YouSaid · the spoken record

Van Oosterom

lines on the record
1,049
first
2013-08-19
most recent
2019-10-29
sittings or episodes
159
sources
un-security-council

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

  1. Action for Peacekeeping, an initiative launched by the Secretary-General during the open debate I mentioned, emphasizes the fact that all of us bear the responsibility to act. We must also dare to engage in an honest process of reflection on MINUSMA's mandate and on the capacities necessary for it to be implemented. The shifting conditions in Mali require MINUSMA to be flexible and innovative. Last Thursday's and Friday's attacks must serve as a reminder for Member States of their responsibility to provide MINUSMA with the appropriate equipment in terms of both troops and capacities. Also crucial is the need to foster a genuinely integrated approach among the military, civil and police pillars, specifically when it comes to information-sharing and intelligence-led planning.

    2018-04-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8229 (2018) · source

  2. Fatimata Toure noted that only 3 per cent of those formally involved in the peace process are women. We must see to it that all Malians are adequately represented, as my Swedish colleague mentioned. The most urgent steps that need to be taken to implement the peace agreement include, first, decentralization; secondly, security-sector reform; and thirdly, the demobilization and reintegration of former combatants in the Malian armed forces. We expect all Malian parties to deliver on this. These measures are critical to restore the legitimacy of the State in the north and to regain people's trust. Progress has been far too slow for too long. We must not shy away from imposing sanctions on spoilers of the peace process, including trafficking networks. My second point relates to performance.

    2018-04-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8229 (2018) · source

  3. As was acknowledged by all those who participated in the open debate, United Nations peacekeeping operations must above all support the political process. Only with a negotiated political settlement can lasting peace and security come within reach. The support provided by MINUSMA for the implementation of the Agreement on Peace and Reconciliation in Mali has proved essential and remains so today. The international community has invested heavily in Mali. In return, we expect of all Malian parties that they shoulder their responsibility to implement the Peace Agreement. We join other colleagues today in urging all signatories to renew their commitment to the peace process. In the absence of an inclusive process, peace will elude us. During the aforementioned debate, Ms.

    2018-04-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8229 (2018) · source

  4. Two weeks ago, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, during its presidency of the Security Council, convened an open debate on collective action to improve United Nations peacekeeping operations (see S/PV.8218). Today's meeting affords the Council an opportunity to translate the ambitions voiced during that debate into concrete measures. Such measures are imperative in the light of the plethora of problems facing Mali, including terrorism, drug and weapons smuggling, human trafficking and the threat of escalation and spillover to the entire Sahel region and beyond, even to Europe. In that context, I wish to focus on three elements: first, the primacy of politics; secondly, performance; and thirdly, the prevention of impunity. My first point concerns the primacy of politics.

    2018-04-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8229 (2018) · source

  5. Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands) (spoke in French): I wish to thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Annadif, as well as the Chair of the sanctions Committee, Mr. Olof Skoog, for their respective briefings. We are pleased to note the presence among us of His Excellency Minister Coulibaly. As the Minister is aware, there is a deep friendship between the peoples of our two countries, a friendship forged by 35 years of development cooperation and our participation in the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) since 2014. I pay tribute to the soldiers of this peacekeeping operation who laid down their lives, including in particular Dutch soldiers, in previous years.

    2018-04-11 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8229 (2018) · source

  6. Fourthly, we do not want the precedent that Security Council authorization is needed for a fact-finding mission to do its work. We are convinced that those were issues that we could have solved if the draft resolution had been put forward for proper consultations. We received it this morning. We regret that those concerns could not be taken into account. My lastpoint is that one colleague said that the litmus test of this evening, and of today, was the voting on this draft resolution. I disagree. The litmus test of today's meeting was the veto by one permanent member on the establishment of an effective attribution mechanism.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8228Resumption1 (2018) · source

  7. We abstained in the voting on the draft resolution (S/2018/322) because we had serious hesitations about the text, as it differed in some crucial aspects from the Swedish text put forward yesterday. First of all, the text makes it insufficiently clear that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic already has the mandate for on-site visits, as States have to comply with it. They do not need the Council's authorization. Secondly, the text is unduly restrictive. Paragraph 3 is not a correct reflection of the decision of the Director-General or of his existing mandate. The necessity of on-site investigations is up to the team to decide. My third point is that the fact- finding mission should be able to perform its mandate in complete independence.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8228Resumption1 (2018) · source

  8. With regard to the draft resolution proposed by the Russian Federation (S/2018/175), the Netherlands will vote against it. That draft resolution falls short in every possible way. It seems that the Russian Federation is unable to support an independent and impartial investigative mechanism. It seems that it can accept a mechanism only in which itself can decide when, where, how and by whom the investigation would be conducted, while leaving the mandate attributed to the Council subject to its veto. This cannot be the end of the issue. The Security Council cannot remain passive in the face of the atrocities being committed in Syria. We must continue to work for an effective attribution mechanism, inside and outside the Security Council. Impunity must not prevail.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8228Resumption1 (2018) · source

  9. Today we witnessed the twelfth overall Russian use of the veto concerning Syria, including six pertaining to chemical weapons. As I said yesterday, ifthe Russian representative claims that the chemical-weapons attack in Syria is a fabrication, he should not veto the draft resolution. By vetoing this draft resolution, the Russian Federation assumes a heavy responsibility for continued impunity and the horrible use of chemical weapons in Syria. Because of this permanent member, the Council is not even able to condemn the use of chemical-weapons attacks this past weekend in Douma, during which the White Helmets once again demonstrated their unwavering commitment to their life-saving work in the most difficult circumstances.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8228Resumption1 (2018) · source

  10. In my statement yesterday (see S/PV.8225) I urged the Security Council not to stand idly by and watch as a spectator while chemical weapons were being used in Syria. In our opinion, the Council should act, condemn, protect, and hold to account those responsible. Those elements are all reflected in draft resolution (S/2018/32l) put forward by the United States, and that is why the Kingdom of the Netherlands voted in favour of that draft resolution. We thank the United States delegation for drafting the text. We appreciate the earlier rounds of negotiations and the flexibility displayed at yesterday's late-night round. Together with others, we are extremely disappointed that an attempt to set up an effective mechanism of attribution on the use of chemical weapons has failed once again.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8228Resumption1 (2018) · source

  11. Fourthly, we do not want the precedent that Security Council authorization is needed for a fact-finding mission to do its work. We are convinced that those were issues that we could have solved if the draft resolution had been put forward for proper consultations. We received it this morning. We regret that those concerns could not be taken into account. My lastpoint is that one colleague said that the litmus test of this evening, and of today, was the voting on this draft resolution. I disagree. The litmus test of today's meeting was the veto by one permanent member on the establishment of an effective attribution mechanism.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8228 (2018) · source

  12. We abstained in the voting on the draft resolution (S/2018/322) because we had serious hesitations about the text, as it differed in some crucial aspects from the Swedish text put forward yesterday. First of all, the text makes it insufficiently clear that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic already has the mandate for on-site visits, as States have to comply with it. They do not need the Council's authorization. Secondly, the text is unduly restrictive. Paragraph 3 is not a correct reflection of the decision of the Director-General or of his existing mandate. The necessity of on-site investigations is up to the team to decide. My third point is that the fact- finding mission should be able to perform its mandate in complete independence.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8228 (2018) · source

  13. With regard to the draft resolution proposed by the Russian Federation (S/2018/175), the Netherlands will vote against it. That draft resolution falls short in every possible way. It seems that the Russian Federation is unable to support an independent and impartial investigative mechanism. It seems that it can accept a mechanism only in which itself can decide when, where, how and by whom the investigation would be conducted, while leaving the mandate attributed to the Council subject to its veto. This cannot be the end of the issue. The Security Council cannot remain passive in the face of the atrocities being committed in Syria. We must continue to work for an effective attribution mechanism, inside and outside the Security Council. Impunity must not prevail.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8228 (2018) · source

  14. Today we witnessed the twelfth overall Russian use of the veto concerning Syria, including six pertaining to chemical weapons. As I said yesterday, ifthe Russian representative claims that the chemical-weapons attack in Syria is a fabrication, he should not veto the draft resolution. By vetoing this draft resolution, the Russian Federation assumes a heavy responsibility for continued impunity and the horrible use of chemical weapons in Syria. Because of this permanent member, the Council is not even able to condemn the use of chemical-weapons attacks this past weekend in Douma, during which the White Helmets once again demonstrated their unwavering commitment to their life-saving work in the most difficult circumstances.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8228 (2018) · source

  15. In my statement yesterday (see S/PV.8225) I urged the Security Council not to stand idly by and watch as a spectator while chemical weapons were being used in Syria. In our opinion, the Council should act, condemn, protect, and hold to account those responsible. Those elements are all reflected in draft resolution (S/2018/32l) put forward by the United States, and that is why the Kingdom of the Netherlands voted in favour of that draft resolution. We thank the United States delegation for drafting the text. We appreciate the earlier rounds of negotiations and the flexibility displayed at yesterday's late-night round. Together with others, we are extremely disappointed that an attempt to set up an effective mechanism of attribution on the use of chemical weapons has failed once again.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8228 (2018) · source

  16. In conclusion, there is a proverb that says, "Ifa man is stung by a bee, he does not destroy all beehives". This is true for the Framework as well. Challenges remain, but with commitment and effort its implementation will be strengthened. Let us aim for reaching that goal as we advance towards the next anniversary of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework. Enhancing peace, security and cooperation is crucial for the people of the Great Lakes region.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8227 (2018) · source

  17. As to my third point, the importance of regional coordination, we often talk of African solutions to African problems, and our Chinese colleague just did so. We agree that only regionally owned and shared efforts will provide sustainable solutions to regional problems. The Framework continues to serve as an important platform to enable such solutions. It is geared towards addressing the root causes of conflict so as to put an end to the recurring cycles of violence. We welcome the role that the African Union, the ICGLR and the Southern African Development Community have played in strengthening the implementation of the Framework. We strongly believe in their important role in mitigating evolving security challenges in the region. We strongly support the Special Envoy in focusing his good offices on supporting those efforts.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8227 (2018) · source

  18. The Great Lakes region is home to the biggest displacement crisis in Africa. It is of course the primary responsibility of Governments to prevent the suffering of their peoples. We call on the Governments ofthe Democratic Republic ofthe Congo and Burundi to respect fundamental human rights and open up political space to enable the full and free participation ofpeaceful political parties, civil society and the media, which hold the key to opening the door to peaceful, inclusive and credible political processes and to national and regional stability. The meaningful participation of women is vital to achieve that end. We welcome the words of the Special Envoy on his ambitions to include women at all levels in political processes, as he just mentioned.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8227 (2018) · source

  19. Its relevance was once again demonstrated after the border clashes between the Rwandan and Congolese armies on 13 February. We welcome the investigation by the expanded Joint Verification Mechanism of the ICGLR in that regard. We furthermore welcome the renewed commitment of the signatories to the Framework, as communicated after the high-level meeting of the Regional Oversight Mechanism last October. As to my second point, the political instability in the region, security challenges in the region have evolved, and 2018 is a crucial year for peace and security in the Great Lakes region. Elections are due to be held in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The contested referendum on constitutional reform is planned in Burundi. But every single political and security crisis in the Great Lakes region has cross- border effects.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8227 (2018) · source

  20. As to my first point, the continued relevance of the Framework, five years since its signing, significant progress has been achieved, as others, such as our colleagues from Cote d'Ivoire and Equatorial Guinea, have said today. The presence of some foreign armed groups has been reduced. Judicial and development cooperation in the region has increased. Regional organizations like the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) have been strengthened. However, significant challenges remain. Armed groups continue to operate within and across the borders. Members of foreign armed groups, including the Mouvement du 23 mars and the Forces democratiques de liberation du Rwanda, have yet to be repatriated. The Framework remains the viable political framework to deal with these challenges.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8227 (2018) · source

  21. First of all, let me thank Special Envoy Said Djinnit for his briefing and, above all, his important work. I would also like to thank Ambassador Raymond Serge Bale of the Republic of the Congo for his statement and his personal efforts. In the light of the fifth anniversary of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework, I will make three points: first, the Framework is as relevant today as it was five years ago; secondly, the political instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Burundi constitute an additional serious threat to peace and security in the region; and, thirdly, we should increase coordination with the countries in the region on these issues.

    2018-04-10 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8227 (2018) · source

  22. The OPCW Fact-finding Mission must complete an investigation as soon as possible, and there can be no impunity for the use of chemical weapons. To do otherwise is tantamount to condoning such appalling attacks, failing in our responsibilities and undermining the international architecture that we have collectively designed to stop such attacks. It is time for the Council and the international community as a whole to act.

    2018-04-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8225 (2018) · source

  23. We welcome the Fact-finding Mission's immediate investigation of the terrible incident in Douma this weekend. It should be given full access and cooperation by all parties. We reiterate our strong support for, first, the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Those Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011; secondly, the Commission of Inquiry; thirdly, the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, initiated by France; and fourthly, a referral of the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court in The Hague as the most appropriate path to accountability andjustice. In conclusion, the Council must act.

    2018-04-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8225 (2018) · source

  24. ceased to operate, we have received reports that the regime has carried out at least six more chemical-weapon attacks and perhaps even more. For those who claim that chemical-weapon attacks have not taken place or that such accounts have been fabricated, I have a clear message. The establishment of an effective, impartial and independent attribution and accountability mechanism must not be vetoed. Let us not forget that the United Nations is bigger than the Council alone. We have strong leadership at the helm of Organization and a powerful General Assembly. Both must consider all instruments to advance accountability for the use of chemical weapons. The work should build on the important work of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) Fact-finding Mission and the JIM.

    2018-04-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8225 (2018) · source

  25. Yet the Council has not been able to move forward on that issue for months owing to one permanent member's use of the veto. We have been unable to tackle this crisis because one permanent member is a direct party to the conflict and has proved that it will defend the Syrian regime at all costs. We must intensify our efforts to establish a mechanism that can continue the meticulous work of the Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) and investigate and identify perpetrators independently of the politics in the Council. The JIM. has identified both the Syrian regime and a non-State actor as responsible for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. As I said last week (see S/PV.8221), the discontinuation of the JIM. mandate cannot be the end of the story - all the more so because since the JIM.

    2018-04-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8225 (2018) · source

  26. Furthermore, the Kingdom of the Netherlands would also like to point out that the majority of the States Members of the United Nations count on the permanent members of the Council not to use their veto in cases of mass atrocities. The international community should be able to count on the Council to uphold international humanitarian law and the international prohibition on the use of chemical weapons, and to act when international law is trampled. Let me be clear. We support the humanitarian work of the White Helmets. They do extremely important humanitarian work for civilians in Syria in dire circumstances. Thirdly, all members of the Council regularly stress the importance of accountability for perpetrators who use chemical weapons.

    2018-04-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8225 (2018) · source

  27. However, condemnation alone is not enough. Secondly, we must deliver on our responsibility to protect. The protection of civilians must remain an absolute priority. We call on the Astana guarantors to use their influence to prevent any further attacks. They must ensure a cessation of hostilities and a de-escalation of the violence, as per resolution 2401 (2018). An immediate ceasefire is needed in Douma so that humanitarian and medical aid can reach the victims of the attack and so that humanitarian personnel can continue their life-saving work. We owe it to the men, women and children of Douma and of Syria. We owe it to our own citizens.

    2018-04-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8225 (2018) · source

  28. We must underscore the basic norms of the international legal order and stop the ongoing tragedy in eastern Ghouta and Douma. We almost met twice today because one permanent member of the Council seemed not to want a focused discussion on the issue at hand, the chemical attack in Douma. That begs the question of whether that particular member State would prefer the international community to stand by and watch like a spectator while it covers for the crimes of its ally, the Syrian regime, some of which amount to serious war crimes. The Council must not stand idly by. It is high time for us to act in three ways, condemning, protecting and holding to account. First, today we should condemn in the strongest possible terms any use of chemical weapons. International law has been trampled on. Silence and impunity are not an option.

    2018-04-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8225 (2018) · source

  29. We thank Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura and Deputy High Representative for Disarmament Affairs Thomas Markram for their briefings. Only five days ago, here in this Chamber (see S/PV.8221), we mourned as we remembered the sarin attack at Khan Shaykhun that occurred a year ago. This weekend another devastating gas attack was carried out in the city of Douma, killing more than 45 civilians and injuring more than 500. It was another in a series of chemical-weapon attacks in Syria. That is unacceptable. The Kingdom of the Netherlands is one of nine Security Council members that requested today's emergency meeting because we all believed that it was critically important to address this horrific attack. We must reinstate the prohibition on the use of chemical weapons.

    2018-04-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8225 (2018) · source

  30. As to my third point, on the need for Russian cooperation, on 22 March, the European Council condemned the attack in Salisbury in the strongest possible terms. It agreed with the assessment of the Government of the United Kingdom that it is highly likely that the Russian Federation is responsible for the attack and that there is no plausible alternative explanation. We therefore call on the Russian Federation to fully cooperate with the ongoing investigation and to provide full disclosure of its novichok programme to the OPCW. In conclusion, any use of chemical weapons constitutes an unacceptable threat to international law, peace and security. I reiterate our call for full accountability for this horrific crime.

    2018-04-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8224 (2018) · source

  31. As to my second point, on our support for the investigation, we underline that the perpetrators of this heinous act must face justice. The authorities of the United Kingdom are working, together with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), to achieve that end. At the meeting of the Executive Council of the OPCW in The Hague yesterday, Director-General Uziimcii confirmed that the United Kingdom had followed the correct procedure in this regard. We reiterate that we do not see any legitimate reason why anyone should try to delay, sidetrack, second-guess or discredit the criminal investigation being carried out by the United Kingdom authorities. We fully support the investigation led by the United Kingdom with the assistance of the OPCW.

    2018-04-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8224 (2018) · source

  32. The Kingdom of the Netherlands supports the statement made by the Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom. I wish to make three points. First, the chemical-weapon attack in Salisbury is unacceptable. Secondly, we fully support the investigation led by the United Kingdom. Thirdly, we call on the Russian Federation to fully cooperate with this ongoing criminal investigation. As to my first point, on the unacceptability of the attack, during the previous meeting on this matter, on 14 March (see S/PV.8203), I expressed our shock at the reckless attack with a military-grade nerve agent on British soil. The Kingdom of the Netherlands strongly condemned that attack, in the Security Council and on many other occasions. The Kingdom ofthe Netherlands stands in full solidarity with United Kingdom.

    2018-04-05 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8224 (2018) · source

  33. To do otherwise is to effectively condone these appalling attacks and to undermine the international architecture that we collectively designed to stop them. In the words of the Secretary-General, we must begin to repair the damage to the chemical weapons disarmament and non-proliferation regime. The Kingdom of the Netherlands will continue to do its utmost to achieve accountability for the horrific use of chemical weapons in Syria. Impunity cannot prevail.

    2018-04-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8221 (2018) · source

  34. We are ready to take the lead in this regard. In this context, we also re-emphasize our strong support for the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Those Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011, and the Commission of Inquiry. We also support the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, initiated by France. In conclusion, there is no middle ground in the Council when it comes to chemical weapons. Ultimately, we must learn the lessons of history and ensure that, 100 years after the end of the First World War, there can be no impunity for the use of chemical weapons.

    2018-04-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8221 (2018) · source

  35. Secondly, we must intensify our efforts to achieve a mechanism that can continue the meticulous work of the JIM. Such a mechanism should, first, independently decide how it will conduct its investigations. I emphasize that it should do so independently. It should also investigate and identify perpetrators of all parties to the armed conflict. Further, it should operate independently from the Council, including when it comes to the attribution of guilt. The Kingdom of the Netherlands believes that the Security Council should rally around the United States draft text for a new mechanism. Finally, we also have to consider all instruments outside of the Council to advance accountability for the use of chemical weapons. That effort should build upon the important work of the JIM. and the OPCW Fact-finding Mission.

    2018-04-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8221 (2018) · source

  36. The Joint Investigative Mechanism had a strong mandate to investigate and identify perpetrators independently from the politics in the Council. But the renewal of the JIM's mandate fell victim to exactly those politics. That does not mean we now need to settle for less - all the more so because, since the JIM. ceased to operate, we have received reports that the regime has carried out at least five more chemical-weapons attacks, and maybe even more. The disappearance of the JIM. cannot be the end of the story. First, we must act upon the conclusions of the Joint Investigative Mechanism and on the outcomes of the OPCW Fact-finding Mission. I reiterate that a referral of the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court in The Hague by the Security Council is the most appropriate path to accountability and justice.

    2018-04-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8221 (2018) · source

  37. The report also determined that Da'esh was responsible for using the chemical weapon sulfur mustard in attacks on 15 and 16 September 2016 in Um- Housh, Syria. Sadly, that was not the last time that we received reports that chemical weapons were used in Syria. Dozens of instances are currently being investigated by the OPCW Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic. The use of chemical weapons should never go unpunished. Impunity erodes the important prohibition of the use of chemical weapons. That brings me to my third point: accountability. All members of the Security Council regularly stress the need for accountability for perpetrators who use chemical weapons. Yet the Security Council has not been able to move forward for months due to the use of veto by a permanent member of the Council.

    2018-04-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8221 (2018) · source

  38. We are deeply concerned - and we remain deeply concerned - about this fact, and we reiterate our call upon the Syrian regime to extend its full and timely cooperation to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) in The Hague. As to my second point, the commemoration of the sarin attack at Khan Shaykhun, today we commemorate the horrendous sarin attack by the regime against Khan Shaykhun on 4 April 2017, as Thomas Markram highlighted in his briefing. The conclusions of the United Nations-OPCW Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM), mandated by the Security Council itself, were clear - the Al-Assad regime carried out the heinous 4 April attack, killing approximately 100 innocent Syrian civilians, including many children, and injuring hundreds more.

    2018-04-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8221 (2018) · source

  39. As to my first point, Syria's failure to comply with the Chemical Weapons Convention, this month 21 years ago, the Chemical Weapons Convention entered into force. It was the first disarmament agreement to provide for the elimination of an entire category of weapons of mass destruction under universally applied international control. It was a great achievement. Almost five years ago, Syria joined the Chemical Weapons Convention. Syria promised to destroy and abandon its chemical weapons programme. Yet, month after month, we hear that the Syrian regime's declaration cannot be considered complete or accurate. Until that declaration is complete, Syria is simply not complying with its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention.

    2018-04-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8221 (2018) · source

  40. In honour of Peru's presidency, Mr. President, let me thank you in Spanish: Muchas gracias, Senor Presidente. I also extend my warm thanks to the Deputy to the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Mr. Thomas Markram, for his briefing. This year, we are celebrating the hundredth anniversary of the end of the First World War. The ensuing ban against the use of chemical weapons raised the hope of the world for an end to the horrors of chemical warfare. Sadly, 100 years later, chemical-weapon attacks have been taking place in Syria, reportedly at least 85 times. In that context today, Iwill make three points: first, Syria's failure to comply with the Chemical Weapons Convention; secondly, the commemoration of the sarin attack at Khan Shaykhun; and thirdly, accountability.

    2018-04-04 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8221 (2018) · source

  41. As we end our presidency, I know I speak on behalf of the Council in wishing the delegation of Peru good luck in the coming month. Peru may rest assured that we will do our utmost in supporting it in fulfilling its grave responsibilities in the presidency of the Security Council in April. The meeting rose at 8.50 pm.

    2018-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8219 (2018) · source

  42. As this may be the last meeting of the Council for the month of March, let me express the sincere appreciation and thanks of the delegation of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the members of the Council, especially my colleagues the Permanent Representatives and their respective staff, and to the secretariat of the Council for all the support they have given to us. It has been a busy month, and one in which we rallied to consensus on several important issues within our purview. We could not have done it alone or without the hard work, support and positive contributions of every delegation and the representatives of the Secretariat, as well as all the relevant conference service officers, interpreters and security staff.

    2018-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8219 (2018) · source

  43. All those measures, together with the two-State solution as a political horizon, are needed to ensure that we will not be having the same debate once again next month, next year or in five years. I now resume my functions as President of the Security Council. I give the floor to the Permanent Observer of the Observer State of Palestine.

    2018-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8219 (2018) · source

  44. We also call on all parties to respect international humanitarian law and protect civilians. With regard to my third point, concerning long- term stability, the situation in Gaza has been a matter of concern for a long time. In recent months, the Council has debated the situation in Gaza several times. We recall that, in order to achieve a sustainable solution, a comprehensive approach is required. A political process, humanitarian aid, economic development and infrastructure development go hand in hand. We need the Palestinian Authority as the legitimate Government to return to Gaza. We call on the Palestinian Authority and all other Palestinian parties to continue their efforts to overcome their differences and to genuinely proceed with reconciliation.

    2018-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8219 (2018) · source

  45. We call on the de facto authorities in Gaza to maintain the peaceful character of the protests and prevent them from becoming violent. We call on Israel to ensure that its responses at all times are proportionate and necessary. The use of live ammunition as a crowd- control effort should be used only as a measure of last resort. We call on Israel to thoroughly investigate all incidents in which the use of crowd-control measures has led to casualties. The incidents of the past week whereby armed individuals from Gaza have entered Israel show that Israel's security concerns are real. We condemn those attacks and repeat that there is no excuse for terrorism. We call on all parties to refrain from any action that would worsen the situation by way of incitement or provocation.

    2018-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8219 (2018) · source

  46. I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Let me start with expressing our regret that the representative ofIsrael cannot participate in this debate because of Passover - an important religious holiday in Israel. I will address three points: first, the increasing tensions around Gaza; secondly, the short-term steps needed to stop the crisis; and, thirdly, the need for long- term stability. Concerning my first point, we are deeply alarmed by the rising tensions around Gaza. Reports of 15 deaths and hundreds of injured are highly disturbing and regrettable. With regard to my second point, concerning short- term steps to stop the crisis, we call on all sides to exercise restraint and prevent further escalation and loss oflives.

    2018-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8219 (2018) · source

  47. I propose that the Security Council invite the Permanent Observer of the observer State Palestine to the United Nations to participate in this meeting, in accordance with the provisional rules of procedure and the previous practice in that regard. There being no objection, it is so decided. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite Mr. Taye-Brook Zerihoun, Assistant Secretary-General for Political Affairs and Acting Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I refer to note S/2017/507 and encourage members and non-members of the Council to limit their statements to five minutes or less, and the briefer to the agreed time limit. I now give the floor to Mr. Zerihoun.

    2018-03-30 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8219 (2018) · source

  48. I thank Mr. Mladenov for his briefing. Before giving the floor to Council members, I should like to highlight the presence in the Chamber of the new Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom to the United Nations, Ambassador Karen Pierce, and, on behalf of all members of the Council, to extend a warm welcome to her. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

    2018-03-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8214 (2018) · source

  49. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite Mr. Nickolay Mladenov, Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process and Personal Representative of the Secretary-General, to participate in this meeting. Mr. Mladenov is joining today's meeting via video- teleconference from Jerusalem. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. Recalling the Security Council's latest note 507 on its working methods (S/2017/507), I wish to encourage all participants, both members and non-members of the Council, to deliver their statements in five minutes or less. Note 507 also encourages briefers to be succinct and to focus on key issues. Briefers are further encouraged to limit initial remarks to agreed time limits. I now give the floor to Mr. Mladenov.

    2018-03-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8214 (2018) · source

  50. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I would like to once again encourage all speakers to limit their statements to no more than five minutes in order to enable the Council to carry out its work expeditiously. I now give the floor to the representative of Nigeria.

    2018-03-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8212 (2018) · source