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1994-03-25

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1. “Resolution 1197 (1998), adopted on 18 September 1998, stresses the responsibility of regional organizations. The OAU and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have played a leading role in the attempts to solve the impasse in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. There is, however, a need for increased political will on the part of the many players, as was expressed at the ministerial-level meeting of the Security Council on Africa last September. The security of any State has a direct link with the security of its neighbours. Therefore any attempt to resolve the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo will have to take into account the safety of other countries of the region, some of which feel the impact of episodes of lawlessness from across their borders.”

   1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source

2. “A few weeks after receiving a notification from the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Security Council reaffirmed, on 31 August 1998, the obligation to respect the territorial integrity and national sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and called for a ceasefire, the withdrawal of foreign forces and the initiation of political dialogue. While upholding the principle of non-interference, Brazil recognizes the right of a State threatened by foreign invasion to call for external assistance. We should differentiate those foreign forces within the Democratic Republic of the Congo that were invited by the Government from those whose presence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo reflects different motivations.”

   1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source

3. “In dealing with the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we should increasingly resort to the options that have been developed throughout the past year. Placed in the very centre of the continent, the Democratic Republic of the Congo shares borders with nine other African States. It belongs to the central, eastern and southern subregions and can be either the hub for the promotion of economic integration and prosperity or a focus for discord and strife. Throughout their long history, African nations have been subjected to undue and disruptive foreign interference. Uninvited involvement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo should cease, and a political formula to promote national reconciliation should be negotiated.”

   1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source

4. “In his wisdom, the Secretary-General proposed a set of ideas to respond to the many situations of conflict that afflict the continent. Those ideas approach the short-term problems from the perspective of peacemaking, peacekeeping and humanitarian assistance. He also raised the issue of building durable peace and promoting sustainable economic growth, with special emphasis on good governance. In its reaction to the report of the Secretary-General, this Council held an open debate on the issue and adopted a programme of work that produced resolutions addressing the efficacy of arms embargoes, the reduction of flows of small arms and the strengthening of the coordination between the United Nations and regional and subregional organizations.”

   1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source

5. “In paragraph 8 of his important report of 13 April 1998 on the causes of conflict and the promotion of durable peace and development in Africa (S/1998/318), the Secretary-General, who honours us with his presence here today, pointed out that at the Congress of Berlin of 1885, "Kingdoms, States and communities in Africa were arbitrarily divided; unrelated areas and peoples were just as arbitrarily joined together." As underlined by the Secretary-General, the decision of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1963 to accept inherited borders has provided the continent with a powerful tool to prevent territorial conflict. The task of nation-building, however, remains a daunting challenge for present and coming generations of Africans.”

   1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source

6. “The Brazilian delegation considers it a timely initiative to convene an open debate on the peaceful settlement of the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and we express our sincere appreciation to you, Sir, for having made it materialize.”

   1999-03-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3987 (1999) · source

7. “I would like to end by recalling that a focused report by the Secretary-General on protection for humanitarian assistance to refugees and others in conflict situations, in document S/1998/883 of 22 September 1998, addressed several of the issues that we continue to grapple with in a clear and straightforward manner. As we are about to request an additional report, we would like to suggest that the framework provided in the 22 September report be borne in mind and that the new report concentrate on areas not covered therein.”

   1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

8. “Before I conclude, let me stress the importance of working towards a consensus in the United Nations that will integrate, in a balanced way, the endeavours of the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and the General Assembly, as well as those of the specialized agencies and other international actors in an effort to fine- tune a doctrinal framework capable of ensuring greater respect for humanitarian law, on the one hand, but also of looking beyond humanitarian relief into the spheres of institutional, economic and social development. We fear that, unless we keep in mind the need to take into account the spheres that lie beyond humanitarian relief, and unless we do this with political and even cultural sensitivity, the aim of reducing the levels of violence against civilians and humanitarian workers will remain elusive.”

   1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

9. “An article published in the latest issue of the Red Cross Review argues in favour of establishing the principle that those who supply arms in situations where rampant violations of international humanitarian law can be expected share the responsibility for the use of such weapons and, ultimately, for those violations. The same argument can be made even more forcefully with respect to those who violate multilaterally negotiated and Security Council- mandated arms embargoes. At the very least, we should concur with the Secretary-General when he states in his report on Africa that arms exporting countries have a responsibility to exercise restraint, especially with respect to the export of weapons into zones of conflict or tension.”

   1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

10. “Arms embargoes, as opposed to more comprehensive sanctions, cannot be said to provoke any legitimate humanitarian or third party side-effects. Such measures can only attain their objectives, however, if effectively monitored. Unfortunately, we must recognize that, more often than not, the flow of arms and ammunition to sanctioned States or parties is continuing in defiance of Security Council resolutions. It is possible to contend that the high levels of civilian death, from Bosnia to Liberia, need not be seen as inevitable by-products of so-called internal conflicts of the modern age. Rather, these can be viewed as resulting from the inadequate or non-existent control of the flow of weapons, both internationally and domestically.”

    1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

11. “In this context, it might be appropriate to recall that the contrast between the inordinate amount of resources invested in the production of such weapons in the face of dwindling resources for economic development is a source of perplexity. At the same time, it is worth recalling - as stressed by the Secretary-General in his report on Africa - that stopping the flow of arms to areas of chronic instability is an essential ingredient of any strategy for lowering the levels of brutality against civilians and humanitarian workers. There are several points that can be made in this connection. On the one hand, the Security Council should not hesitate to impose arms embargoes against States or parties whose actions threaten regional or international peace.”

    1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

12. “There are those who argue - like Antonio Donini, in an article entitled "Asserting Humanitarianism in Peace Maintenance" - that, from a humanitarian point of view, the pertinence of military intervention is at best doubtful and that the alibi of humanitarian action through military intervention can lead to a militarization of North-South relations which runs the risk of being interpreted as disguised realpolitik. On another level, let us not lose sight of the fact that the use of indiscriminate weapons, such as landmines, is one of the biggest causes of civilian suffering in conflict situations. The banning of such weapons, and indeed of all weapons of mass destruction, deserves the utmost priority of the international community because of their impact on civilians, among other reasons.”

    1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

13. “As the Norwegian Minister for Development Cooperation and Human Rights, Hilde Johnson, has asserted, "spending a few dollars on development today may save us millions in humanitarian assistance in the future". In addition, my delegation has often made the point that we should differentiate between collective responsibility and collective security in the humanitarian field. Concerns with ensuring that humanitarian relief be safely provided should not automatically imply resort to military options or Security Council involvement. All peaceful and diplomatic efforts should be exhausted before the military option is contemplated and, when it is, consent and cooperation at the receiving end should be sought, a point that Mr. Sommaruga emphasized earlier.”

    1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

14. “But, as was pointed out by the head of the ICRC's media services in a conference published by the Red Cross Review, in reality this kind of labelling runs the risk of steering the international response towards purely humanitarian action in cases where what is required is political initiative. According to the same source, far too many disasters with political causes, and for which there can be only political solutions, are labelled today "humanitarian crises". The impact of humanitarianism on North-South relations is also of relevance in our attempts to keep a balanced perspective on the issues before us. It is increasingly felt that a strategic vision for integrating humanitarian relief, politics and economic and social development is essential if we are to promote truly durable solutions to many of today's crises.”

    1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

15. “My delegation has previously commentedon the fact that internal conflicts are not necessarily more frequent today than in the past, and some of the most serious threats to peace we currently face are clearly of an inter-State character. A different but related point is made in a recent study entitled The Myth of Global Chaos, where we are reminded, on the one hand, that ethnic wars are often fought by regular armies and, on the other, that regular armies are quite capable of vicious massacres. Today, numerous conflicts are referred to as "humanitarian disasters" or "catastrophes".”

    1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

16. “While this is an unquestionably high proportion, it would be improper to gloss over the fact that in absolute terms more civilians perished during previous and deadlier decades, or to forget that the targeting of civilians for extermination on an ethnic, religious or political basis is not an invention of the nineties. Unfortunately, serious humanitarian abuses have taken place throughout the century, and we should be wary of hasty judgements that might entail historical distortions. It has frequently been said in recent years that ethnic or internal conflicts are likely to be more savage because they are often fought by irregular armies.”

    1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

17. “An increasing amount of published material, from a variety of sources, dealing with the interlinkages between humanitarian and security issues can help us to keep such a balanced perspective. According to a recently published article by Professor Jarat Chopra, of Brown University, while at the beginning of the twentieth century 85 to 90 per cent of war deaths were soldiers, as the century comes to a close 75 per cent, on average, are civilians. These alarming figures indicate that we are indeed facing a serious phenomenon on a wide scale. The same article points out that of the 22 million people who have perished in armed conflicts since 1945, about one quarter died in the nineties.”

    1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

18. “Our discussion today can be seen as part of an ongoing exercise in the Security Council aimed at articulating a coherent agenda for dealing with conflict situations that will not only help stem violence and minimize the suffering of civilians but also promote durable and sustainable solutions to the conflicts themselves. We consider these discussions useful and necessary. But as we heighten our awareness of the scope of the violations of humanitarian law that occur even as we meet today, we believe that we must be careful to maintain a balanced perspective, both as regards the analysis of the challenges we face and as relates to the options for dealing with such challenges.”

    1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

19. “The leadership displayed by Canada, and by you personally, in developing a strategy to move the international community towards a global ban on anti- personnel landmines deserves to be highlighted and should serve as an inspiration for our continuing endeavours in the Security Council and other appropriate forums to deal with the exceedingly high levels of civilian death and injury in many contemporary conflicts. Let me proceed by expressing our gratitude to the President of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Mr. Cornelio Sommaruga, the Executive Director of the United Nations Children's Fund, Ms. Carol Bellamy, and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, Mr. Olara Otunnu, for the important contribution they have made to our debate.”

    1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

20. “I am honoured to convey to you, Sir, the Brazilian delegation's sincere appreciation for your presence among us today. As you are well aware, my authorities hold you in the highest esteem and are particularly pleased to be able to coordinate closely with Canada during this year of 1999, in which we coincide in the Security Council. Your commitment to multilateralism and your personal role in promoting respect for, and the development of, international humanitarian law are especially worthy of recognition in the context of today's exchange of ideas.”

    1999-02-12 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3977 (1999) · source

21. “We hope that the Geneva process proves capable of contributing to sustainable dialogue and reconciliation. The continuous efforts undertaken by Mr. Liviu Bota, Special Representative of the Secretary- General, the group of Friends of the Secretary-General, and the Russian Federation as facilitator are to be highly commended. The Georgian and Abkhazian authorities have to live up to their previous commitments and cooperate so as to neutralize radical and criminal factions. The extension of UNOMIG's mandate for another six months is an expression of the belief that a durable peace can be attained. Nevertheless, the Security Council will closely monitor the safety of the United Nations personnel and the willingness of the parties to negotiate.”

    1998-07-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3912 (1998) · source

22. “Those who suffer the most, however - the main victims of the continuation of the conflict - are the people of the Republic of Georgia, both of Georgian and Abkhazian ethnicity. Brazil cannot accept practices of ethnic content or the eviction of people by force. Also condemnable is the use of the press for the promotion of antagonism. Along with the role of the Security Council in helping to maintain the unity and integrity of the Republic of Georgia, it is essential that Georgians of different ethnic and religious backgrounds develop democratic ways of coexistence. My delegation supports the draft resolution and wishes to underline the need for both parties, especially the Abkhaz forces, to respect human rights, and particularly those of displaced persons, who have the right to return to their homes.”

    1998-07-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3912 (1998) · source

23. “My delegation welcomes the presence of the Foreign Minister of Georgia at this meeting. My country is increasingly concerned over the situation in Georgia since the resumption of hostilities two months ago. It is with disquieting frequency that deplorable facts regarding the security of the peacekeepers and observers in that country have been brought to our attention. Expressions of regret, condolence and sympathy to families and Governments have been continuously conveyed. Assuring the security of the military members and civilian staff of the United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) peacekeeping force is the responsibility of both parties to the conflict.”

    1998-07-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3912 (1998) · source

24. “It is our hope that the special United Nations conference on Sierra Leone will help to provide the much needed increase in assistance to that country. The humanitarian situation and the plight of children that have been pressed into armed bands require continued attention. I wish to commend Ambassador Olara Otunnu, Under-Secretary-General Vieira de Mello and Mr. Francis Okelo for their important role in the efforts to cope with this grave situation.”

    1998-07-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3902 (1998) · source

25. “We should now adopt a draft resolution that will establish the United Nations Observer Mission in Sierra Leone (UNOMSIL) with a comprehensive mandate that we hope will assist in an effective way the task of promoting reconciliation, assist ECOWAS to end the fighting and help the implementation of the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration plan agreed among the Government of Sierra Leone, the United Nations Development Programme, the World Bank and other donors. Very important are the human-rights and police components of UNOMSIL. The observance of humanitarian law is a precondition for durable peace. To uphold human rights is a requisite for a functioning democracy. The destruction caused by the junta and its allies will need to be addressed.”

    1998-07-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3902 (1998) · source

26. “On 17 April the Council adopted resolution 1162 (1998), which sent to the area a group of 10 military liaison officers to strengthen the office of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General and to cooperate with the Government and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). And on 5 June, resolution 1171 (1998) decided that the arms embargo would apply only to the rebel forces. Notwithstanding all this, resistance continues in certain areas, and human suffering has not abated in the regions where the combat is taking place. The RUF continues to kill, maim and destroy, causing a flow of refugees to Liberia and Guinea. At the same time we note that the Secretary-General has informed the Council that in some aspects the situation has improved considerably.”

    1998-07-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3902 (1998) · source

27. “For the fourth time this year the Security Council is meeting to adopt a draft resolution on the situation in Sierra Leone. Immediately after President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah was restored to his constitutional mandate, the Council adopted, on 16 March, resolution 1156 (1998), which lifted the embargo on petroleum products established by resolution 1132 (1997). Unfortunately, however, the reinstatement of the legitimate President was not followed by peace. Criminal resistance by members of the former junta and their allies in the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) has continued to impose suffering on the Sierra Leonean people.”

    1998-07-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3902 (1998) · source

28. “Since then, the United Nations and the international community as a whole have put forward a strong effort to make sure that atrocities such as the ones we have witnessed in the former Yugoslavia and in Rwanda will not go unpunished. Weeks away from the Rome Conference on the Establishment of an International Criminal Court, we believe that we must concentrate our efforts on the creation of a permanent institutional mechanism of administration of justice that is independent, impartial and efficient. Thus, it is our understanding that with the establishment of the International Criminal Court there will be no more need for the United Nations to resort to ad hoc tribunals.”

    1998-05-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3878 (1998) · source

29. “It is also true, however, that the financial implications of the decision we are about to take are not entirely clear. Therefore Brazil's support for the creation of a third trial chamber should not be construed as approval of any amount of additional resources for the Tribunal. We should consider the financial issue in the appropriate forum, taking into account the specific demands of the Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia as well as the need to dispense equitable treatment to both ad hoc Tribunals. Brazil has supported the creation of the ad hoc Tribunals as an exceptional action on the part of the United Nations and of Member States in the face of the exceptionally grave circumstances that demanded their creation.”

    1998-05-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3878 (1998) · source

30. “Some 15 days ago the Security Council adopted resolution 1165 (1998) authorizing the creation of an additional Trial Chamber for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. It is with the same spirit that prevailed then that Brazil supports the idea of an additional trial chamber for the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia to bring to justice those responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law and thus contribute to the restoration and maintenance of peace in the subregion. Indeed, we must not forget that those indicted by the Tribunal have been charged with extremely serious crimes, and that unless the Tribunal is given appropriate working conditions it will not be able to satisfactorily fulfil the mandate ascribed to it by the Security Council.”

    1998-05-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3878 (1998) · source

31. “Let us hope that peace can be consolidated and that Angolans can finally move on to the long-awaited situation of stability and prosperity.”

    1998-04-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3876 (1998) · source

32. “In View of the prevailing situation, this is the most sensible decision that could be taken. After 10 years of United Nations presence in Angola, we are approaching the time when MONUA will definitely leave the country. The prospect of finalizing the tasks envisaged in the Lusaka Protocol gives us the sense that soon the international community can redirect its form of involvement in Angola. It is interesting to note that this sense is captured in the report of the Secretary-General on Africa. In the section on peacekeeping, under lessons learned, Angola is mentioned as a success story. At the end of June, the Security Council will revisit the question of the future of MONUA, or the future presence of the United Nations in Angola.”

    1998-04-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3876 (1998) · source

33. “My delegation wishes to express particular appreciation and praise to Ambassador Mahugu for his successful mission. The efforts of the Special Representative, Maitre Blondin Beye, and of the troika of observer States are again to be commended. In spite of the accomplishments, important issues are yet to be resolved. The extension of State administration has not yet reached about 65 localities, including Andulo and Bailundo. Mr. Savimbi, as well as other UNITA leaders, has not moved to Luanda. Some sources continue to indicate that UNITA still has a consistent military capacity. In the terms of the draft resolution before us, which we support, the mandate of the United Nations Observer Mission in Angola (MONUA) is renewed for two months, until 30 June.”

    1998-04-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3876 (1998) · source

34. “We have been witnessing various positive steps in the peace process in Angola in recent months. The Government of Unity and National Reconciliation legalized UNITA as a political party, nominated provincial governors from UNITA and began the process of appointing Ambassadors from UNITA. The special status of Mr. Savimbi as the leader of the largest opposition party was promulgated by President Jose Eduardo Dos Santos. The demilitarization of the civilian population was intensified by the Government. Radio Vorgan ceased its transmissions. The mission to Angola and the region of the Chairman of the Sanctions Committee established pursuant to Security Council resolution 864 (1993), Ambassador Mahugu of Kenya - which was supported by resolution 1157 (1998) - had positive effects.”

    1998-04-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3876 (1998) · source

35. “This month the Council will examine the report of the Secretary-General on Africa. On that occasion, we will be able to discuss the root causes of conflicts in Africa, including the particular aspects involved in the Great Lakes region. It is to be hoped that this will afford the Council an opportunity to debate possible solutions for the structural problems that still beset many African nations. Brazil understands that actions such as the one we are taking today represent an effective, if limited, contribution towards peace and security in the area.”

    1998-04-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3870 (1998) · source

36. “The new mandate of the Commission, according to the draft resolution before us, would encompass information and investigation on the sale, supply and shipment of arms and related materiel to former Rwandan government forces and militias in the Great Lakes region of Central Africa. Additionally, the Commission would be requested to identify parties aiding and abetting the illegal sale to or acquisition of arms by former Rwandan government forces and militias. Finally, the Commission would make recommendations relating to the illegal flow of arms in the Great Lakes region. In order to develop its work, the Commission will have to count on the cooperation of the Governments of the States concerned, of relevant United Nations bodies and of other organizations and interested parties.”

    1998-04-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3870 (1998) · source

37. “Over the past few months we have been receiving repeated reports of persistent violence in some areas of the Great Lakes region, in particular Rwanda. In December 1997, in Mudende, a massacre of civilians, including refugees, shocked the world and showed that the cycle of Violence in Rwanda was far from coming to an end. The ethnic conflicts have been fuelled by the illegal flow of arms that ravages this area. The draft resolution on which we are about to vote reactivates the work of the International Commission of Inquiry on arms flows, originally created by resolution 1013 (1995).”

    1998-04-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3870 (1998) · source

38. “That text, adopted by consensus, declares in paragraph 1 that "Sanctions should be resorted to only with the utmost caution, when other peaceful options provided by the Charter are inadequate." By concluding my statement with these references to an important General Assembly resolution and to the United Nations Charter, I wish to emphasize my delegation's commitment to the pacific settlement of disputes within a context of respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. We believe that by exercising caution in resorting to coercive measures we are actually strengthening the authority of the Security Council in the face of serious and otherwise intractable situations.”

    1998-03-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3868 (1998) · source

39. “If this were indeed the case, we would be witnessing a distortion in the waiver provided by Article 2, paragraph 7, which would seem to be incompatible with its original purpose. On the other hand, as stated in General Assembly resolution 51/242, annex II, on the question of sanctions imposed by the United Nations, sanctions are a matter of the utmost seriousness and concern.”

    1998-03-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3868 (1998) · source

40. “Although the Charter enshrines the principle of non- intervention in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State, we are all aware that this principle does not prejudice the application of enforcement measures under Chapter VII, in accordance with Article 2, paragraph 7. Perhaps it is not by coincidence that the proliferation of decisions authorized by the Security Council under Chapter VII since the end of the cold war, and of sanctions in particular, has come about in a world where conflict has often seemed to break out within the internal borders of States. Some observers have gone as far as to suggest that there may have been a tendency to frame emergencies under Chapter VII in recent years so as to circumvent the non-intervention principle.”

    1998-03-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3868 (1998) · source

41. “Furthermore, if there is movement in a positive direction, the Security Council should acknowledge it promptly. The declaration by the President of the Republic of Serbia on the political process in Kosovo has been received by the international community as an auspicious sign. In the face of further and sustained progress, there should be no reason to doubt that the Security Council will respond accordingly. At this stage we should confine ourselves to the measures contained in the draft, in the expectation that developments will render needless the consideration of additional restrictions.”

    1998-03-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3868 (1998) · source

42. “We note that paragraph 16 addresses this problem in a manner which we consider satisfactory, although we would stress the need for the Secretary- General to base the assessments he is to make under that paragraph on as wide a spectrum of information as possible, and in close cooperation with the region, the countries which meet as the Contact Group - France, Germany, Italy, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States - the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the European Union. While concurring with the imposition of an embargo, we cannot fail to stress that these measures will not yield the desired effect if they are not accompanied by parallel diplomatic efforts aimed at the promotion of a safer and more harmonious environment for those who have been most directly affected by the unrest.”

    1998-03-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3868 (1998) · source

43. “We have welcomed the many joint and individual diplomatic initiatives taken by those who would be potentially most affected by a new wave of unrest in the Balkans, and have remained attentive to their strategies for dealing with what might best be described as a very delicate situation. It is from this intense diplomatic mobilization that a decision has seemed to emerge in favour of an arms embargo, as a measure capable of putting pressure on the parties to negotiate while placing a limit on the presence of weapons in an already heavily armed and volatile region. As a matter of principle, it has seemed important for my delegation to emphasize the need for clear provisions regarding the conditions for lifting the sanctions in the draft before us.”

    1998-03-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3868 (1998) · source

44. “Significantly, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the countries of South-Eastern Europe, meeting in Sofia on March 10, circulated a declaration expressing their "concern with the deteriorating situation in Kosovo and with the grave consequences of an inter-ethnic conflict and its possible spillover in the region." In addition to the Sofia meeting, there have been a number of important encounters and declarations dealing with these new episodes of Balkan instability, which have all seemed to converge towards the need for the international community to avoid the mistakes of the past by articulating a quick and effective response which will help stem the violence and create the conditions for improved dialogue and cooperation between the parties.”

    1998-03-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3868 (1998) · source

45. “Given the tragic background of inter-ethnic violence in the recent history of the Balkans, the international community has not been unjustified in reacting with disquiet to the recent events in the Kosovo region of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. I do not wish to minimize the complex threats to internal security posed by clandestine terrorist activity, but the fact remains that the repressive measures taken against civilians in Kosovo by Serbian police forces have provoked indignation throughout the world.”

    1998-03-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3868 (1998) · source

46. “As a country with a profound sense of pride in its African heritage and strong historical ties to Angola, our solidarity towards all those genuinely searching for peace in that nation is a strong and permanent commitment. Peace in Angola is a priority for my Government.”

    1997-08-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3814 (1997) · source

47. “The resolution may still not come into force if UNITA, even at this late hour, demonstrates a truly unequivocal disposition to honour its commitments to the people of Angola and to the international community. If these measures do become effective, UNITA will have only its own shortsightedness and greed to blame. Although any demonstrations of optimism at this point might seem unwarranted, we continue to believe that peace and prosperity for all Angolans is within reach. Momentous events have been taking place in southern Africa which seem to herald a new era of reconciliation among past belligerents. In the light of events in neighbouring countries it is possible today to nurture the hope that oppression, civil war and institutionalized discrimination can be replaced with democracy, development and a true renaissance of African culture.”

    1997-08-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3814 (1997) · source

48. “Sanctions must be regarded as an instrument of last resort when the prospects for diplomatic efforts yielding results no longer seem viable. However, it has become apparent that in Angola we are now faced with such a situation. The framework provided by the Lusaka Protocol is being systematically eroded by the Uniao Nacional para a Independencia Total de Angola (UNITA), and, as the party responsible for thwarting the major steps taken towards the establishment of peace, UNITA must be held accountable; Mr. Savimbi must be held accountable. The draft resolution before us would not have been necessary had the provisions of the Lusaka Protocol been duly observed. These provisions would not have seen the light of day had the breaches been of a lesser nature.”

    1997-08-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3814 (1997) · source

49. “We are convinced that the Angolan nation is more than ready to overcome the traumas left by years of war, and we believe that the unjustifiable creation of obstacles to peace must meet with the firmest reproof of the international community. The patience of the international community has been tested to the limit, leaving the Security Council no choice but to resort to the measures which are prescribed in the text before us. The Brazilian position on sanctions is well known. Sanctions must not be seen as an end in themselves. They are a serious expedient which must be reserved for situations of extreme gravity. The imposition of sanctions can result in deleterious effects on innocent populations and neighbouring countries, and utmost restraint must be exercised when it comes to contemplating any action under Chapter VII of the Charter.”

    1997-08-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3814 (1997) · source

50. “Brazil has been an active participant in such endeavours and has remained deeply committed to the peace process throughout this entire period. We were present at the signing of the Lusaka Protocol and became a principal troop contributor in the United Nations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM. II) since its very inception. Our involvement in MONUA provides further evidence of an unwavering engagement in multilateral efforts to settle the Angolan crisis through peaceful means. The conflict has already imposed an intolerable level of violence and brutality on the Angolan people, and those responsible for prolonging the suffering in Angola must face the consequences of their wanton behaviour.”

    1997-08-28 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.3814 (1997) · source