YouSaid · the spoken record

Shamuyarira

lines on the record: 70
first: 1992-01-31
most recent: 1993-07-15
sittings or episodes: 4
sources: un-security-council

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“In this new era, the international community is morally and politically obliged to treat all situations of international concern equally, objectively and effectively. The suffering of men, women and children and the needless destruction of property are equally regrettable no matter what part of the globe they occur in. We are therefore gratified that today the Security Council is resolutely addressing the crisis in Angola and that the draft resolution before the Council seeks to take concrete steps to bring to an early end the trauma of the Angolan people.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“Nevertheless, we hope that the Government of Angola will continue to show the high degree of patience and flexibility it has hitherto demonstrated, and we hope that, should UNITA become more responsible, the Government will extend its magnanimity and grace even further. We were gratified to note that, by resolution 834 (1993) of 1 June this year, the Security Council, after undergoing what appeared to be a crisis of choice between retreat and increased involvement, resolved not to abandon the people of Angola to the tyranny and anarchy of civil war. And today the Security Council has before it a very powerful dreft resolution which should send the strong message to the members and the leadership of UNITA that their actions have no support from this body. We are grateful for both the language and the substance of the draft resolution.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“We would have thought that, following the painstaking, difficult process leading to the conclusion of the Bicesse Accords, Mr. Savimbi would have been more forthcoming and cooperative in seeing the peace process come to a fruitful end. The Government has been magnanimous in victory and has made gracious efforts to accommodate UNITA in its Administration. We commend those 10 UNITA Members of Parliament and the Members of Parliament from other minority parties who have taken their seats in the Parliament in Luanda, and who would now be contributing to the nation-building process were it not for the destructive war launched by the leadership of UNITA. Unfortunately, all we have seen from UNITA in response has been an "all-or-~nothing" attitude.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“This matter was dealt with at length by the first speaker at today's meeting, the Foreign Minister of Angola. Since the election his Government has shown an exemplary willingness to cooperate with all parties concerned with a view to normalizing the situation in Angola. On the other hand, UNITA has been Singularly subversive of the popular will of the Angolan people. It completely disregards their will and their views. Resort to violence, intimidation and wanton destruction of property will never be an acceptable substitute for the free expression of the will of the Angolan people as demonstrated in the election in September. We commend the Government of Angola for the manner in which it has conducted itself in the face of the obstructive and uncooperative stance of UNITA.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“In this context, we welcome the decision taken at the Moscow meeting by the United States of America, the Russian Federation and Portugal to lift some of the restrictions originally imposed on the Angolan Government enabling it to procure a limited range of arms and to restrict the movement of UNITA personnel. The restrictions removed from the Government of Angola should now be imposed on UNITA, which is the sole source of violence and of the continuing fratricidal war. The international community must seek the re-establishment of the cease-fire, observe the "triple-zero" option, at least in so far as it affects UNITA, and insist on the principles of the Bicesse Accords. The international community witnessed the open and democratic election of the Government of Angola last year.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“At Kwanda base, a service centre for Soyo, oil operations were ransacked, and vital oil infrastructures were also destroyed. UNITA's occupation of Soyo is putting Angola in jeopardy of being deprived of at least 100,000 barrels of crude'oil per day, worth about $1.8 million per day, or 20 per cent of Angola's overall oil production. An equal amount of money is being lost to the exchequer by UNITA's military control of diamond-mining areas, which are no longer being worked profitably. Clearly, UNITA has contributed to bringing the economy of Angola to a standstill.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“The President of this Council himself described it, in a statement on the situation, as a crime against humanity, and I think the Council should record that and include it in the draft resolution. On the other hand, we have frightening figures released by the United Nations itself which state that 3 million people have been displaced or are refugees in Angola today and that a thousand deaths occur every day as a direct result of the war or famine. Billions of dollars worth of property have been destroyed, and the infrastructure has also been largely destroyed in many parts of the country. UNITA even attacked the oil installations of Texaco - an American multinational company - in Soyo, seriously damaging the oil terminal there.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“The human tragedy in Angola must be treated with great urgency and compassion. On the one hand, we have incidents like the deliberate and callous killing of up to 300 civilians travelling by train on 27 May 1993 in Huila Province. This was a heinous crime against humanity for which, in our view, Jonas Savimbi and his men must be held responsible. We are disappointed that a clause to this effect which appeared in the first draft of the agreed draft resolution does not appear in the final draft. We think it is a heinous crime which must be recorded - it has been recorded by the Secretary-General in his report - and we think those responsible must answer for it.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“We are concerned that the involvement of many negotiators may actually retard progress and merely allow UNITA to buy time to continue a military offensive which entails more human suffering and killings. We would therefore urge that discussions continue to take place under the auspices only of the United Nations and the OAU. While discussions are going on, humanitarian and international aid should be allowed to reach those persons and families in dire need of it. The way UNITA went back on the elections and the Peace Accords does not leave anyone with the comfortable feeling that it will be able to honour the commitment it has just made, and that it will in fact allow humanitarian aid into the areas it controls. Strict supervision, therefore, has to be organized and provided.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“In our view, any other reality created by force is both tyrannical and unacceptable; it cannot and should not be accepted by this Council. The purpose of suggesting the implementation of what I called UNAVEM III is not to defeat anybody or any party, but really to speed up the resumption of meaningful dialogue between UNITA and the Government of Angola towards the implementation of the Peace Accords. We shall not condone or accept any situation in which one party seeks to achieve through the bullet what it failed to achieve through the ballot. We therefore call upon UNITA to cease all hostilities immediately and unconditionally and engage in substantive and serious negotiations with the Government of Angola with a view to putting the implementation of the Bicesse Accords back on track.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“President Robert Gabriel Mugabe of Zimbabwe was charged at that meeting with the responsibility of seeking a solution to the Angolan crisis and bringing the legitimate Government of Angola, led by President Jose Edouardo dos Santos, and UNITA closer together. President Mugabe and the Secretary-General of the OAU, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, are making last efforts to contact Mr. Savimbi and urge him to stop the war and accept the results of the September elections. That is the only established reality that we are prepared to recognize and work for. We are very pleased that the Government of the United States of America has now accepted this reality by recognizing the legitimate Government of Angola last May.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“and Savimbi with no alternative but to return to the negotiating table on the basis of the Bicesse Peace Accords and also the Abidjan formulas. We should refuse to be manipulated by this one man and refuse to permit so much suffering and killing to continue in the name of seeking peace. He speaks peace, of course, but he is really planning and plotting for war and more war and more killing of his own people. We in Africa are gravely concerned at the untenable situation in Angola. My colleagues and I from the region of southern Africa have come before the Council today on behalf of the front-line States, soon after the publication of the Cairo Declaration on Angola and other issues by the Heads of State or Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU).”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“What is now required is to take measures that will completely isolate the tyrant and deny him the means of continuing this fratricidal war, in which about a thousand Angolans are dying every day. In our view, the collective measures proposed in the draft resolution should be imposed forthwith, instead of being postponed to 15 September in the hope that some progress may have been made in the peace process. In this connection, my delegation agrees entirely with what the Minister for External Relations of Angola said. In the view of my delegation, the time has come for initiating and implementing a comprehensive programme for what could be called UNAVEM III. The Council and the international community should take the initiative to create peace by adopting collective measures that will leave UNITA.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“The irresponsible and dangerous actions of this man were recounted by several delegations at the meeting of this Council on 1 June and at several other regional and international forums, and they were also recounted this morning by the Minister for External Relations of Angola, who has just finished speaking. I need not repeat them here. But what does need to be stressed and given attention is the fact that the Council should go beyond the extension of the United Nations Angola Verification Mission II (UNAVEM II) to some more positive collective measures. We know that UNAVEM II failed to stop Jonas Savimbi; we know that it did not stop him from wrecking the peace process, and it has also failed to bring him back onto the peace track defined by the Bicesse Accords.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“Mr, SHAMUYARIRA (Zimbabwe): Let me begin by congratulating you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council. Your vast experience and well-known diplomatic skills have already served the Council well this month, with its difficult and crowded agenda. Our congratulations also go to Ambassador Juan Antonio Yanez Barnuevo of Spain for his able stewardship of the Security Council during the month of June. The events in Angola represent a human tragedy of major proportions, and one that could have been avoided and can still be brought under control. Decisive action by this Council in particular and the international community as a whole could isolate and defeat the dangerous ambitions of the one man who is bringing much suffering and death to his own people: Mr. Jonas Savimbi, leader of UNITA.”
1993-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3254 (1993) · source
“I know some Zulu-speaking South Africans, friends of mine, who are in the ANC, and some who are in the PAC, and some who are in COSATU and other organizations. So there is a need, in the work we are going to be doing, to look at some organizing a test of acceptability, a test of the direction of thinking among the black people, so we can reach a realistic solution. I merely wanted to mention those two points in passing.”
1992-07-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3096 (1992) · source
“Thus, how do we know, and how do we determine, the wishes of the people in those areas. Mr. Botha was telling us about the referendum the whites had in March, and he said it had closed the chapter of apartheid. But what about the blacks, who were not allowed to vote last March. Clearly, there is a need for some test of acceptability, some way of assessing the strength of the opinion of the non-white peoples, or those who could not vote last March, and the direction of their thinking, so we can get some authentic views and authentic information on the subject. When the Chief of Kwa Zulu speaks, how many Zulus does he speak for? He speaks of Zulus as the largest nation; that may be so. But how many of them does he speak for?”
1992-07-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3096 (1992) · source
“I think that there is an anomaly there that the Council should appreciate, and that we should look at some kind of Supervision or refereeing of the process. The second factor that came out clearly in today's discussion is this: while I accept what was said by a number of the leaders who spoke this morning for various traditional and tribal groups - we had statements from the spokesmen for Kwa Zulu, Bophuthatswana and Ciskei this morning, and Transkei, Kwandebele and Kangwane this afternoon - one wonders about the extent to which these people speak for their tribes or their populations. They asserted here that the ANC does not speak for all the black people of South Africa; I think they would also accept that they themselves do not necessarily speak for all the people in their areas.”
1992-07-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3096 (1992) · source
“I think that we in the Council and the United Nations in general should view the role of the Special Representative as a slightly broader one. Groups in South Africa are already involved in a power struggle for the dominant position when the process has ended. That is quite normal. Mr. Botha has told us that he would like to see his Nationalist Party recruit a substantial number of black followers and become the dominant party. That is also quite normal, and other parties will be seeking to do the same. But I think that what should be avoided is a situation in which Mr. Botha himself, who is a participant in the political scene of South Africa and who is looking to benefit his Party, should also sit as the referee of the situation, of what the other parties can or cannot do.”
1992-07-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3096 (1992) · source
“But while I still have the floor, I should like to make a few brief remarks, which will take no more than two or three minutes. I realize that the time is late and a lot has been said already. My colleague the Foreign Minister of Namibia has said a number of things in summary that I also wanted to mention. In all the statements that have been made today, there appears to be support for the draft resolution before us, which will be adopted by consensus. There has been no opposition to the resolution - we are very pleased about that - including the operative paragraphs, but there are two issues that need to be mentioned that come out of today's discussions. One is that there is a need for a referee of the situation in South Africa.”
1992-07-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3096 (1992) · source
“Zimbabwe has no weapons on its soil bound for South Africa, and the Zimbabwe National Army has never assisted either the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) or the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) or any other organization in South Africa in carrying any arms bound for South Africa. While Zimbabwe supports the political struggle of the liberation movements in South Africa and the democratic forces in general, it has never involved itself in armed conflict or in the violence occurring there. Quite to the contrary, we have condemned all violence and aid all parties to negotiate peacefully for the end of apartheid and the transfer of power. That statement, therefore, is completely false, and I wanted to assure the members of the Council of that.”
1992-07-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3096 (1992) · source
“I wish to address a remark that was made this morning by the Foreign Minister of South Africa in his long statement, which I cannot leave unchallenged or uncorrected. He said that "the ANC/Communist Party alliance had issued instructions to its representative in Harare to transfer weapons stored at Mashvinga in Zimbabwe to the northern border of the Transvaal for infiltration into South Africa. These weapons included automatic assault rifles and grenade launchers and would be transported with the assistance of the Zimbabwean Army." (supra, pp. 14 and 15) I should like to inform the Council that the information given to Mr. Botha is entirely false and without any foundation.”
1992-07-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3096 (1992) · source
“CODESA was plunged into the current crisis by the ongoing violence, and when the negotiations start up again we would like them to make rapid progress. Making rapid progress means defining the goals and the framework within which the discussions should take place. We hope that the South African leaders and their organizations will move rapidly in that direction.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“Related to this is the imperative need for this Council to urge the negotiating parties to accelerate the process once the negotiations are back on track. We entirely agree: we would like the negotiations to get back on track, but on a basis acceptable to the negotiating parties; on a basis that clearly leads to non-racialism and democracy within South Africa; and on a basis that will get rid of violence, that will get rid of intimidation, that will get rid of all obstacles to the process. We were very pleased when the South African parties were talking about removing those impediments, or "levelling the playing field" as they say. We thought the playing field was being levelled. But when there is built-in violence and a built-in veto for minorities, then the playing field is not level; it is very bumpy in fact.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“Majority rule does not and should never mean riding rough-shod over the rights of minorities. It means protecting minorities as well as the majority. But what is not acceptable is giving a minority the right to veto legislation or decisions that have to be taken. That, we are told by the South Africans ~ by the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC), the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and other organizations there - is the probiem: that the National Party wants a veto for the minority in the constitution and in the process. Whether you put the veto at 75 per cent, at 70 per cent or even at 51 per cent, the point is that building into a system a veto for a minority would not be democratic. That is an issue that should also be faced.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“This is an issue that lies at the very heart of the whole process of transforming South Africa into a non-racial, democratic and united country. The international community cannot avoid addressing this matter if it is sincerely committed to helping the people of South Africa out of the crisis they are now facing. The fundamental issue is the non-acceptance by the National Party of majority rule as we know it, and that means democracy as we know it today. That is what brought the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) to a halt. The attempt to entrench the rights of minorities in the constitution is acceptable; we all have such entrenchment of rights, and we would like minorities - whether tribal, or racial, or whatever - to be protected in their own societies.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“We documented those activities at the time the South African Government was pursuing a destabilization policy against all its neighbours. We are glad to say that this has now come to an end to a large extent. But those units are still there, and we hear that an element of the armed Koevoet unit was the one used in the Boipatong matter. But I am glad that the President of South Africa has announced the disbanding of these units; this will be a major step forward in achieving the peace we need in order for the negotiations to continue. Besides the issue of violence, another factor that has contributed to the crisis facing the process of negotiations in South Africa is the fundamental issue of the National Party - the ruling party of South Africa - not accepting the principle of majority rule.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“If there is so-called black-on-black violence, then let us have an investigation; let us have it confirmed by an impartial body. That is what an impartial body would do. I was pleased to learn yesterday that the South African President, Mr. De Kierk, announced that he was going to disband certain armed units such as Koevoet, which is an armed unit of recruits that operated in Namibia before independence but have now gone back to South Africa, and Battalion 32, which is an armed battalion that consists of recruits from Angola who went back to South Africa after the end of the war in Angola. These groups ~ including Selous Scouts from Zimbabwe and PIDE agents from Mozambique - have been regrouping in South Africa and have been used as undercover agents for various activities that are all well known to us.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“In my experience, you do get fights between political activists in a political party and so forth, but inter-party clashes such as we have had in Zimbabwe and in many other countries do not result in deaths and do not result in the scale of violence we have seen in South Africa, where people with machine-guns go into trains and mow down hundreds of people going to work, or where people from squatter compounds or camps go to other townships and kill 30 or 50 people, as happened at Boipatong. That is clearly a level that shows organization and that requires people who have the weaponry and the means to use it. This matter needs to be looked at very closely now. In my view, the Goldstone Commission is not the right commission to give us definitive information about this.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“Nothing has stopped the South African Government in the past several years from appointing an international commission; I do not know why they are hurrying now, unless it is because they see that the international community is about to appoint such a commission. Those are matters we should look at. 'We are told that there is black-on-black violence; this has been referred to by a number of speakers.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“In that way we would be certain of both impartiality and of continuing to monitor South Africa and get valuable information from that country. I would have thought it was not enough just to internationalize a South African commission. I am not opposing what has been suggested by other speakers around this table, but I have not seen the Goldstone Commission report; I have not seen what it says. Naturally, therefore, I cannot commit my delegation or my Government to it. But I would say that in principle it would have been better had the commission come from here rather than from the South African Government.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“Some statements have been made about the Goldstone Commission. Some Heads of Delegation have urged us to support the recommendations of the Goldstone Commission, which I am told were published in London yesterday. I was travelling from Africa yesterday, and I have not read the report. The Goldstone Commission was appointed by the South African Government, but owing to international pressure it was recently broadened in order to take on an international character. My delegation would have preferred a commission appointed by this body or by another body of the United Nations, or failing that by the Commonwealth - which sent a very important mission to South Africa in 1986 which gave us very valuable information - with the support and encouragement of the Organization of African Unity (OAU).”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“The tragic massacre at Boipatong and other recent similar incidents are merely the tip of the iceberg. The violence in South Africa has become endemic. There are manifestations of a deeper and a larger problem of an ongoing and ugly nature - an ongoing campaign of violence that has assumed particular patterns in the last few years in South Africa. More than 7,000 people have been killed in South Africa in the last four years. Last week we were told by a South African organization through the press that as many as 1,800 people have been killed this year alone. And in June, last month, as Many as 380 deaths occurred. The toll of the carnage is just too much, and we have to do something to stop it. As I have said, one is very pleased that all the delegations around this table are totally agreed on this point.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“Mandela, the President of the ANC - and he told us the same thing in Dakar three weeks ago; and Clarence Makwetu, President of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC), also told us the same thing - that in their view the Government was not committed to a democratic South Africa. That is what brought CODESA EI to a halt. The Government worked out a mathematical formula, percentage votes and what-have-you, ail of which were intended to give the white minority a veto and to abort the whole process towards democracy. That is what has annoyed Nelson Mandela and that is what has annoyed Clarence Makwetu and other leaders of democratic organizations within South Africa. We should address that question fully before just calling for a resumption of the CODESA meetings. It would be a resumption to discuss what?”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“All the statements made in the last two years have been very good and forward looking, but in actual practice very little has been achieved either to democratize the system or to ensure the enjoyment of full human rights by the majority of the people. In these circumstances, just to call for a resumption of CODESA is not enough. What is the basis on which CODESA can and would be recalled? What will it discuss? What is the goal? If the goal is a non-racial and democratic South Africa, then we have to be satisfied that the Government, which is the main player in the CODESA process, is sincere and committed to the creation of non-racialism and democracy. We have been told here by Mr.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“The subsequent convening of the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) was in keeping with these calls from the OAU, from the Commonwealth and from the United Nations. Thus we all welcomed and supported the peace process which had started in South Africa. There have been a number of statements made by representatives today that there is no other way to make progress except through negotiations and, to be more precise, through CODESA. Here I would only sound a word of warning, which we have been sounding on many other occasions, that is, not to take at face value what the South African says without putting it squarely against the practice and the achievements of that regime.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“Thirdly, the Secretary-General should be invited to put into place a mechanism for the continuous monitoring of the evolution of the South African situation. Thus, in calling for this meeting, our Heads of State had very clear objectives, the three objectives I have just stated. The OAU, through its Ad Hoc Committee on Southern Africa; the Commonwealth in its deliberations in Kuala Lumpur and later in Harare; and the entire membership of the United Nations through its consensus Declaration on Apartheid and Its Destructive Consequences in Southern Africa, adopted in December 1989 - all joined their voices in encouraging the people of South Africa to come together to negotiate an end to apartheid and to create an atmosphere in which there could be meaningful negotiations.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“The purpose for which this meeting was requested by the African Heads of State is clearly spelt out in their resolution adopted in Dakar, Senegal, three weeks ago, which has now been circulated as an official document of the Council. First, the Council should examine the issue of violence in South Africa and take all appropriate action to ensure that the violence is brought to an end. One is very pleased that all the statements that have been made this afternoon agree totally on this point. It is very important that violence be Stopped in order for negotiations to continue. Secondly, the Council should assist the South African people in the creation of conditions for negotiations leading towards a peaceful transition to a democratic, non-racial and united South Africa.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“Mr. President, let me say at the outset how pleased Zimbabwe is to have you presiding over our deliberations today. We have full confidence that you will steer our discussions towards a conclusion that will yield results for the suffering people of South Africa and for the entire African continent. Also, I should like to offer our congratulations to the representative of Belgium for the effective leadership he provided to the Council last month, and to thank all the members of this Council generally for acceding to the request of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) for an urgent meeting to consider the distressing situation unfolding in South Africa. I believe that my colleaque the Foreign Minister of Senegal has already outlined the framework in which the Organization of African Unity (OAU) has brought this matter before the Council.”
1992-07-15 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3095 (1992) · source
“We trust that, as we are giving the new Secretary-General a strong mandate and an elaborate programme over the next five years, he will be provided with the means of executing that task.”
1992-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3046 (1992) · source
“This calls for an activist role on the part of the Secretary-General in terms of Article 99 of the Charter, which calls upon him to bring before the Security Council any matter which, in his opinion, threatens international peace and security. It goes without saying that in order to play the key role envisaged in the Charter, both the Secretary-General and the United Nations require adequate resources. Is it not one of the great ironies of our time that, when it comes to war-making, resources become available in abundance, but when it comes to peace-making, resources become extremely scarce? It will not be possible for the United Nations to play a key role in the peace and security of a new world order if it is not rescued from its continuing financial crisis.”
1992-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3046 (1992) · source
“The Non-Aligned Movement has taken very vigorous steps in the direction of strengthening international law in the important meeting which was held in The Hague and which produced this very important Declaration. In the final analysis, I think we can all agree that peace and security based on mutual interests and shared values is much more likely to be enduring than that based on the threat of arms. It is therefore imperative that we take full advantage of the disappearance of cold-war rivalries and mutual suspicions to create and promote this shared community of interests and values. Where disputes do arise, let us focus on the root causes rather than on the symptoms. It is much better to prevent conflicts and disputes than to resolve them, This calls for the primacy of preventive diplomacy we are expecting from our Secretary-General.”
1992-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3046 (1992) · source
“The President of the United States, in his intervention this morning, made reference to some of these important problem areas. We believe this could very well be the time to revive the idea of an international criminal code and to create an international criminal court. In a document entitled "The Hague Declaration on the Rule of Law in Inter-State Relations", the non-aligned States offered some useful ideas which were well-received by the General Assembly at its forty-fourth session, when it declared the 1990s a Decade of International Law. We hope that the Security Council will also consider taking decisions that will result in the establishment of the primacy of law in the emerging world order and, in particular, consider proposals to strengthen the authority of the International Court of Justice.”
1992-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3046 (1992) · source
“Zimbabwe supports strongly the proposal of the Secretary-General to mediate in the civil strife in Somalia in particular. But we would urge him to take similar steps in five other African countries facing similar strife. Some of the problems of civil strife in Africa could be contained with vigorous preventive diplomacy by the Secretary-General as well as the Secretaries-General of the Organization of African Unity and the Arab League. We are pleased that the Secretary-General is taking very vigorous steps in this direction early in his tenure of office. We have also recently witnessed how ill-equipped the United Nations is to deal with problems of drug-trafficking and international terrorism, which are likely to become a major threat to international peace and security in the era we are entering.”
1992-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3046 (1992) · source
“While the technology of developed nations is enabling them to reach outer space, ours is not sufficient to reach the village, especially in Africa. A new world order that does not make a special effort to eliminate poverty and narrow the widening disparities existing between industrialized and developing countries will not be sustainable. African States face a multitude of problems as they enter the new world order. They are taking painful steps of political, social and economic adjustments of existing structures in order to be accommodated in the emerging new order and also in order to improve the standard of living of their own people generally on a more sustainable and permanent basis. They will need strong Governments to implement these reforms, and they will require financial and material resources on an increasing scale.”
1992-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3046 (1992) · source
“The environment conference in Brazil next June will give participants an opportunity to discuss the very pressing problem of increasing poverty in developing countries and the alarming rate of degradation of the environment. After the debates, it will be up to the United Nations and its specialized agencies to implement those recommendations on which action could be taken. The specialized agencies of the United Nations are doing most valuable work in bringing expertise and skills to developing countries. We look forward to the convening of the projected World Summit on Social Development as another important forum for exchanging views, experiences and knowledge. The social condition of millions of people in developing countries must be a source of great concern to all leaders of Governments.”
1992-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3046 (1992) · source
“This clearly calls for a careful drawing up and drafting of general principles and guidelines that would quide decisions on when a domestic situation warrants international action, either by the Security Council or by regional organizations. This could be one of the tasks this Council could entrust to the Secretary-General, The welcome end of East-West confrontation should propel us to end the North-South confrontation as well. I am very glad that the President of France dwelt at some length on this matter this morning. Hence I will not belabour the point. The growing economic gap between the two sides will lead to catastrophe for us all. We should provide a forum for analysing and discussing these issues and finding viable solutions.”
1992-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3046 (1992) · source
“There is, therefore, the need to strike a delicate balance between the rights of States, as enshrined in the Charter, and the rights of individuals, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Zimbabwe supports very strongly both the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Charter on these issues. Zimbabwe is a firm subscriber to the principles in the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights. However, we cannot but express our apprehension about who will decide when to get the Security Council involved in an internal matter and in what manner. In other words, who will judge when a threshold is passed that calls for international action? Who will decide what should be done, how it will be done and by whom?”
1992-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3046 (1992) · source
“Massive and deliberate violations of human rights or the existence of situations of oppression and repression can no longer be tolerated anywhere in the world. In the era we are entering, the Council will be callea upon to deal more and more with conflicts and humanitarian situations of a domestic nature that could pose threats to international peace and stability. However, great care has to be taken to see that these domestic conflicts are not used as a pretext for the intervention of big Powers in the legitimate domestic affairs of small States, or that human rights issues are not used for totally different purposes of destabilizing other Governments.”
1992-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3046 (1992) · source
“Established principles governing inter-State relations - such as that of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and infringing on the sovereignty of States - will have to accommodate efforts by the United Nations and by regional organizations to protect the basic human rights of individuals and social groups that are threatened in particular States. For example, when the United Nations condemned the doctrine of apartheid in South Africa, it became a concern of the whole international community to promote human rights there. It could no longer be described or regarded as a domestic issue in South Africa alone. We are pleased that steps are now being taken to dismantle the ugly edifice of apartheid in South Africa.”
1992-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3046 (1992) · source