we had the vast majority of the 193 members of the General Assembly present, many of them at the Permanent-Representative level. I think that perhaps there is a message there for how we do these wrap-up sessions and increase the overall interactivity between the Council and the rest of the United Nations membership. But there is also a message about interactivity in terms of how we work with each other, about getting high-quality briefers, about genuinely listening and engaging with them, and about genuinely engaging with each other on the contents of what we are discussing.

    2016-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7633 (2016) · source

  3. Back in November, when we held the presidency, I said there were three adjectives we wanted to have in mind - "interactive", "transparent" and "action-oriented" - and I would like to say a little bit about what we mean by each of those three, in order to see if they can help to improve the Council's overall efficiency and effectiveness. Starting off on the topic of interactivity, I note that, first of all, that there are two different ways of doing these wrap-up sessions; either we do it formally here, which has the benefit of being a formal meeting of the Council but has the disadvantage of there being no interactivity with the people listening and watching, or we do it in another Chamber, which has the benefit of genuine interactivity. I think that I can say that people are voting with their feet.

    2016-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7633 (2016) · source

  4. Secondly, I hope we will also be able to come together before the end of the month to agree on a draft resolution on sanctions for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, which we discussed in consultations yesterday. What I thought I might do in today's meeting is to talk about how we work rather than what we work on and, as we have done before, to use the wrap-up session to exchange views on our working methods, all of it with the aim of trying to improve the Council's overall efficiency and effectiveness.

    2016-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7633 (2016) · source

  5. I would like to begin, Mr. President, by thanking you and your team for your presidency of the Security Council for what has been a very busy month of February. I expect that the two biggest events of the month, in terms of products that we can agree on, are still ahead of us, and I hope that we will be coming back together to unanimously adopt the very important draft resolution mentioned by the representative of the Russian Federation, which welcomes the cessation of hostilities due to come into effect in Syria and points the way towards the political transition there that is so important for the people of the country and the region.

    2016-02-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7633 (2016) · source

  6. More broadly, as we provide practical support for development, for services and for jobs in countries emerging from conflict, let us all do so in a way that fosters inclusivity. Fifthly, and finally, we need a whole-of-system approach that bridges the usual United Nations silos so that the system together is more than the sum of its parts. When the Security Council reaches across those divides, it is not encroachment; it is necessary joining up. I encourage other bodies too to join up across the gaps, and I point to goal 16 of the Sustainable Development Goals of doing that. If we can take those five steps, we can build something really sustainable and, in doing so, ensure that the absence of war, as John F. Kennedy put it, really does lead to a more permanent peace.

    2016-02-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7629 (2016) · source

  7. The Peacebuilding Commission provides a good way to continue the political support and to draw together the United Nations system and Member States and the international financial institutions. Similarly, the Peacebuilding Fund does excellent work, and I would like to encourage all Member States tojoin us in making voluntary contributions to that effective tool. Fourthly, building peace must mean building peace for all - for men, women, children, minorities, the vulnerable, for those in Government and for those in opposition. The peacebuilding review tells us that building and sustaining peace rests on a social consensus behind that peace. That is why inclusive dialogue is so important in Burundi. And so we welcome the Secretary-General's visit to Burundi today and the progress he has made on that inclusive dialogue.

    2016-02-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7629 (2016) · source

  8. That is the best way to prevent enormous human suffering, and it is also much more cost effective than dealing with conflicts and their aftermath. Can we say honestly that we achieved that on Burundi? We visited twice in a year. Did we not we all see the warning signs? I learned from our visit that improved horizon scanning was really of no use on its own. We have to do something as a result. The Council needs to be proactive and action-oriented and to mobilize the tools at our disposal to prevent relapses into violence. Thirdly, we need to improve our ability to sustain peace after the fighting has stopped. We must avoid the peacebuilding gap when peacekeeping missions transition out of a country and international attention falls away. Perhaps that is the greatest lesson to learn from Burundi. Sustaining engagement is challenging.

    2016-02-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7629 (2016) · source

  9. We therefore need to bring pressure to bear on those who refuse to find common ground, who will not engage in dialogue, who exhibit no trace of the political will needed to sustain peace. To do so, let us recognize that the Council is not alone in the fight. Burundi shows us the vital importance of regional organizations, such as the African Union. We need to continue and enhance that close collaboration with regional organizations, and we should draw on the support and advice of the Peacebuilding Commission too, as our briefers today advised us. Secondly, it is clear that crisis have often been brought before the Council too late for effective preventive action. We need to improve our ability to tackle potential risks to stability before they escalate. To do so, we need to match early warning with early action.

    2016-02-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7629 (2016) · source

  10. I hope that in the Chamber today we can all consider what more we can do in the future to prevent what we saw in Burundi from happening again elsewhere. We have plenty to guide us - reviews of peacekeeping, of peacebuilding, of women and peace and security, all agreed last year. But if we are to avoid a failure in peacebuilding, whether in Burundi or elsewhere, people on the ground need more that just words on paper. They need meaningful action from the Council and others. I see five steps to take. First, a key theme of those review reports is the centrality of political will at the national and the international levels to build and sustain peace. But even when the Council is united, as we have been on Burundi, our efforts can be dampened by a lack of political will by just one person - in this case President Nkurunziza.

    2016-02-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7629 (2016) · source

  11. As Security Council members saw at first-hand last month, that small, poor yetbeautiful country has suffered a great deal. Just over a decade since the end ofthe civil war - a war that claimed 300,000 lives - it now stands on the precipice of civil war again. It is clear that the dividends of 11 years ofpeace have been squandered. In response, we in the Security Council have been united in our demands to President Nkurunziza to de-escalate the tensions, begin dialogue with the opposition and agree to a deployment of some form of international presence, as originally proposed by the African Union. But as we drove through Bujumbura last month, I could not help but think whether there was more that we - the Council, the United Nations, regional actors - could have done to prevent a return to violence.

    2016-02-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7629 (2016) · source

  12. I thank you, Mr. President, for convening this open debate. I also want to thank Ambassadors Kamau, Skoog and Rosenthal for their thoughtful contributions to this debate and to this agenda. John F. Kennedy once said, "the mere absence of war is not peace". His words over half a century ago go to the heart of the issue we are discussing today, the issue of peacebuilding. Today it is no longer enough just to stop the fighting. How many issues on the Security Council's agenda are a result of countries relapsing into conflict? How many are due to leaders failing to capitalize on the absence of war, or failing to build peace and prosperity for their citizens? Today I would like to talk about Burundi, a country that sadly fits that mold.

    2016-02-23 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7629 (2016) · source

  13. It would be a world where we failed to uphold even the first Article of the Charter, to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace. I am glad that we do not live in that world. We live in a world - for all its imperfections and challenges - where individuals can demand rights and are entitled to hold their Governments to account. We live in a world where old backward-looking concepts of sovereignty no longer provide stability or peace and security. We live in a world in which the Charter, written 70 years ago, still applies exactly as it was meant, respecting the rights of States and their peoples and granting the Council the authority to take enforcement action to maintain international peace and security.

    2016-02-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7621 (2016) · source

  14. Let me conclude with this final reflection: what would our world look like if we really believed in an outdated view of sovereignty - an extreme view in which sovereignty trumped all principles in international relations and international law? The Security Council agenda would be thin. It would be a world where the Council would not even attempt to prevent calamity in Burundi; where peacekeeping operations would be far fewer in number; where sanctions would never be used to encourage regimes towards more acceptable behaviour; where threats of proliferation went unchecked; where the most serious crimes of concern to the international community went unpunished. There would be impunity and no accountability. How could international justice function at all?

    2016-02-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7621 (2016) · source

  15. Has a heavier price ever been paid for such a myopic interpretation of the Charter of the United Nations? As a consequence, a quarter of million people are dead, and millions upon millions have fled their homes. Over 1 million people now live their lives under siege, with many facing starvation. We should all welcome the commitment made by the International Syria Support Group in calling for a cessation of hostilities last week. It is long overdue. However, it will only succeed if the Syrian regime and its backers change their behaviour, stop the bombing, observe the ceasefire and allow humanitarian access - in short, if they live up to their obligations.

    2016-02-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7621 (2016) · source

  16. When human rights are violated and abused, when basic freedoms are ignored, when a leader loses legitimacy, peace and security can be threatened and sovereignty is put at risk. We saw this for ourselves when we visited Burundi last month; we heard stories of summary executions, mass graves and sexual violence. These warning signs should be all too familiar to the Council. We must all know by now that if they are left unchecked, the risk to sovereignty will not come from too much action by the Council but from the destabilizing consequences of too little. If we are inactive, violence could spill across borders, providing space for extremism to flourish, undermining the rule of law and eroding respect for human rights. That is exactly what has happened for nearly six years in Syria.

    2016-02-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7621 (2016) · source

  17. As the Secretary-General argued recently in Cambridge, England, we need to recognize that you cannot have true sovereignty without respecting the human rights of the people you govern, or, as he said today, that it is violence and conflict, not our attempts to help Member States prevent it, that threaten States' sovereignty. It is violations of human rights by the State that erode the legitimacy of the State. The concept of sovereignty has not stood still; we no longer accept the medieval view that the sovereign owns everything and is the State. In the twenty-first century, sovereignty has to amount to a contract between governed and Government, and, crucially, this contract depends in part on respect for human rights.

    2016-02-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7621 (2016) · source

  18. That it was perpetrated by a permanent member of the Council, a member that claims to uphold the principles of the Charter, makes it even more unacceptable still. I reaffirm in this Chamber the United Kingdom's full support for Ukraine's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and I reassert our commitment to the return of Crimea to its rightful place as part of Ukraine. In the light of the new threats that we face, our response needs to be commensurate with the purposes and principles of the Charter. In doing so, the Council can bolster sovereignty.

    2016-02-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7621 (2016) · source

  19. Sadly, there are some in the Council that do precisely that: members that claim the primacy of sovereignty above all else, or that would rather abuse the power of the veto and ignore the responsibility conferred on the Council by the Charter, or that disregard efforts to restrain the use of the veto, including through the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency Group's code of conduct, which the Spanish Minister rightly highlighted and which the United Kingdom is proud to commit to. Ironically, it is those members of the Council that abuse sovereignty the most. Look at the invasion and illegal annexation of Crimea two years ago. This was the most egregious violation of sovereignty in recent memory.

    2016-02-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7621 (2016) · source

  20. The only question to be debated today is how we do so. The Article of the Charter that you, Madam President, mentioned - paragraph 7, Article 2 - is explicit in not prejudicing "the application of enforcement measures under Chapter VII". Threats to international peace and security have changed; they now come mainly from intra-State instability that spreads far beyond national borders. Weak or failing States and non-State actors now pose our greatest challenge. As the situation in Syria shows, if they are left unaddressed, these threats undermine both the rights of States and the rights of people. In response, we should not let outdated interpretations ofthe Charter be used to excuse inaction, still less to justify action that makes the situation worse.

    2016-02-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7621 (2016) · source

  21. I wish to thank you, Madam President, for having convened this debate and for being with us in person today. I want to join others in thanking the Secretary-General for his insightful briefing, all of which I agree with, and for his leadership of the Human Rights Up Front initiative. The Security Council's primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security is enshrined in the Charter. That puts us, as my New Zealand colleague has just said, at the center of the rules- based international system. We face new threats that the founders of the United Nations did not foresee, but the responsibility that the Council holds remains. It is a responsibility that empowers us to take a range of measures, including force, should the situation on a particular issue or in a particular country threaten international peace and security.

    2016-02-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7621 (2016) · source

  22. Our mandate is clear - it comes from Article 41 of our Charter - but to succeed in this effort we need better implementation. With the right information at our disposal, with the right targeting and with the right coordination, I believe sanctions will continue to encourage actors towards peaceful ends, and in doing so they will continue to support the maintenance of international peace and security.

    2016-02-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7620 (2016) · source

  23. One way is by arranging meetings and visits of experts from capitals. This can contribute to the debate by developing networks and identifying capacity gaps. Sharing information on challenges to effective implementation and sharing best practice will help Member States in their own implementation. Assistance on implementation should be made available to those currently unable to comply. In short, we should make sanctions as easy to implement as possible. This includes making it easier for businesses, and we welcome the call in resolution 2253 (2015) to make progress on an enhanced data model for the United Nations Da'esh and Al-Qaeda sanctions list. Ultimately, to ensure that sanctions remain an effective long-term part of our toolbox, we need to use them in the most appropriate and most effective manner.

    2016-02-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7620 (2016) · source

  24. Any effort to improve the openness or efficiency of the United Nations sanctions machinery will count for nothing if it does not address how the sanctions are actually being implemented. Sanctions regimes established by the Council under Chapter VII impose legally binding obligations on all Member States, and it is absolutely crucial that all States implement them fully. This is the only way that sanctions can be effective and achieve their objectives. In particular, States that serve on sanctions committees must abide by the provisions set out in resolutions that govern regimes. Only through States faithfully abiding by these will we see proper implementation. But we do recognize that implementation is often challenging, so we see scope for sharing best practice and learning lessons across all regions and all regimes.

    2016-02-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7620 (2016) · source

  25. We also need to make sure that any proposals for reform are in keeping with the high-level review of United Nations sanctions. We should not duplicate effort or try to reinvent the wheel. We welcome and should use the work done by Sweden and other sponsors on this issue. Their final compendium shows that sanctions reform must be discussed in the round, including looking again at the United Nations sanctions machinery and how it works with other institutions, and raising awareness of sanctions within and outside the United Nations. The compendium also found that "effectively implemented Security Council sanctions can and do play a critical role in promoting peace and security" (S/2015/432, p. 11). It is those crucial words "effectively implemented" that we must not lose sight oftoday.

    2016-02-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7620 (2016) · source

  26. However, there is always more to be done to improve the effectiveness of our sanctions work. I note, Mr. President, the proposals you have made in the concept note (8/2016/102, annex). We agree that some improvements are needed to the machinery underpinning United Nations sanctions. This morning we have already heard several good ideas that we support - for instance, on the earlier appointment of new chairs of sanctions committees - and we welcome those constructive contributions to this important debate. There is certainly scope, too, for more openness and transparency in the sanctions committees, while respecting the confidentiality of their work, not least because of the risk of asset flight by those being targeted.

    2016-02-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7620 (2016) · source

  27. And against groups like Da'esh and Al-Qaeda, they are choking off funding, disrupting activity and sending a clear message that the Council will not stand idly by in the face of their barbarism. All these examples underscore the fact that sanctions must be a tough measure - a measure that we will not impose lightly or as a first resort. We do not underestimate the unintended consequences that such measures can sometimes bring, but let us recognize that the United Nations has applied lessons from the past and has worked hard to hone our approach, moving away from broad trade embargoes to now target individuals and specific sectors. We know our approach is working. No third-party State has appealed to the United Nations for assistance with the unintended consequences of sanctions since 2003.

    2016-02-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7620 (2016) · source

  28. I thank you, Mr. President, for convening this debate. I welcome the comments of the representatives of Sweden and Chile. As we have heard today, sanctions are a vital part of the Council's arsenal. Together with the other tools at our disposal, they can help to prevent conflict, slow the spread of weapons of mass destruction and constrain the actions of terrorist groups. We have seen them succeed across the world in response to all these threats. In countries like Sierra Leone or Angola, they played a part in establishing the peace and security that endure to this day. In countries like Iran, they helped restrict the development of nuclear weapons, an important step towards bringing Iran in from the cold.

    2016-02-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7620 (2016) · source

  29. Outside the Security Council, a lot of people are doing good work to help us answer that question. Inside the Council, we have some catching up to do on what we want from the next Secretary-General, what challenges he or she will face and how we can work together to overcome them. To address those questions and more the United Kingdom will call for discussion under the "Any other business" rubric on that issue next month. To ensure that we get the best candidate for the job, it is vital that we mirror the activism being shown on that issue outside the Council. In conclusion, I commend Mr. Elbio Rosselli for January and wish Mr. Rafael Dario Ramirez Carrefio good luck for February. Let us all focus on improving still further our work in terms of our transparency, interactivity, efficiency and impact.

    2016-01-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7616 (2016) · source

  30. Regular debates, regular briefings and regular consultations fill up our programme of work and often lead just to the repetition of well-known positions, rather than to genuine engagement or progress. The Council adds most value when responding to events as close to real time as possible, rather than according to an arbitrarily fixed reporting cycle. So, rather than clogging up the programme of work, let us try to leave enough time to be agile in the face of ongoing issues. The crises of the world do not operate on a quarterly basis, so our response to them should not either. Thirdly, and finally, one of the most important responsibilities for the Security Council in 2016 is to recommend to the General Assembly who the next Secretary-General should be.

    2016-01-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7616 (2016) · source

  31. Our work on Colombia this month was a good example of how we can work quickly and flexibly to get an important issue onto our agenda, and I am hopeful that our actions will herald a new era for everyone in Colombia. Even our meeting on Madaya in Syria had a bright side in terms of putting a spotlight on an immediate issue that could put pressure on those responsible. It was well timed, given the London conference next week, and I hope the profile that we have given will encourage every participant in London to pledge generously to help both the immediate and the long-term needs of the people in Syria and the region. That means more support for education, job creation and ultimately more hope for the future. Not all of our meetings have such a clear purpose.

    2016-01-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7616 (2016) · source

  32. So, I wonder whether we should move away from consensus in agreeing such visits. If some Council members do not want to come on a visit, let us not allow them to undermine the entire Council. Going further, perhaps there would be value in setting aside a week every four months or so where all Council members would be encouraged to visit an area on our agenda, whether as a whole or in a group or even individually. This so-called visiting week could allow us all to do some real diplomacy and outreach and engagement and even prevention or resolution of conflicts. Secondly, we are at our best when we respond to events quickly and efficiently.

    2016-01-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7616 (2016) · source

  33. Here are three specific suggestions drawn from experience this month. They are not criticisms of the presidency; quite the opposite, they are encouragement to go further still in modernizing the working methods of the Security Council. First of all, we saw in Burundi how Council visits can have a real impact on the challenges we face. We sent a strong message when we returned to Burundi just 10 months after our last visit and we made clear during the visit that we expect progress on what I call the three "Ds": de-escalation, dialogue and some form of deployment of an international presence. However, there is a fourth "D": delay. There was a delay in agreeing the visit to Burundi and I think that delay was not good enough. The situation degenerated and our delay weakened our message at a time when sustained pressure was needed.

    2016-01-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7616 (2016) · source

  34. I thank you, Mr. President, and your team for a successful presidency. You, Sir, have guided the Council through an eventful month. Uruguay and the other new members of the Council have really hit the ground running. I very much agree with Mr. Motohide Yoshikawa on brevity. We appreciate that you, Sir, have chosen to hold a wrap-up briefing at the end of your month. I note that the three most recent presidencies all held informal wrap- ups outside the Chamber with all General Assembly members. Those have the same benefit as these formal meetings in terms of transparency, but they have the added benefit of allowing interactivity and allowing all General Assembly colleagues to ask us questions. Whether we do them formally or informally, I hope that we can use these sessions to draw lessons on our working methods.

    2016-01-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7616 (2016) · source

  35. Finally, there is positive momentum ongoing in the leaders-led settlement negotiations. The Council now needs to assist those leaders to reach agreement. The road ahead will be tough, and the leaders will need to show continued courage to take difficult decisions. In doing so, they will have the full support of the United Kingdom, which is something British Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond made clear during his visit last November. But the support of the whole Council will also be vital in making this prospect ofa settlement a reality. We have a real opportunity ahead to bring this long-running issue to an overdue conclusion. And let us help the leaders to seize that opportunity.

    2016-01-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7613 (2016) · source

  36. And, thirdly, we have authorized a modest uplift in UNFICYP's force levels to assist the mission in its planning for the hopeful event of a settlement in the near future. As penholder, the United Kingdom recognizes that there were sensitivities, as evidenced by my Russian colleague's statement. Our efforts during the drafting focused on striking a fine balance on emotive issues, and we believe that the resolution, unanimously adopted, achieved that balance - a balance that allows everyone be sure that no party felt undermined. It draws on language from the Secretary-General's UNFICYP report (S/2016/ll). The resolution also has the support of the parties themselves, and we are very glad to note that a significant number of other Council members co-sponsored it.

    2016-01-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7613 (2016) · source

  37. The United Kingdom warmly welcomes the renewal of the mandate for the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) through resolution 2263 (2016), unanimously adopted today. As the penholder on this issue, and as one ofthe largest contributors to UNFICYP, we are pleased that the mission has been extended for another six months. We thank colleagues for their roles in bringing our negotiations to a successful conclusion. This adoption sends a positive message at a hopeful time for Cyprus. Through resolution 2263 (2016), we have done three main things. First, we have welcomed the progress and the positive momentum in the leaders-led settlement negotiations. Secondly, we have captured the positive developments since the last mandate renewal, including on confidence-building measures.

    2016-01-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7613 (2016) · source

  38. As the Secretary-General told us this morning, we hope it will raise significant new funding from a wider range of partners to meet the needs of all those affected within Syria and the neighbouring countries. We welcome the support from the Council and the broader international community in this endeavour. Let me conclude with a final observation. There has not been this level of diplomatic activity over Syria since the last round of talks in Geneva in 2014. It is in all our interests to maintain the momentum and to build on the optimism. It is the only way that we can ensure that 2016 is finally the year that we bring this terrible crisis to its overdue conclusion.

    2016-01-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7610 (2016) · source

  39. How can opposition groups explain their participation in negotiations to their supporters when they continue to suffer daily bombing raids, when they continue to see medical facilities destroyed and when their access to food and humanitarian aid only decreases? These barbaric actions must stop. Given the level of barbarism, it is unsurprising that Syria remains the world's worst humanitarian crisis. The horrific situation in Madaya reminds us all of the urgent need for unimpeded and sutained humanitarian access and for greater support for the United Nations relief effort. The Syria conference in London on 4 February is the moment to show that support.

    2016-01-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7610 (2016) · source

  40. As we all agreed in resolution 2254 (2015), we look forward to detailed proposals on confidence-building measures from the office of the Special Envoy as soon as possible. The international community and the Council must then help the Syrian parties deliver them. Syrians need to see improvements to the situation on the ground, and they need to see benefits in the negotiations starting in Geneva. Yet the situation on the ground tells a different story. Indiscriminate airstrikes continue, including against targets that are not Daesh. There have been repeated and well-evidenced reports that Russian and Syrian regime bombing raids have resulted in extensive civilian losses. Attacks against the opposition and civilians will only undermine the political process.

    2016-01-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7610 (2016) · source

  41. The international community, including the Security Council, needs to demonstrate that we have not forgotten the people most affected by this conflict. The United Kingdom remains committed to working with the United States, the European Union, the Quartet and the United Nations and key regional partners to encourage steps that improve the lives of Palestinians and ensure Israelis are safe and secure. Let me now turn to Syria. The work of the International Syria Support Group provides some optimism for the prospects of a political settlement, despite the slight delay to the start of talks, from Monday to Friday this week. To maintain momentum, confidence-building measures need to take place alongside negotiations.

    2016-01-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7610 (2016) · source

  42. Furthermore, the parties will be even further away from the genuine peace process that Israelis and Palestinians deserve, and the prospects for a two-State solution will be further diminshed. Continued settlement building, the demolitions of Palestinian property and evictions also continue to cause unnecessary suffering to ordinary Palestinians. Such acts harm the peace process. Recent months have seen further settlement activity, including the expansion of the Gush Etzion settlement agreed earlier this month, and reports last week that 385 acres of land south of Jericho had been declared Israeli State land. We are concerned by these developments and call on Israel to reverse its decisions.

    2016-01-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7610 (2016) · source

  43. Thirdly, to achieve genuine peace and stability, the underlying causes of the conflict have to be addressed so that those who currently feel despair and fear can instead have a brighter future to hope for. Over the short term that means taking practical steps to improve conditions on the ground. The Palestinian Authority must move forward with reconciliation and retake control of Gaza. Israel must lift restrictions on Gaza and transfer more of the West Bank to Palestinian Authority control. It is extremely disappointing that progress has not materialized in recent months, despite the tireless efforts of the Quartet. If specific and concrete steps are not taken, the security situation will deteriorate further and more lives will be lost needlessly.

    2016-01-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7610 (2016) · source

  44. I begin by joining others in welcoming the briefing by the Secretary- General and the presence and contributions of so many ministers. Since our previous open debate (see S/PV.7540), the situation in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories has sadly deteriorated. The violence that we saw in October is fast becoming the new normal. We absolutely and unreservedly condemn every act of violence, whoever the perpetrator, whoever the victim, as well as all incitement to violence. We see three clear steps that the parties must take. First, they need to do all they can to de-escalate tensions, not inflame them. Secondly, they need to re-establish a mechanism to deal with incitement, as they previously committed to do. Those responsible for the violence need to be held to account.

    2016-01-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7610 (2016) · source

  45. We also reiterate our respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and unity of Colombia, as well as its inalienable right to manage its internal affairs without interference or imposition. We note its support for CELAC's cooperation and the inclusion of its members in the political mission, as well as its full conviction that the resolution we adopted today represents a valuable contribution and a positive step towards peace. This adoption is an important step, but not the last one: it is one more step towards the end of the conflict. From here, therefore, we express the hope that the parties will fulfil what has been agreed and that we will soon see in Colombia a cessation of violence and a lasting peace - with reconciliation, social justice and inclusion for its people.

    2016-01-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7609 (2016) · source

  46. In statements issued at their summit meetings, they have expressed their support for the dialogue process between the Government of Colombia and the FARC- EP, welcomed the progress made and urged the parties to continue the process aimed at putting an end to the internal armed conflict, which has had affected the political, social and economic development of a sister nation. Finally, our country wishes to reiterate its full commitment to the negotiation process leading to peace in the sister republic of Colombia. We again welcome the voluntary joint initiative of the Colombian Government and the FARC to turn to the Organization to ask its support in the final phase of the dialogue.

    2016-01-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7609 (2016) · source

  47. We welcome that willingness and we hope that CELAC, through its full commitment to peace in Colombia, will be reflected in the character and functions of the political mission. We therefore encourage considering the possibility of the head of the mission reporting to the rotating CELAC presidency, as our Latin American and Caribbean organization is a committed guarantor of peace in the region. The countries of CELAC have a prominent role role to play in the composition of the political mission. The members of our political mechanism followed with interest and hope the development of the peace process.

    2016-01-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7609 (2016) · source

  48. We are awaiting the next steps, both of the parties in Colombia and of the Organization, to define the operational aspects, functions and composition of the political mission, which must take full account of the terms of established injoint communique No. 65, issued by the Government of Colombia and the FARC-EP, which led to the request for the special political mission Ijust mentioned. We are extremely pleased that, in line with what was agreed in the joint communique, the resolution recognizes, and makes direct reference to, the contribution of the member States of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) to the special political mission approved by the Council today.

    2016-01-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7609 (2016) · source

  49. The parties, which have been holding talks in Havana in the framework of the General Agreement to End the Conflict and Building a Stable and Lasting Peace, signed on 26 August 2012, agreed to ajoint communique agreement on 19 January 2016, which requests the United Nations to set up a special political mission of this multilateral Organization to act as an international component and coordinator of the tripartite mechanism to monitor and verify a definitive bilateral ceasefire and cessation of hostilities, as well as the laying down of arms. Our country commends that initiative and is grateful for the willingness of the United Nations and all the members of the Security Council, as reflected in the adoption of today's resolution, in order to contribute through a specific function to the overall efforts towards peace in Colombia.

    2016-01-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7609 (2016) · source

  50. Our country has always been willing to participate in efforts to bring about peace in Colombia, at the request of the Colombian Government and the relevant players in the conflict and with no intention whatsoever to intervene. The unwavering will of our Government to cooperate in a peaceful settlement was expressed in the dedication and commitment of our former President Hugo Chavez Frias and our current President, Nicolas Maduro Moros, and took the form of supporting the sister Republic of Chile in the peace negotiations held between the Colombian Government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - Ejercito del Pueblo (FARC-EP), a process to which we were invited to participate with Cuba and Norway as guarantors.

    2016-01-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.7609 (2016) · source