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“It has been an example of a measure that produces harmful effects because of its indiscriminate and across-the-board character. The time has now come for a radical change. Slovenia welcomes the resolution on the termination of the arms embargo. It is focused on the situation of those successor States of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia that are parties to the conflict and signatories of the Peace Agreement. This is a wise approach, and the concept of gradualness is correct in this context. The link between the final lifting of the arms embargo with respect to the signatories of the Peace Agreement and the implementation of their arms control agreement contained in Annex IE to the Peace Agreement, is justified.”
1995-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3595 (1995) · source
“Such a limited interpretation would harm those who are negotiating the issues of State succession in good faith and could indeed have a very negative impact on negotiations on the issue of State succession in the future. The second resolution addresses the issue of the termination of the arms embargo imposed by Security Council resolution 713 (1991) four years ago. That embargo has been one of the least fortunate measures taken by the Security Council. It was originally imposed on the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which was then still in existence and a Member of the United Nations. It was maintained after the dissolution of that former State, without any consideration for the specific situation of each of the successor States.”
1995-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3595 (1995) · source
“We urge all States to consider these assets frozen, in accordance with operative paragraph 5 of the resolution, until a final resolution regarding the distribution of these assets and liabilities is reached by the successor States. Any unilateral disposal of the relevant funds will force the Republic of Slovenia to take appropriate legal steps to have any such transactions declared null and void. Finally, I wish to stress that we disagree with, and shall oppose, any interpretation that would limit the meaning of the term "claims" - used in operative paragraph 5 of the resolution - only to claims raised in current legal proceedings.”
1995-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3595 (1995) · source
“Slovenia officially requests that the respective authorities of all States Members of the United Nations consider, first, all assets of the Government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), including any of its subdivisions, as well as those of its agencies, including the National Bank of Yugoslavia; and secondly, the assets of the entities owned or controlled, directly or indirectly, by the Government or any governmental agency of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), as assets on which the Republic of Slovenia, as one of the successor States to the former Yugoslavia, has a legal and legitimate claim. In this context, we wish to stress that we agree with the interpretation of paragraph 5 of the resolution provided in the explanation of vote of the representative of the United States.”
1995-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3595 (1995) · source
“Obviously, with the suspension of sanctions, we are about to enter an important stage in this matter. It is crucial that this suspension does not apply to those frozen assets that are the common property of the former State. These assets are subject to succession by all successor States and should accordingly be divided among them. Therefore, all necessary measures should be taken to prevent the unfreezing of these assets and their use to the benefit of any single one of the successor States. This issue is addressed more specifically in operative paragraphs 5 and 6 of the resolution on the suspension of sanctions.”
1995-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3595 (1995) · source
“On this occasion, we would like to make a few comments on the resolutions the Council has adopted. Let me first address the resolution on the suspension of sanctions (resolution I 022 ( I 995) ). In the ninth preambular paragraph of that resolution, the Security Council reiterates that "the State formerly known as the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has ceased to exist". This is an important element of the resolution. It states a basic fact and a basic principle, upon which practical solutions can be sought with success. The dissolution and extinction of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has affected the disposition of the assets of that former State, as is accurately mentioned in the ninth preambular paragraph of the resolution.”
1995-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3595 (1995) · source
“Slovenia is also prepared to contribute, to the best of its abilities, to the stabilization of political, social and economic life in the crisis areas." Efforts now should be devoted to the establishment of durable and real peace. Peace is not merely the absence of war. It requires that the right steps be taken throughout the process so that normal life is restored and that justice prevails. Two important measures among the series of steps towards peace were adopted by the Security Council today: first, the suspension of sanctions and, secondly, the lifting of the arms embargo imposed by Security Council resolution 713 (1991) more than four years ago. We are confident that we shall have the opportunity in the Council to address various issues related to the establishment of peace, at the appropriate stages.”
1995-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3595 (1995) · source
“We urge the parties to sign the Peace Agreement and thus open the way to the establishment of peace and stability. In a statement made earlier today, the Foreign Minister of Slovenia, Mr. Zoran Thaler, emphasized the following: "We hope that the Dayton Agreement will be brought to life and will, as soon as possible, produce practical effects which will put an end to four years of bloodshed and devastation and will bring peace to the crisis areas. "Slovenia continues to insist that Bosnia and Herzegovina must be preserved as a single State and that its territorial integrity be respected. "Slovenia wishes the situation in its vicinity to stabilize and the life of people to be brought back to normal in conditions of respect for territorial integrity, internationally recognized borders and human rights.”
1995-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3595 (1995) · source
“I wish to begin by congratulating you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of November. Let me assure you that we believe that the Council will be successful under your wise and competent guidance. We would also like to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Gambari of Nigeria, for the excellent manner in which he conducted the work of the Council last month. Slovenia wholeheartedly welcomes the conclusion, at Dayton, of the Peace Agreement between Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro). We commend the United States for its crucial role in the efforts to resolve the crisis in the Balkans, and for the decisive contribution to the peace process which has resulted in the initialling of the Agreement for peace.”
1995-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3595 (1995) · source
“The long-term processes to which the Secretary- General refers in paragraph 28 of the Supplement could thus be accelerated. In this context, I should like to make a specific proposal. Perhaps the Secretary-General could suggest consultations with the General Assembly, initially through its President, with a view to establishing the machinery called for in General Assembly resolution 47/120 B. It seems necessary to take advantage of the General Assembly and its potential and competences in this context. We have commented upon several aspects of the "Supplement to an Agenda for Peace". We are hopeful that the Supplement and the discussions it has generated will contribute to the improvement of the work of the United Nations and to the adjustment of its mechanisms to current and evolving needs.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“The General Assembly then went on to decide, in paragraph 2 of part I: "to consider the use of existing or new machinery, including subsidiary organs under Article 22 of the Charter, to facilitate consideration of any situation coming within the scope of Article 14 of the Charter, with a View to recommending measures for the peaceful adjustment of such a situation". The resolution was adopted by consensus by the General Assembly on 20 September 1993. An appropriate machinery established by the General Assembly could help the Secretary-General address any situation which it, as Article 14 says, "regardless of origin deems likely to impair the general welfare or friendly relations among nations." This may help reduce the problems of political will to tackle a situation at an early stage.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“In our View the entire United Nations system should be seen as a whole, and different tasks in the domain of preventive diplomacy pertain to all United Nations organs within their respective powers defined in the Charter. The Permanent Representative of New Zealand has just spoken at some length on the powers and possibilities for the Security Council in this domain. I largely share his analysis. What we would like to recall in this context is that the General Assembly, in its resolution 47/ 120 B, entitled "An Agenda for Peace" expressed its resolve to make full and effective use of powers set out in Articles 10 and 14 of the Charter, in conformity with other relevant provisions of the Charter.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“But more needs to be done, and - hypothetically, at least - can be done. The Secretary-General recognizes, in paragraphs 27 and 28, the problems of political will and the reluctance of certain States to accept United Nations assistance. We agree with the Secretary-General that the solution can only be long term, and that it depends on the necessary climate of opinion, or ethos, within the international community which would encourage Member States to accept an offer of United Nations good offices. The real question here, in our opinion, is whether such a climate or such an ethos might be expected without an effort on the part of various United Nations organs and, in particular, the General Assembly. In matters of preventive diplomacy the Secretary-General is not alone and should not be alone.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“We would therefore urge that the question of mechanisms for the assessment of effects of sanctions and the methodology of preparation of statements of impact assessment be given a high priority. Before concluding, I wish to make a few remarks on the Secretary-General's analysis of preventive diplomacy and peacemaking. It is a matter of common sense that prevention is better than cure. It is also clear that successful preventive diplomacy is considerably less costly than peace-keeping and other types of military operations that become necessary in situations where preventive diplomacy failed or was not attempted. We therefore support the recommendations in paragraphs 31 and 32 concerning the practical measures necessary for the successful implementation of the mandate of the Secretary-General in the domain of preventive diplomacy.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“We studied carefully the comments by the Secretary-General on sanctions, and we generally agree with his analysis. In particular, we would like to support the idea, expressed in paragraph 75 (a), that there should be a mechanism to assess, before sanctions are imposed, their potential impact on the target country and on third countries. Any sophisticated system of decision-making requires impact assessment prior to the final taking of a decision. Recent experience with sanctions has shown that their effects are sometimes slightly different from what was generally expected, and that sometimes a disproportionate burden is placed upon neighbouring States or on major economic partners of the targeted State.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“In our opinion, adding other elements should be avoided, both as a matter of principle and as a matter of expediency. This approach does not exclude the possibility that the United Nations can authorize or resort to the use of force in forms other than peace-keeping, in accordance with the Charter. But in such cases the specific type of use of force should be characterized as what it actually is. Perhaps an improved practice would also require clearer terminology; the term "peace-keeping" should be reserved for genuine peace-keeping operations, while other military operations should be termed in appropriate words. While this might be politically difficult in some situations, the advantage of preservation of intellectual and moral accuracy would be to the benefit of all Members of the United Nations.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“Here we suggest that careful thought be given to the exact nature of the United Nations operation. We agree with the Secretary-General when he emphasizes in the "Supplement to an Agenda for Peace" that "Peace-keeping and the use of force (other than in self-defence) should be seen as alternative techniques and not as adjacent points on a continuum, permitting easy transition from one to the other." (S/1995/1, para. 36) We would like to add in this connection that it is necessary to re-evaluate the so-called complex peace-keeping operations and consider the possibility of limiting peace-keeping operations to what they actually should be: operations intended to support and stabilize a cease-fire or a truce already agreed to by the parties in conflict.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“The purpose of these admittedly somewhat lengthy opening remarks was to contribute to the ongoing discussion on the challenges put before the United Nations and the international community at present. Moreover, we believe that careful clarification of military conflicts is necessary in any effort intended to devise the United Nations response to a given situation. That response, of course, need not always be a military one. Very often political means, such as good offices, advice or economic cooperation, can be more useful, in particular in the period before the full outbreak of a military conflict. In the situation of conflict itself, it is necessary to agree on the nature of the conflict prior to defining the nature of the United Nations military operation.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“The use of powerful and generally supported values and principles for the purpose of justifying very prosaic goals, such as the pursuit of power and control over others, are as old as military conflicts themselves. Moreover, in some recent military conflicts such prosaic goals have motivated the use of force against the exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination and have made political negotiation on the most appropriate and peaceful form of self-determination more difficult and sometimes impossible. It is indeed paradoxical that in our era the use of military force under the slogan of territorial integrity has more often than not led to the social and political disintegration of societies and in some cases to the disintegration of States.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“Only if this is possible and done can one hope that the response by the United Nations and by other international mechanisms will correspond to the actual needs. A related problem stems from the fact that, as a rule, the qualification of a conflict as ethnic does not explain its causes or nature. Such qualification is too often a result of political convenience, intellectual laziness or, worst of all, willingness to accept a situation as insoluble. Such approaches ought to be avoided. Our final remark on the issue of the nature of present- day conflicts is this: a number of recent conflicts have been fought under the slogan of preservation of the territorial integrity of States. Here, again, we wish to emphasize the need for careful analysis of the real nature of the conflict and of the actual agendas involved.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“All this calls for additional efforts in the analysis of the causes of conflicts. It is sometimes suggested that ethnic or religious factors are crucial in many conflicts, which are therefore described as ethnic or religious. We would like to caution against the hasty use of these terms to qualify conflicts. A look to the past would help reveal the presence of ethnic or religious elements in many conflicts of the past and other, non-ethnic and non-religious elements in present military conflicts, including those which are described as ethnic. As a matter of fact, it is possible to speak of the ethnic coefficient in most military conflicts in human history. What is really necessary is a careful identification of actors in each conflict and of their actual agendas.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“The Supplement prepared by the Secretary-General will certainly facilitate the search for such responses, and we wish to offer some of our thoughts pertaining to the same search. An important part of the "Supplement to an Agenda for Peace" is devoted to the Secretary-General's reflections on the specific features of political and military conflicts after the end of the cold war. Indeed, the new international political environment is often characterized by conflicts which are in some respects different from those of the past. The number of political actors involved in conflicts has increased and become more diverse. The current wars by proxy are sometimes fought on behalf of smaller States and for diverse political agendas. In several conflicts the inter-State aspect is less apparent or deliberately obscured.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“It gives me great pleasure to see you, Sir, presiding over the present discussion. We deeply appreciate your efforts to improve the working methods of the Security Council, and we consider it most fitting that the present discussion takes place under your presidency. We are convinced that under your presidency the work of the Security Council will be successful. We are grateful to the Secretary-General for the "Supplement to an Agenda for Peace", and we commend him for the valuable ideas expressed therein. We particularly welcome the point made towards the end of the document that the changing circumstances require, inter alia, perceptive, adaptive and creative responses.”
1995-01-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3492Resumption2 (1995) · source
“These are the reasons why we believe that it would be not only appropriate, but, indeed, necessary for the Security Council to declare that paragraph 6 of resolution 713 (1991) and the relevant paragraphs of resolutions 724 (1991), 727 (1992) and 762 (1992) no longer apply. We understand that the present meeting of the Security Council has been convened to enable a comprehensive exchange of views by Members of the Organization on the course of action to be followed with respect to the present situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We have offered our views in the hope that they will contribute to this genuinely collective endeavour.”
1994-11-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454 (1994) · source
“The entire concept of collective security is based upon complementarity of self-defence and international action so as to provide effective protection of States' existence and their territorial integrity and political independence. Finally, in the case of Slovenia, there is no justification for continuing the arms embargo. I have to make this point particularly clearly, as one of the statements made earlier this evening indicates that some of the pertinent facts are not always fully appreciated. My country is not, and has never been, involved in an armed conflict that prompted the imposition of that arms embargo years ago. I repeat that it was imposed against the former Yugoslavia, a State which has since ceased to exist.”
1994-11-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454 (1994) · source
“There are many reasons for keeping the arms embargo as a part of sanctions - and I emphasize "as a part of sanctions" - imposed by Security Council resolution 757 (1992) and subsequent relevant resolutions, until the conditions for lifting those sanctions are fulfilled. On the other hand, there is a need to recognize the inapplicability of an arms embargo to those engaged in legitimate self-defence - that is, in the exercise of the inherent right of all Members of the United Nations. It would be very unfortunate indeed if the functioning of the United Nations system of collective security were permitted to develop on a selective basis, in a manner harmful to the inherent right of all United Nations Members to self-defence.”
1994-11-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454 (1994) · source
“It is important to keep in mind that the embargo was imposed on the former Yugoslavia - back in 1991, when that former State still existed. The embargo was then extended to the successor States of the former Yugoslavia in a specific situation in 1992, a situation characterized by a mixture of fear and bias against the States that emerged from the ruins of Yugoslavia, which was on its way towards complete dissolution. Since that time almost everything has changed for each of the successor States of the former Yugoslavia, which has, in the meantime, ceased to exist. A debate which would fully take into 23 account the new realities and different situations of each of the successor States is long overdue.”
1994-11-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454 (1994) · source
“Furthermore, failure to achieve such a reversal could represent a clear message to other potential aggressors that their acts of aggression might not only go unpunished but could also be rewarded. The peace proposal introduced by the Contact Group last August has the potential to become the point of reference for a future peace settlement. However, the potential is yet to be translated into an effective process. There is still no sign from the Bosnian Serbs that they are ready to submit to the concerted pressure of the entire international community. This calls for further measures by the United Nations, which are to be taken in accordance with the provisions of the Charter. This is why a variety of measures, including those related to the arms embargo, has to be contemplated.”
1994-11-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454 (1994) · source
“We therefore have some reason to hope that efforts of the Contact Group will contribute to the ending of the armed conflict and to establishing conditions for a political solution with the fundamental elements of justice. The essential elements of a just and durable solution are: the preservation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina; the establishment of a safe environment for the voluntary return of refugees; and the restoration of land and property seized by "ethnic cleansing" and by the use of force. It should be stressed again that without a thorough reversal of the consequences of "ethnic cleansing" and the use of force it is not likely that any peace arrangement will endure.”
1994-11-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454 (1994) · source
“Moreover, it has become clear that humanitarian assistance alone cannot guarantee adequate respect for the basic norms of international humanitarian law. Let me now turn to the question of essential conditions for cessation of hostilities and for the establishment of peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Washington Agreement, concluded last March, and the resulting cooperation between the Bosnian Muslims and Croats restored hope that appropriate international assistance can meaningfully influence the political aspects of the armed conflict. Such political influence is essential in the efforts to change the military reality on the ground and to open a path towards solutions.”
1994-11-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454 (1994) · source
“Thus, after more than two years of unsuccessful engagement, the image of the United Nations is still negatively affected and its credibility is eroded, notwithstanding the valiant humanitarian efforts. It is true that without the involvement of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) forces, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and numerous other humanitarian organizations the tragedy in Bosnia would have been even worse. The ongoing efforts to guarantee delivery of humanitarian aid deserve our deep appreciation and active support. However, humanitarian assistance cannot be a substitute for effective policies.”
1994-11-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454 (1994) · source
“"Ethnic cleansing" is not an _ accidental consequence, but, rather, a premeditated instrument, of war. While it is true that the war has become increasingly complex and that atrocities have been committed by all sides in the conflict, its original character as a war of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina remains essential. It has become a commonplace that diplomacy without determination or readiness to use force is fruitless when confronted with forces of aggression. The international diplomatic action concerning Bosnia and Herzegovina has, unfortunately, too often lacked such determination. As a result, the peace efforts have been unsuccessful and, on some occasions, even ridiculed.”
1994-11-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454 (1994) · source
“One of the reasons for this results from the lack of coherence in characterizing the conflict for what it actually is. Only a realistic assessment of the situation can offer the necessary ground to define adequate remedies. The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina is neither a religious nor an ethnic conflict, nor is it a civil war. The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina began as a war of aggression against a recognized and sovereign State and has since remained a war of territorial expansion. That this is the nature of the war is clearly manifested in one of its most dreadful characteristics: the practice of "ethnic cleansing", which has reached proportions of genocide against the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The practice of "ethnic cleansing" was devised as a tool for territorial conquest, aimed at eventual creation of "greater Serbia".”
1994-11-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454 (1994) · source
“Slovenia supported that resolution as an important effort intended to contribute to the search for peace. Moreover, Slovenia has been, since the earliest stages of the war, vitally interested in the restoration of peace in that part of Europe and has since then made several specific proposals to this end. Let me only mention the Slovenian proposals of 1992 and 1993 for the establishment of safe areas in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Four Points Appeal made by the Government of Slovenia in February this year, prior to the effective international effort to prevent the strangulation of Sarajevo. The situation discussed today has to be taken very seriously, in particular since the international community and its institutions, including the United Nations, have so far been unable to stop the war and open up the prospect of peace.”
1994-11-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454 (1994) · source
“Madam President, let me at the outset join preceding speakers who have congratulated you on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council this month. In many respects this remains a difficult period, but we are convinced that your wisdom, commitment and diplomatic skills guarantee success in the Council's dealings with the situations at hand. May I also take this opportunity to express our appreciation for the exemplary presidency of Sir David Hannay, Ambassador of the United Kingdom, who presided over the work of the Council in the month of October. Only a few days ago the General Assembly adopted a resolution on the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The resolution contains an analysis of the situation and a series of recommendations.”
1994-11-08 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3454 (1994) · source
“There is a need to reconsider the merits of the embargo for those engaged in legitimate self-defence, that is, in the exercise of an inherent right of all United Nations Members. And finally, in the case of Slovenia, there is no justification for the embargo, nor could it be applicable to a Member State that is not involved in armed conflicts which prompted the adoption of that measure years ago against a former United Nations Member. Although I also referred in my statement to some issues which are indirectly relevant to the situation in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the focus of our approach remains clear. We hope that the Security Council will rise to the occasion and that it will be able to act in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and thus meet the expectations of the United Nations Members.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“This meeting of the Security Council is convened at a time when there is an intensive search for appropriate responses to various problems related, in one way or another, to the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Let me in conclusion briefly refer to the issue of the arms embargo, which has become more and more intensely debated in recent weeks. It is important to recognize that the embargo was imposed on the former Yugoslavia - when it still existed - and was extended to its successor States in a specific situation in 1992. A decision taking into account the new realities and different situations of each of the successor States is long overdue. There are reasons for keeping the arms embargo as a part of sanctions against the successor State of the former Yugoslavia, against which sanctions were imposed.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“We continue to be convinced that the United Nations should definitively terminate the membership of the former Yugoslavia soon in order to improve conditions for a real and durable peace. Let us not underestimate the plans of those who still believe that they will end this war with consolidated territorial gains in the name of continuity of the former Yugoslavia. 35 In this connection, I wish to express our dissatisfaction with the fact that these realities were not fully appreciated by the leaders of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, and that this contributed to the Conference's lack of success. International efforts for peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina and for a solution to related problems must be coordinated, and the Conference on the Former Yugoslavia should not become an obstacle in this process.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“In this context, we wish to pay tribute to the diplomatic efforts made by the United States in recent months. They represent the right steps in the right direction, and - as always - persistence is needed to achieve the right results. We support the approach proposed by President Clinton in his address of 20 April 1994. We agree that this is the time for vigorous action and for tightened sanctions. Any sign of indulgence towards the party against which sanctions were legitimately imposed would result in negative effects and would make the search for peace more difficult. Moreover, equal resolve has to be shown in matters concerning State succession and other related issues resulting from the dissolution and extinction of the former Yugoslavia.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“We are convinced that a number of those proposals are still relevant in the present endeavours to make safe areas safer in the humanitarian sense and significant in their political aspect. More recently, on 7 February 1994, after the attack against civilians in Sarajevo, the Government of Slovenia formulated an appeal containing four basic points, which, in our opinion, represent the framework for any meaningful search for solutions. Given the interest of a number of States in the content of that appeal and its possible implications, we have conducted several informal consultations and will continue to explore further possible ways to make a contribution to the efforts to develop meaningful progress towards peace. There is a need to have a clear vision in devising immediate steps which are necessary for the peace process to succeed.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“The Government of Slovenia has never hesitated to make specific proposals with the aim of contributing to the international efforts to provide effective humanitarian assistance and to the efforts to devise a political solution for the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Let me recall the Slovene proposals for the establishment of safe areas in that country, first made in July 1992 and repeated on a number of occasions. Moreover, in April 1993, about a year ago, the Foreign Minister of Slovenia, Mr. Lojze Peterle, proposed a comprehensive set of measures for the establishment and protection of safe areas and addressed it to the Foreign Ministers of all members of the Security Council.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“Another lesson of major importance is that diplomacy without strength is fruitless when confronted with forces of aggression. All the international negotiators who participated in the efforts to achieve peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina have experienced this. On the other hand, the experience of the past two months, prior to the offensive against Gorazde, has clearly shown that vigorous action supported by appropriate might can be successful. In view of this experience, we join those who have already expressed support for the Secretary-General and his recent appeal to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization with a view to providing the necessary protection of the United Nations-declared "safe areas". This is a necessary measure in a broader set of steps needed for ending the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“In this context, it becomes clear that the nature of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina must be constantly kept in mind. It is neither a civil war nor a religious or ethnic conflict, as asserted by those who are interested in limiting international action by resorting to an obfuscation of the actual nature of that war. The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was started as a war of aggression against a United Nations Member State and has remained, in essence, a war for territorial expansion. The atrocious practice of "ethnic cleansing", a form of genocide against the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina, was devised as an instrument of that war. The tragedy of Gorazde is but the latest in the series of aggressive acts committed along the same lines.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“The present consideration of the situation in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Security Council was prompted by the brutal attack on Gorazde, one of the United Nations-proclaimed "safe areas", and by the humanitarian catastrophe which has resulted from that attack. Once again the world has been shocked by the horrors of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and once again we have become witnesses of the inability of the international community to stop the carnage. It is impossible to separate the tragedy of Gorazde from the broader reality of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and from efforts to stop that war and to open the road to peace. Many lessons have been learned so far. One of them, perhaps the most important, is that diplomacy cannot produce the necessary results unless it is guided by a realistic and well-informed analysis.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source
“Let me at the outset, Sir, join all the preceding speakers who have congratulated you on presiding over the Security Council for the month of April. In many respects this has been a particularly difficult month. We continue to admire your leadership, commitment and skill, as expressed in your dealings with the different situations pending before the Council. We equally appreciate your efforts to make the work of the Security Council as transparent as possible and an exercise carried out on behalf all Members of the United Nations. May I also take this opportunity to express our appreciation of the exemplary chairmanship of Ambassador Jean-Bernard Merimee, the Permanent Representative of France, who presided over the work of the Council in March.”
1994-04-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3367 (1994) · source