YouSaid · the spoken record

Valentin Inzko

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74
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2020-05-06
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2021-05-04
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un-security-council

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  1. If we were able to forge a single army from three armies that fought each other a decade earlier, we can certainly do what remains to be done. But I must be blunt. Both the international community and progressive actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina are making a fundamental mistake if they assume that things will somehow work out, because time is working in our favour. This is a fundamental mistake as long as the forces of disintegration are stronger than those of reintegration. For time to be on our side, we must get back to a dynamic of reform and reintegration. I would like to thank you for your cooperation and attention for all these years.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  2. I am increasingly inclined to believe that the current post-war political elite, mostly alienated from reality, is neither ready nor equipped to deal with contemporary challenges and address the real needs of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. I tend to believe that they are not our genuine partners in moving the country forward. We therefore need to find way to deal with them in a firmer way and, at the same time, move past them, also by finding new partners. The good news is that there are progressive forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina with whom we can partner that want to normalize their country. History shows that we can be incredibly successful. Let us not forget that in 2005 Bosnia and Herzegovina was the poster boy for post-conflict resolution — a country delivering structural reforms and advancing towards constitutional change.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  3. That was also the opinion of Karel Schwarzenberg, Foreign Minister of the Czech Republic, the EU presidency country in 2009, who supported my candidacy as High Representative and said to me: “We must have a long-term approach on Bosnia Herzegovina.” We should also acknowledge that the pace of progress has slowed because we decided to change our robust approach to Bosnia and Herzegovina too quickly. Unfortunately, we have to be honest with ourselves that the growing gaps in the wider international community do not help the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the region to improve. Therefore, I again appeal to the international community to remain united and decisive and to work together on offering solutions and solving problems. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a unique country, which calls for a unique approach.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  4. Until there is a genuine, demonstrated commitment to peace and stability and the durable stability and inviolability of Bosnia and Herzegovina are ensured, the international community must retain all the instruments at its disposal to address any potential threat, including the executive powers of the High Representative, the maintenance of international judges in the Bosnia and Herzegovina Constitutional Court, the international mechanisms in Brčko district and the international military presence in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Personally, I have the impression that we are very far from a situation that would allow changes to the post-Dayton arrangement in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Instead of rushing to a decision, we should come to terms with the fact that peace stabilization takes time.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  5. We have had a period of robust interventionism — which has garnered some criticism, but, let us be honest, helped to propel Bosnia and Herzegovina a long way on its path — and a longer period of local ownership, during which a step forward has often been followed by two steps back. Perhaps it is time to consider a different approach, somewhere in the middle. In any case, the international community needs to take a decisive stand to stop such centrifugal tendencies, which are taking the country further into a downward spiral. That could have political and security implications not only for the country but also for the region and the rest of Europe.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  6. I have consistently alerted the international community of the dangers of allowing that course of action to continue unchecked in my previous reports to the Council. As I said at the outset, when I arrived in Bosnia and Herzegovina as High Representative in 2009, the mantra was “local ownership”. With only a very few exceptions quite early on, we have tried that, and it is not working. Here we are a dozen years later talking about peaceful dissolution. Bosnia and Herzegovina should be firmly on the EU path, but today one of its political leaders is openly advocating dividing the country, disparaging and mocking the EU in the process.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  7. The multi-ethnic and diverse society that existed prior to the conflict has all but disappeared, while it is becoming more difficult to defend the preservation of multi-ethnic spaces and resist the creation of mono-ethnic ones. Hate speech, the glorification of war criminals and revisionism or outright genocide denial, despite the verdicts of international judicial bodies, remain very common in the political discourse. The refusal to accept the authority of the State and to comply with the rule of law, defying or ignoring the Bosnia and Herzegovina legal and constitutional framework and not cooperating with, or actively undermining, State-level judicial and law enforcement agencies and the defiance of the authority and decisions of High Representatives are some examples of today’s most immediate challenges.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  8. Unfortunately, and much to my regret, today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina is a country with largely ineffective governance structures, mired by continuous political deadlocks, where corruption is widespread and the rule of law is weak. At a time when the political situation is destabilized by calls for the dissolution of the State and Bosnia and Herzegovina is still a long way from lasting political stability, the engagement of the international community remains crucial. Bosnia and Herzegovina remains de facto a frozen conflict, where political leaders continue to pursue wartime goals and generate divisive narratives and nationalistic political agendas.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  9. I therefore want to use the opportunity to reflect on some of the lessons of the past 12 years. Living and working in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been one of the great pleasures of my life. By and large, the people are among the nicest and most caring I have ever met. Neighbours look after neighbours. It is certainly not the case that people cannot live together, but the politicians spend too much time emphasizing what divides them rather than what unites them. After years of unchecked divisive rhetoric, we need to see politicians who can truly unite and lead. Today I would have hoped that I could declare the job completed.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  10. Young, educated people are now leaving the country in search of opportunities elsewhere, not because of the economy, but because of nepotism and corruption in the health-care sector, a general lack of the rule of law and, increasingly, political instability. We, as the international community, must strive to help Bosnia and Herzegovina conserve its greatest assets and resources. That can be achieved only by preserving it as a stable, peaceful and prosperous State that functions and provides for the needs and best interests of all of its peoples, fully integrated with the European Union and other Euro-Atlantic structures. The political leaders of Bosnia and Herzegovina must finally learn to really lead or get out of the way. In conclusion, it is possible that this is my last address to the Security Council as High Representative.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  11. I would like to note the many Bosnian women refugees who have ascended to prominent political office outside the country, including Austrian Minister of Justice Alma Zadić, born in Tuzla; the Right Honourable Baroness Arminka Helić in the United Kingdom House of Lords, born in Gračanica; Hannah Sumeja Atić, member of the Norwegian Prime Minister’s Cabinet, born in Bugojno; former Swedish Minister of Higher and Secondary Education Aida Hadzialic, born in Foča; and Mayor of Kalmar, Sweden, Dzenita Abaza, also born in Foča. That affirms that Bosnia and Herzegovina’s greatest asset is its human potential but, due to the unstable situation, that asset is growing as an export. The women whom I mentioned fled the country in a time of war.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  12. I would particularly like to emphasize the important role of women in trust-building and political leadership. There have been a few steps forward, such as the efforts of the Bosnia and Herzegovina Ministry of Defence to increase the role of women in peacekeeping missions. However, despite being on the front lines of the COVID-19 response, women disproportionately suffered the consequences of the ensuing economic crisis. Women were often the first to be laid off and the authorities cut social protection in emergency budgets. During the pandemic, we also saw a 30 per cent increase in the number of women seeking help after violence.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  13. That is what leadership looks like and what is sorely needed in Bosnia and Herzegovina today. In that context, I would like to call on the Bosnia and Herzegovina Presidency to live up to its statement from the twenty-fifth anniversary of the General Framework Agreement for Peace and in 2021 to organize and participate in a joint commemoration for all victims of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I believe that such an act would be healing for all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, even among the Presidency members themselves. In my previous address in November, I urged the authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to implement the third national action plan for resolution 1325 (2000), on women and peace and security, which runs until 2022.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  14. Mostar is, in fact, a work in progress. I should note as well that the Sarajevo City Council also recently elected a new mayor, a young and enthusiastic woman, Benjamina Karić, whom I recently met and who is from a multicultural family. Citizens in Banja Luka directly elected a new mayor, a member of the Republika Srpska opposition, Draško Stanivuković, only 27 years old, who so far has taken a transparent approach to his work. The date 7 December 2020 marks the fiftieth anniversary of the so-called Warsaw genuflection, where, in the Second World War, thousands of Jews lost their lives under their German oppressors. After laying the wreath, Chancellor Brandt fell to his knees before the memorial. It was an historical and astonishing act of atonement.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  15. In any case, here I would again recall the European Commission opinion on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s EU membership application, which unequivocally states, “Revisionism and genocide denial contradict the most fundamental European values”. There are some areas where I remain hopeful, such as the case of Mostar. After 12 years, the city of Mostar finally held local elections, ultimately electing a new mayor, Mr. Mario Kordić, whom I have met, and I am impressed by his energy and enthusiasm. So far, there seems to be a great amount of goodwill in the new Mostar City Council, and I am confident that it will make an honest effort to address the many issues that have accumulated over all the years without a City Council. But, at the same time, mentioning Mostar as a success is an indication of how desperate for any success we have become.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  16. In addition to some examples mentioned in my report, only in the past few weeks a huge mural of convicted war criminal Ratko Mladić appeared in the Republika Srpska town of Foča, which is well known as a place where unspeakable war crimes occurred. In the absence of more responsible behaviour, first and foremost on the part of political leaders, that again points to the need for the criminalization of the glorification of war criminals, as well as genocide denial. I must note my disappointment that a few such efforts in that regard before the Bosnia and Herzegovina Parliament failed. As a result, I am increasingly called upon by various groups of citizens to impose such legislation.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  17. I am pleased to report that the plaque was officially taken down in December. On 27 January, I addressed a letter to the Speaker of the Republika Srpska National Assembly (RSNA), asking it to rescind within three months decorations awarded in 2016 to three convicted war criminals, among them Radovan Karadžić. The three months passed in April, and I have received no formal response, nor have the decorations been rescinded. The RSNA was to discuss the issue on 28 April but postponed it. We will see what happens, but for now I am informing the Council that the situation has not been rectified. The behaviour of political leaders most unfortunately encourages similar behaviour among the public.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  18. For easier understanding, I will draw a parallel with the Republika Srpska, which is also one electoral unit. We have seen how its positions have radicalized over time when there is no incentive to reach out to other ethnic groups. Apart from the implementation of the Sejdić and Finci decision and related ones, the priority should be the implementation of the recommendations of the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights and the Group of States against Corruption, which would not only eradicate discrimination but also increase transparency and prevent electoral fraud. When I last addressed the Security Council in November (S/2020/1103, annex I), I repeated my call on the Republika Srpska authorities to remove the plaque dedicated to convicted war criminal Radovan Karadžić from the student dormitory in Pale.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  19. That concept of ethno- democracy would certainly conflict not only with the implementation of the Sejdić and Finci group of cases, but also with the specific goals of the General Framework Agreement for Peace, including the overall aim of the Agreement to re-establish the multi-ethnic society that existed prior to the war. I must reiterate that we must not allow that process to lead to further ethnic or territorial divisions. I am fully convinced that a possible third electoral unit — real or virtual, temporary or permanent — is considered by the HDZ Bosnia and Herzegovina as just another step towards the third entity. In a best-case scenario, a third electoral unit would cement the political dynamic in the Federation in a way that the HDZ Bosnia and Herzegovina leaders would feel absolutely no impetus to cooperate with the Bosniaks.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  20. It could be an opportunity to tackle a key long-standing set of rights-based reforms, including removing the discrimination identified in rulings of the European Court of Human Rights, while also improving the transparency of the election process. Unfortunately, there is fear and mistrust among citizens and civil society that the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina would seek to appease the demands of the HDZ Bosnia and Herzegovina to further ethnicize the electoral system by redefining electoral constituencies in the Federation on the basis of ethno-territorial division or the ethnic declaration of voters.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  21. That will have negative consequences for the Western Balkans region and the rest of Europe, as a debilitated Bosnia and Herzegovina is not in a position to effectively deal with the challenges of organized crime, corruption, migration, climate change, et cetera. If such negative trends continue, the question for the international community will soon be how long that kind of destructive behaviour can be tolerated and how long Mr. Dodik and his allies in the Republika Srpska and elsewhere can be regarded as partners. On the other hand, we have seen movement around the electoral reform process, which has been at a stalemate for years.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  22. At worst, it is a set-up, with ultimatums that the political leaders of Republika Srpska know are impossible to achieve. The Republika Srpska leadership would then use that to claim that the Republika Srpska is forced to unilaterally decide on its future status, which would mean secession. Let us also be clear. Even if it is a best-case scenario, the aim is a perpetually dysfunctional Bosnia and Herzegovina, which we already see in the near-paralysis of its highest institutions, including the Presidency, the Council of Ministers and the Parliamentary Assembly, not to mention in the Federation, which the Independent Union of Social Democrats’ partner, the Croat Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina (HDZ Bosnia and Herzegovina), has succeeded in grinding to a halt.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  23. We have seen a shift from rhetoric to action challenging the State competences, institutions and decisions, and we are now also witnessing a shift from rhetoric to action challenging the State sovereignty and territorial integrity, and with this the peace implementation process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. To be clear, there is now a concerted effort to formalize and implement the conclusions adopted by the Republika Srpska National Assembly. At best, the goal is to roll back the many reform achievements of the past 25 years, which threatens the State, its competences, its institutions and their ability to take and enforce decisions. That would impact ongoing reforms, including those covered by the 14 priorities of the European Union (EU), many of which build on reforms brought about by the High Representative’s interventions.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  24. And it is extremely unfortunate that the Republika Srpska authorities have chosen this moment, when the entire country is still in the grips of the COVID-19 pandemic. It is also the moment when the Republika Srpska authorities had to borrow €300 million via a bond sale on the London Stock Exchange to cover its budget deficit, because they would not accept the easy money and reforms proposed by the International Monetary Fund. During my mandate as High Representative, we have seen the goalposts move — shifts in the red line of what the international community is willing to accept.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  25. The draft platform makes it clear that, if the direction and outcome of such discussions are not to the Republika Srpska authorities’ liking, the Republika Srpska “reserves the right to finally decide on its future status”. As to be expected, these developments have stirred up the Federation-based parties, particularly the Bosniak parties, most of which dismissed the possibility of a “peaceful dissolution” of Bosnia and Herzegovina and some of which predicted a war in case the Republika Srpska attempted to secede from Bosnia and Herzegovina. As High Representative, I want to be clear: Dayton does not give the right to entities to secede. So, once again, the political atmosphere is poisoned and progress on reforms is side-lined.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  26. To put in blunt terms: it is unthinkable in our countries that the President would want to destroy the very country of which he is President. Furthermore, Mr. Dodik’s party, the Union of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD), recently posted several videos as part of an online campaign promoting “peaceful dissolution,” which will also run as advertisements to YouTube viewers in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In April, leaders of the Republika Srpska ruling coalition parties met at a mountain resort near Banja Luka, where Mr. Dodik announced that the Republika Srpska would form teams for negotiating with the Federation on the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and that the Republika Srpska National Assembly would adopt a platform as the basis for negotiations in this regard.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  27. There is no real need to explain the destructive long-term policy of the current Republika Srpska authorities, as it was explained to this very body by Mr. Dodik in the Arria Formula meeting held last year in November. I believe it was clear to everyone what kind of irrational, destructive policy and mindset we are dealing with. You will recall, he called me a “monster” and the late Lord Ashdown “a criminal.” Only yesterday, Mr. Dodik was again in the media, claiming he recently told a foreign diplomat that peaceful dissolution is the only option that is bound to happen anyway, and that the diplomat had “nothing against it.” If you or I or anyone else stood up and said we want to split up our country, we would be called traitors, secessionists or seditionists, and possibly arrested.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  28. As laid out in my report (see S/2021/409), as part of a long-standing policy of challenging the fundamentals of the General Framework Agreement for Peace, including the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the decisions and authority of the High Representative, with the aim of rolling back reforms and reclaiming competencies from the State, the Republika Srpska authorities — led by Milorad Dodik — adopted a set of concrete conclusions in this regard in March. As I reported, these conclusions envisage discussions among domestic political actors on the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina, leaving open the option for so-called “peaceful dissolution” of the country.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  29. This is reflected in the joint statement of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the initialling of the Agreement, which read, in part, “Today is a unique opportunity to send a message to rightly underline the importance of strengthening trust, peace and mutual respect among all peoples and citizens in Bosnia and Herzegovina, all its parts, entities, Brcko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina, cantons, cities and municipalities.” On that occasion, best wishes were also delivered to Bosnia and Herzegovina from former United States President Clinton, the Presidents of Austria and Slovenia, the Secretary General, the Prime Minister of Spain, the Foreign Ministers of Germany and France and a large number of dignitaries.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  30. The country marked 25 years of peace as a result of the General Framework Agreement for Peace, initialled on 19 November 1995 in Dayton, Ohio, and signed on 14 December 1995 in Paris. It was a time for reflection on the achievements, as well as the shortcomings, of the ensuing two and a half decades, while also looking towards the future.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  31. I am pleased to inform you that today, a few hours ago, European Commission Enlargement Commissioner Olivér Várhelyi and Austrian Foreign Affairs Minister Alexander Schallenberg were in Sarajevo to deliver vaccines. Austria was instrumental in the logistic legwork, which made this delivery possible today. When I arrived in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2009, the international community was entering a new phase of engagement, in which it emphasized local ownership over international intervention. Local ownership is a great ideal, but with ownership comes responsibility, and the level of discourse today in Bosnia and Herzegovina could politely be described as irresponsible. More bluntly, it is reckless and dangerous. Last year, 2020, was a year of hope and reflection for Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  32. It is my sincere honour to address this distinguished body once again. Having in mind that this may very well be my last address as High Representative before the Security Council, I regret that we are unable to meet in person due to the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, which continues to wreak havoc in much of the world. As always, I hope all of you and your respective countries and citizens are doing well. I extend my sincere condolences to the representative from India for the situation your country currently faces. With vaccines slowly becoming more widely available, I hope that there is some light at the end of the tunnel for you, and for all of us.

    2021-05-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2021/436 (2021) · source

  33. It was also in Jajce that youngsters protested against the division of their high school, which would lead to two schools under one roof — a Croat and a Bosniak one. Those young people were successful and received the prestigious Max van der Stoel Award for their courage and principled stand. It was awarded by Stephanus Blok, the Foreign Minister of the Netherlands, in presence of the First Vice President of the European Commission, Frans Timmermans. This is why I firmly believe that, together with international community as partners, this ancient Bosnia and Herzegovina, full of values, can be recreated and reinvigorated.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  34. Given the reality on the ground, perhaps it is time to rethink our current approach. Let us finish the job in front of us, let us unite forces and let us turn a new page in our engagement and open a new chapter. It is not about us being satisfied, but rather it is about the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, who deserve better and who still have trust in us. For 500 years, Bosnia and Herzegovina has been a country with four basic religions —Islam, Catholicism, Orthodox Christianity and Judaism. It was a pre- emptive small Europe of four religions and 16 minorities, living together for hundreds of years. Living among ordinary people, there are numerous Nelson Mandelas in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Only recently, in Jajce, in Central Bosnia, an imam attended the first mass of a newly ordained Catholic priest.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  35. While women are at the core of ensuring socioeconomic stability in the country, they are nevertheless marginalized in political decision-making. We need to explore every avenue that could assist the transformation of Bosnia and Herzegovina into a stable, peaceful and prosperous State that functions and provides for the needs and best interests of all of its peoples — one that is fully integrated with the European Union and other Euro-Atlantic structures. I firmly believe that this is what the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina want too. To achieve that goal, the international community will have to become more ambitious, and the country’s leaders more serious. In the past, the international community has employed robust interventionism and hands-off, local-ownership approaches.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  36. Until that is secured, the international community must uphold all applicable instruments in order to address potential threats to long-term stability in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including through the use of executive mandates, international judges in the Bosnia and Herzegovina Constitutional Court and international mechanisms in Brčko. On 31 October, we reached the twentieth anniversary of resolution 1325 (2000), which the authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina marked in November. I urge the authorities to implement the third national action plan on the implementation of resolution 1325 (2000), for the years 2018 to 2022, primarily in order to increase the effectiveness of women’s roles in trust-building and political leadership.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  37. Instead, I will assess the commitment of the authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to full and real compliance with the Dayton Agreement and will consider, in that regard, the concrete actions taken by some politicians to undermine the State and the Federation. It is in our common interest to leave behind lasting and irreversible stability in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which can be achieved only through enduring and genuine commitment to the Dayton Peace Agreement, including the Bosnia and Herzegovina Constitution.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  38. I actually see very limited commitment to the implementation the 5+2 conditionality, particularly by those politicians who advocate the closure of the Office of the High Representative. They should find an agreement to implement the State and defence property registration, which are clearly defined. They must also move towards, not away from the implementation of the second condition: the “positive assessment of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, based on full compliance with the Dayton Peace Agreement”. Even today, I can state that I will not base my assessment of the fulfilment of the second condition on the use of the negative, anti-State rhetoric.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  39. It may be of interest to the Council that Austria’s Minister of Justice, Alma Zadić, is a highly talented and hard-working refugee child from Bosnia and Herzegovina, who studied at the Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore in Piacenza, Columbia University and the University of Vienna. I would also underline that, despite repeated calls from members of the Council for the authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina to implement the 5+2 agenda — the five objectives and two conditions to be fulfilled prior to the closure of the Office of the High Representative and the end of my mandate — regrettably, there has been little progress other than the adoption of the Revised National War Crimes Processing Strategy.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  40. Binding court decisions go unimplemented for years and blatant corruption goes unpunished. Some public opinion polls suggest that 74 per cent of the citizens are unsatisfied with the situation in the judiciary. Those figures attest to what we are saying on a daily basis — that profound, radical and rapid judicial reforms are needed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In that regard, I would like to reiterate that the case of the young, murdered student from Banja Luka, David Dragičević, the case of Dženan Memić and the case of the two policemen killed in Sarajevo have not been solved. What those cases have in common is that even after more than two years, investigations have stalled. What should citizens think if even the murder of policemen cannot be solved?

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  41. The same must be said for the appointments of local Governments in the Federation cantons of Herzegovina-Neretva and Canton 10. Additional Federation deficiencies are exhaustively addressed in my report to the Security Council. Among other issues outlined in my report, I would like to underline the need for Bosnia and Herzegovina to dramatically strengthen the rule of law and bolster the fight against corruption. The rule of law remains a cornerstone of any functional democracy. I would remind everyone that Bosnia and Herzegovina continues to undergo a massive brain drain as talented young people decide to leave the country and build their futures elsewhere. Numerous polls show that people are not leaving primarily due to a lack of economic opportunity, but rather due to weak rule of law.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  42. Most recently, they reached a stalemate centred around the appointment of the new Federation Government, which has yet to be appointed more than two years after the 2018 general elections, and the appointments of judges to the Federation Constitutional Court, which have been pending for more than a year, whose absence renders the Court’s vital national interest panel non-functional. I have to note that on both issues, the HDZ Bosnia and Herzegovina side is primarily responsible for the blockages. Despite their disagreements, after 12 years without elections, the city of Mostar must hold elections as scheduled, on 20 December. I would further add that the long-overdue appointment of the new Federation Government must be carried out as soon as possible. Holding elections are meaningless if the results are not implemented.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  43. That is owing to the 17 June agreement enabling the elections signed between HDZ Bosnia and Herzegovina President Dragan Čović and the Bosniak-majority Party for Democratic Action President Bakir Izetbegović. That agreement would not have been possible without the engagement of the international community, particularly European Union Special Representative Johann Sattler and United States Ambassador Eric Nelson. However, as I have outlined in my report, Mr. Čović and Mr. Izetbegović have since been at odds over a second agreement, signed on 17 June in Mostar, aimed at reforming the Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina, due to their entirely different interpretations of what they actually agreed.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  44. Dodik, SNSD, and the Federation-based Croat Democratic Union (HDZ Bosnia and Herzegovina), led by Dragan Čović. The members of the Central Election Commission have shown great resolve in addressing hateful rhetoric and seriously tackling numerous allegations of electoral fraud, particularly with regard to the seemingly fraudulent registrations of out-of- country voters. I urge the law enforcement agencies and judicial institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina to support the Central Election Commission in investigating and prosecuting all such cases. The Central Election Commission is also preparing for the 20 December local elections in the city of Mostar — the first such elections in the city since 2008.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  45. Given such rhetoric, I must acknowledge and express my thanks to the Council for its reauthorization of the mandate of the EU-led Operation Althea (EUFOR Althea) military mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in fulfilment of its main peace- stabilization role under the military aspects of the General Framework Agreement for Peace. The continued presence of EUFOR Althea remains necessary. As I have noted, Bosnia and Herzegovina is in the midst of campaigns for the 15 November local elections, and I want to express my gratitude and support to the Central Election Commission of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which has endeavoured to organize these elections under extraordinary circumstances, while facing constant pressure and criticism, particularly by the Republika Srpska party led by Mr.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  46. Dodik threatened that Serbs and Croats would present their plan for how Bosnia and Herzegovina should function and that, if not accepted, they would dissociate themselves from the country. To be clear, Mr. Dodik is talking about the secession of the Republika Srpska from Bosnia and Herzegovina — again. Needless to say, there is already a plan for how Bosnia and Herzegovina should function; it is called the General Framework Agreement for Peace. There is no option in the agreement for secession, nor is it possible to cherry-pick provisions from the Dayton Agreement. Such statements are irresponsible, unfounded and show poor leadership. They also completely disregard the well-being and prosperity of the citizens, as well as the peace and stability of the region.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  47. I would like to be able to report today that all parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina look to the future and focus on important issues so as to improve the lives of the citizens, but I cannot say that this is always the case. As the Council knows, the country will hold local elections 10 days from now and, in some cases, instead of hopeful, forward-looking campaigns, I am afraid that we are seeing the usual divisive rhetoric. Most recently, Mr. Dodik, who is the Serb member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the leader of the main Serb party, the Union of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD), said that Bosnia and Herzegovina is the “wrong country”. Well, of course it is the wrong country when one rejects everything, makes no effort to come together to fix it and constantly talks about leaving it. Earlier, Mr.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  48. In that regard, I would like to note the adoption, in September, by the Bosnia and Herzegovina Council of Ministers, of the Revised National War Crimes Processing Strategy, pursuant to which the most serious war crimes should be prioritized for prosecution and completion by 2023. The previous National War Crimes Processing Strategy, adopted in 2008, envisioned the processing of the most complex cases by 2015, but was never fully implemented. The success of the new strategy will ultimately depend on the level of coordination, cooperation and discipline of the judicial institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I am hopeful of the outcome. But, in all candour, we need action first and foremost. Words on paper must translate into legal processes and decisions as soon as possible.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  49. That is, why we need a genocide denial law similar to the Holocaust denial law. The importance of shared values was again confirmed recently during the Zagreb summit of the EU. Twenty-five years after Dayton, the reconciliation process should be a non- issue, but the reality is that when it comes to some politicians, it has not even properly started. In many respects, those who should lead that process are farther apart now than at any point after the war. The result is a lack of joint vision for the county, as well as insufficient trust and dialogue to move the country forward.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source

  50. I have previously reported to the Security Council on the glorification of war criminals, but on 11 July I repeated my appeal with regard to Srebrenica, where more than 8,000 boys and men were killed and buried. I urged Mr. Dodik to remove the commemorative plaque and rename the student dormitory dedicated to Radovan Karadžić. This is a dormitory where future generations will live and grow up. I repeat that appeal today. If he will not act before the next Security Council meeting in May, he should face a travel ban to all European Union (EU) countries and, eventually, to all States Members of the United Nations. As the German Foreign Minister said, there is no place in civilized Europe for those who glorify convicted war criminals. There is no place for those who do not share European values.

    2020-11-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/2020/1103 (2020) · source