Jo Briskey
Maribyrnong · Australian Labor Party · Australia
“This Saturday night, the mighty Melbourne Vixens are back in another grand final, their fifth in seven years, and we're going back to back. Five of these women also put on the green and gold for the Australian Diamonds, arguably the most successful national team our country has produced. But here's what gets me.”
“Yesterday, that ask was again answered in another large step forward—the biggest expansion of paid parental leave since Labor created the scheme. This week, paid parental leave in Australia is now a full six months, 26 weeks, paid at a higher rate at just over $1,000 a week, with income limits lifted so more families qualify.”
“Superannuation now lands with every payday instead of months behind, which protects workers least able to absorb being shortchanged. Every one of those changes helps on its own, but, arriving all at once, they take the real pressure off working families. That is real change delivered.”
“Before I came into this place, I spent about just over five years as the CEO of the Parenthood, Australia's peak advocacy body for parents and carers. Our work focused on how we make Australia the best place in the world to be a parent. I spent many hours in this building helping amplify the voices of parents and the needs that they had.”
“But this government is changing it. We're funding pay rises for female dominated sectors like aged care and early childhood education, and the gender pay gap is the lowest it's ever been. This week, paid parental leave grew to 26 weeks, with super paid on top, so that raising a child no longer costs a woman her career or her retirement.”
“When it began in 2011, it gave families 18 weeks, and I watched it change households. I also watched how quickly it could be put at risk. In 2015, parents who used the scheme exactly as it was designed got branded double dippers by those opposite, as if caring for a newborn were a rort.”
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“The bill strengthens provider registration requirements, increases compliance powers and establishes stronger accountability frameworks across the market. We are sending a clear message here: if you are in the NDIS to exploit vulnerable people and extract public money, this government will find you, and you will face the consequences. The fraud and rorting that flourished under those opposite ends here. The third is planning. The bill introduces new framework planning arrangements that put participants at the centre of their own plans—plans that are more responsive and more focused on outcomes. Planning should not be an ordeal; it should be a genuine conversation about what a person needs to live a good life.”
“It has been carefully constructed and is evidence based. It has been developed in close consultation with people with disability and the disability community because Labor understands that nothing about the NDIS should be done without consulting those who rely on it. The bill addresses five key areas. The first is access and eligibility. The bill clarifies the criteria by which Australians can access the NDIS, restoring the scheme to its original purpose: supporting people with permanent and significant disability. This is not about restricting the scheme; it is about ensuring that the people who need it most can always access it, and that the scheme is not drawn into areas better served by other parts of our health and social services system. Clearer eligibility means fairer outcomes. The second is tackling fraud and rorting.”
“A scheme that works for the people who rely on it, that is funded sustainably for its long-term future and that delivers quality, tailored support is cost-of-living relief for tens of thousands of families across this country who are holding things together because the NDIS is there for them. But a scheme that collapses under unsustainable growth or, worse, a scheme that is gutted by future governments because the politics of fiscal repair demand it would be a catastrophe not just for people with disability but for every family that depends on it. That is why this bill matters. It is our responsibility to ensure the future of the NDIS is one grounded in care and support and one that is sustainable. This bill is the next major step in our plan to secure the NDIS for future generations.”
“It means a mum can return to work because her child support is funded. It means a carer does not have to choose between their own health and their parent's dignity. It means a family does not spend their savings, their superannuation or their retirement on care costs that should be covered by the scheme that they have paid taxes into their entire working lives. The cost pressures Australian families are facing right now are tough. We know this, and that is why our government has been relentless in delivering real cost-of-living relief, like cheaper medicines, more bulk-billing and tax cuts for every Australian taxpayer. The NDIS is part of that broader relief package.”
“This is an historic commitment because it means the states and territories, for the first time ever, are genuinely invested partners in the NDIS's long-term success. We have done all of this while simultaneously delivering the largest investment in foundational disability supports in Australia's history. It's because we understand that the NDIS works best when it sits within a broader ecosystem of community services and early intervention. We are building that ecosystem. The coalition never bothered to try. I want to dwell on something that sometimes gets lost in the technical debate about the scheme's sustainability: securing the NDIS is cost-of-living relief. It is also good for our economy. When the NDIS works as it should, as it is intended, it does not just support the person with a disability.”
“At the time the Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability delivered its final report, a devastating account of systemic failures that had gone unaddressed for far too long, we committed to acting on its recommendations, and we are. We have already brought NDIS cost growth down from 22 per cent to 10 per cent. This is the result of serious, deliberate work, cracking down on fraud, improving processes, strengthening compliance and beginning the hard work of building a better regulated market. At the January 2026 National Cabinet meeting, all governments agreed to work together to bring growth down further to between five and six per cent or lower.”
“When we came to government in May 2022, we made an immediate commitment that we would fix the NDIS—not dismantle it, not hollow it out, but fix it—because it is too important and the Australians who depend on it are too important to do anything less. We established the independent review into the NDIS, led by Bruce Bonyhady and Lisa Paul. We commissioned it not as a stalling exercise but as a genuine reckoning, an honest look at what had gone wrong and what needed to change. The review consulted with thousands of people with disability and their families, carers, providers and advocates. Its findings were sobering, but its recommendations were clear.”
“Yet—this is the part that should shame every member opposite—the coalition did almost nothing. They commissioned reviews that they did not implement. They announced crackdowns that they did not enforce. They stood in this chamber and spoke of their commitment to people with disability while the scheme they were responsible for was being looted in broad daylight. Meanwhile, participants, people in my community, were stuck in planning processes that took months. They were fighting decisions that defied reason and receiving supports that often fell far short of what they needed. The coalition talked about the NDIS. Labor built it. And now, with this bill, Labor is securing it for every Australian who will need it in the decades to come.”
“Under those opposite, NDIS annual growth cost reached 22 per cent—not 22 per cent over a decade, but 22 per cent per year—with no coherent plan to slow it, with no serious action on fraud, with no credible workforce strategy and, crucially, no accountability for the billions of dollars flowing to a largely unregistered, largely unregulated provider market. That uncontrolled growth meant the scheme was increasingly captured by bad actors—providers charging for services not delivered and support workers with no qualifications and no checks. It gave rise to complex financial arrangements designed to extract money from vulnerable people rather than support them. The fraud was not at the margins. According to the National Disability Insurance Agency's own assessments, billions of dollars were lost to rorting and waste.”
“They deserve a scheme that will be there for them in 10, 20 or even 30 years time. The truth of what the coalition left behind explains everything about why this bill is needed and is before the House today. For nearly a decade, the coalition presided over an NDIS in crisis—a crisis that was manufactured by them. They were handed one of the most significant social reforms in Australia's history, and then they ran it into the ground. The Gillard Labor government built the NDIS on a simple moral conviction that disability should not determine destiny. The coalition inherited that conviction and treated it as an inconvenience.”
“It heard from people with disability who said with striking consistency that the NDIS, for all its imperfections, had been the first time the system that had looked at them and said, 'Your life has value and your needs are worth meeting.' That testimony is the foundation on which this bill rests. That foundation is the voices of people with disability who told a royal commission what it means to have a scheme that works and what it costs in human terms when it does not. The National Disability Insurance Scheme Amendment (Securing the NDIS for Future Generations) Bill 2026 is built on Labor values of fairness, sustainability and an unshakeable belief that Australians with permanent and significant disability deserve more than good intentions and motherhood statements.”
“In 2023, the Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability delivered its final report after four years of hearings. More than 8,000 people gave evidence to the commission. What it documented was not a story of a compassionate nation falling short in isolated cases; it was a systemic account of how Australians with disability had been, in the commission's own words, too often treated as though their lives mattered less. It heard from people who had been restrained, secluded and medicated into compliance. It heard from families who had fought year after year for basic supports that should never have been in question.”
“We are continuing to support property investment—in new builds, because, when taxpayer support is on the table, it should go towards creating a home that didn't exist before. Invest not just in your own wealth but in the wealth of the nation. Now, those opposite are predictably rolling out the same old scare campaign to keep the broken status quo—a status quo that is locking young people, families and workers in my community out of homeownership. But this government isn't accepting the status quo. We are making sure every single one of them gets a fair shot of getting into their own home.”
“We on this side of the House believe every Australian should own their own home. It is clear that those opposite don't. Our government is getting on with the job of fixing our housing crisis, including fixing the tax rules that have made it near impossible for working Australians to be able to buy their own home. Since '99, house prices have risen 400 per cent, more than twice as fast as wages. The tax concessions introduced back then were meant to grow supply. They didn't; they grew prices. While the coalition is keen to entrench this, we've accepted the responsibility of doing something about it. We are here to make the system fairer. This policy doesn't shut the door on young investors; it opens a new one. And here is where the opposition aren't telling you the truth.”
“They seek to deliver the reforms and services that the moment demands. The status quo may be what those opposite wish to entrench, but, if they actually spoke to young, working-class Australians, they would know that their white-hot rage is directed squarely at the status quo. It's just not working. The status quo is stacked against them; that is why this government has changed course, why we are delivering generational tax reforms and why we are determined to level the playing field. Levelling the playing field is just what we're going to do, on top of delivering real cost-of-living relief for Aussie families. When the Prime Minister says that he wants a country where no-one is held back and no-one is left behind, this budget is an example of those words in practice.”
“It is the same old tired playbook, and my community is fed up with it. This budget is about creating opportunities. It is pro-aspiration for people seeking to enter the housing market and invest in their future, especially for young people. It is pro-worker for those families feeling the pinch and in need of tax relief. It is pro-investment for individuals and businesses looking to build their futures with shares and portfolios. This Albanese Labor government is not shying away from the difficult reforms that are necessary to build our nation's future. We are proud of what we have delivered, but we know there is more work to do. Good governments listen to their constituents, they do not alienate parts of their communities, and they do not pit them against each other. Instead, they seek to unite.”
“It is the beneficiary of migration—Italian, Greek, Vietnamese, Somali and many more who have planted their roots in Maribyrnong, bringing with them the cultures and skills that have come to define our part of Melbourne. Our community benefits from those skills in health, early education, aged care and jobs that keep our communities quietly moving, like cleaning, delivery drivers and many more. My community sees through the coalition's message of hatred and division because they know it's just more cheap politics from a party simply trying to fight to compete with One Nation. They also know that our economy is under a lot of pressure from global shocks, not because of grandparents, parents or friends who have migrated to Australia, seeking to build a better life and contribute to our nation's future.”
“They are more interested in saying no to genuinely trying to help Australian families, and, when they say no, they are saying it to families in my community who are saving thousands thanks to this government making PBS medicines cheaper; they are saying it to students, who now pay lower repayments on their student debt; and they are saying it to women, who are benefiting from the largest investment in women's health care in decades. The conversations I'm having in my community about this budget are positive. They aren't focused on the misinformation or the scare tactics of those opposite. My community isn't buying this racist nonsense that immigrants are making their lives harder or causing costs to rise. What those opposite can't comprehend is that my community is the vibrant place it is because of immigration.”
“How do we know this? Because they've voted against every single cost-of-living measure our government has brought forward to this place. Thankfully, for many in my electorate, this Labor government takes a different view. Things are tough right now. We know this and we are determined to continue to ease cost-of-living pressures. That is why, from 1 July this year, every Australian taxpayer will receive a tax cut, and we're introducing an instant tax deduction of $1,000—no receipts needed. And there will be another tax cut next year too, together with taking an extra $250 off working people's tax bill permanently. Those opposite have dismissed these tax measures.”
“Australian families remember all too well what those opposite did to Medicare. They remember that bulk-billing was gutted. They remember cuts to our public hospitals. They remember the cost of medicines increasing while their wages stagnated. Those opposite put a price tag on every Australian's health. Their dream is not for a stronger Medicare but for a relaxation of it, something more akin to an American-style healthcare system, where the health care that you get is what you can afford, leaving many working people behind. When those opposite talk of decreased spending and budget savings, what they're actually saying is they'll cut Medicare. And it won't be just Medicare; it'll be Services Australia, fee-free TAFE, our three-day early learning guarantee—cutting the essential services and cost-of-living relief that working people rely on.”
“Our plan is to build Australia's future, and, in order to do that, that plan must be centred around fairness. Medicare is a symbol of fairness and is integral to the prosperity of our nation, which is why this year's budget once again had strengthening Medicare front and centre. As cost-of-living pressures continue to put stress on local households, we are committed to providing real cost-of-living relief across the board. We promised to make health care more affordable, and we are delivering on that promise. The Treasurer outlined in his budget night address that the Albanese Labor government is making a record investment into health care, making free Medicare urgent care clinics a permanent fixture of our healthcare network while continuing to invest in cheaper medicines and more bulk-billing.”
“That is why this budget also seeks to increase our housing supply, with an additional $2 billion investment into the infrastructure needed to build 65,000 new homes. This is on top of the other housing supply measures that we have already delivered since coming into government, like those through the Housing Australia Future Fund. The HAFF has helped to deliver over 1,000 new social and affordable homes in my community alone, changing people's lives forever. Australians were given a glimpse into the opposition's plans for this country. Australians were given more cheap rhetoric from those opposite. They were told that migrant communities are their enemy and that, under the coalition, the housing status quo will be entrenched. That is in stark contrast to Labor's plans for the future.”
“Along with changes to negative gearing, we're also changing the tax treatment of capital gains so that it operates as originally intended, helping to ensure investment flows where it is most productive. Returning it to indexation will mean that, in the future, only real capital gains are subject to tax, supporting investment in assets like medium-density housing. An important thing to note is that these reforms will grandfather gains made before 1 July next year. The 30 per cent minimum tax rate on capital gain profits is about making sure everyone pays their fair share. This budget aims to level the playing field and also continues to build on our housing agenda, which is ambitious, as it has to be, because our housing crisis is 40 years in the making.”
“Despite the misinformation from those opposite, Australians who currently negatively gear or own an investment property will see no change in their arrangements. This Labor government is, and has always been, pro investment. That is why, going forward, new investors can still negatively gear their properties, just on new builds. If you're a younger person who can afford to invest in housing, you can still do it on new properties. If you look to the edges of our cities and our regional areas, the opportunities for investment are there. We are pro-investment because we not only want Australians to be able to invest and build their own wealth but also, at the same time, want to see them invest in the wealth of our nation.”
“That is why we are making the tough calls, setting out an ambitious plan to level the playing field for younger generations. Going forward, we are limiting negative gearing for residential property so it can be used only for new builds. Our negative gearing changes put homeowners first and will help more Australians get a foothold in the housing market. This is why this budget is a truly aspirational budget, because what is more aspirational than owning your own home? We aspire for the people in my community—the single parents who want stability, the young couples seeking to start a family, the students looking to the future—who stop me in the street and raise the issue of housing. This reform is about making it easier for them to buy their first home.”
“It was a small unit that would provide us with a safety net and the stability that we needed and wanted to start a family. I look back fondly at that moment in time, that sense of hope mixed with dread but also the celebration of achieving such a huge life milestone—a milestone that so many young Australians jokingly now dismiss as just not being possible for them. But the reality is that it is no joke. Young people dismiss it not just because of house prices but because, for some in my community who have saved up enough for a deposit and jumped through all the hoops, they go to the auction and put an offer on, only to be outpriced by property investors who have tax breaks on their side. This Labor government has refused to accept the status quo.”
“When I speak to young people in my community, they show a readiness to meet the world as it is and carry it forward, but what they do not accept is the economic burden that has been placed on them at the expense of their future. They do not accept house prices that are eight times their annual income. They do not accept being locked out of the housing market while others own upwards of 10 properties. And they do not accept that the status quo is working. For almost all of us in this chamber, the Australian dream of owning your own home did become a reality. We saved over a few years to buy our first home that was, on average, about three times our annual salary. For me and my husband, it was in 2009 when Ravi and I saved up a little and, with a little help from my in-laws, purchased our first home.”
“Earlier this month, the Treasurer delivered the most ambitious budget that we have seen in decades. It's a budget that balances responsible economic management with an eye to futureproofing our economy, an economy that works for everyday Australians, not the other way around. As a nation, we find ourselves, once again, in the midst of a global crisis. They, unfortunately, are becoming more frequent. For older Australians, global shocks and once-in-a-generation events were just that: once in a generation. They didn't occur every few years, and global economies were given the time to recover. The world we live in has changed. It is less stable, more divided and increasingly unpredictable.”
“Arissa Berryman is a powerhouse youth advocate changing the conversation on mental health. Glenys Barnes has given 12 incredible years to the Northern Obedience Dog Club. Stephanie Failla is an emerging leader already making waves with St Vincent de Paul and beyond. Brian Gillespie is defying his Parkinson's diagnosis and driving the Moonee Valley Bowls Club forward. Samuel Glenn is creating inclusive, joyful spaces through Avenue Productions. Leading Senior Constable Bradley Keogh is revolutionising how police connect with our community. Anthony Monteleone has breathed new life into Union Road in Ascot Vale. Trang Nguyen is a fierce and passionate voice for young people and— (Time expired)”
“I want to join my colleague the member for Petrie in recognising National Volunteer Week last week and celebrating some of the most inspiring people across Maribyrnong. We're very fortunate in the community we have. I had the privilege of visiting the VICSES at URBNSURF, where I got to jump in the boat and witness firsthand the rigorous training that our SES volunteers undertake, practising water rescue techniques to prepare for emergencies that can strike without warning. It's no surprise that the VICSES Essendon Unit is one of the 13 outstanding recipients of this year's Moonee Valley Neighbourhood Spirit Awards. And they are in magnificent company. Karol Barac, Karen Shuster and Robyn Bardas built Connecting Mothers in Grief from the ground up, now supporting bereaved parents across Australia.”
“This bill is about making sure that, when the next major crisis arrives—and we as parliamentarians cannot bow our heads and say that it won't, because it will—Australians can have faith that our laws can move at the speed that helps us as much as possible to stay ahead of that crisis, that businesses can work with government quickly and within a clear legal framework, that the protections of consumers remain intact and that those who would seek to exploit a crisis for profit face penalties that actually mean something. It is practical in its aims and it is proportionate in its penalties. It's the kind of legislation that doesn't necessarily grab headlines but quietly makes Australia better prepared and better protected for when the next headline-making crisis comes. I commend the bill to the House.”
“They are felt by the family who can't find formula on the shelf. They are felt by the small businesses that depend on those supply chains to survive. When those systems come under pressure, like they did during the pandemic or when the war in Ukraine sent shockwaves through global supply, Australians need to have confidence that our frameworks can respond fast, because, if they don't, it has real consequences on the lives of all Australians.”
“This is a substantial shift in how we hold companies accountable. These are the kinds of penalties that actually change board-level conversations about risk and compliance. They seek to align the oil code with the penalties framework that already applies to the food and grocery code and the franchising code. Now, we have consistency across our major industry codes. Infringement notice penalties issued by the ACCC are also being lifted, from $19,800 to $198,000 for corporations. Again, this is about making sure the consequences of breaching the code are felt, not just noted in a report. Most Australians hear about competition law, but, let's be honest, it's not something they think about from one year to the next. But the effects of competition law impact every Australian. They are felt at the petrol station and the supermarket checkout.”
“Think about that for a moment from the perspective of a trucking operator transporting supplies from manufacturing hubs in Tullamarine, in my electorate, or a farmer who depends on diesel to run their machinery. If the fuel company breaches the code, engages in unfair conduct, withholds supply, exploits a shortage, the consequences for that farmer or that truckie can be severe. Their livelihood can be at risk, and yet the company responsible faces a fine their lawyers would describe as negligible. This bill changes that. Under the new framework, penalties for bodies corporate can reach $10 million or the court can determine the financial benefit the company gained from the breach three times that benefit. If the benefit can't be precisely determined, 10 per cent of the company's annual turnover will be applied for the relevant period.”
“But the Treasurer intends to make an exceptional circumstances declaration following the passage of this bill to facilitate protective coordination with industry in responding to the challenges from the current conflict. We're not waiting for things to go wrong. We are preparing now while there is still time to get ahead. Quite frankly, this is what Australians should expect and do expect of everyone in this place. The second schedule of this bill is more straightforward in its mechanics. At the moment there are no penalties in the Oil Code of Conduct, and any penalty added to the code is limited to a maximum of $198,000. It feels inadequate. For a large fuel company turning over hundreds of millions or even billions of dollars a year, that is not a deterrent. It is barely a slap on the wrist. For many, it's just a cost of doing business.”
“Within seven days of an exceptional circumstance event ending, all applications and authorisations must be published in full. Australians will be able to view this information, and the relevant accountability is applied. But, in the heat of a crisis, a short window of operational confidentiality is a sensible and proportionate measure. The world right now is not a stable place. The conflict in the Middle East is creating real pressure on global supply chains. Fuel supply chains, in particular, are subject to disruptions that can flow through quickly to prices at the bowser and costs for businesses across the economy. We are already seeing this. Australia's fuel supply is currently operating normally. There is no immediate crisis.”
“The bill allows for temporary confidentiality around authorisation, applications and decisions during an exceptional circumstances event. Now, transparency is a core principle of good governance, and rightly so. But think about what full transparency in real time could mean in a crisis: news breaks that the government is urgently facilitating talks between fuel suppliers about a potential shortage; what happens next? Well, the behaviour we saw from those opposite earlier this year is a prime example. Bad-faith actors will use that sort of information to trigger the very panic we're seeking to prevent. We saw people rush to the petrol stations, forcing some to run out of fuel despite there being enough supply. So the cure becomes a part of the problem. This is not about hiding things from the public.”
“The authorisation will be narrow and specific. If we're facing a fertiliser shortage affecting farmers in regional Victoria, for example, the ACCC might allow fertiliser companies to coordinate supply to address that shortage. That's it. They can't use the authorisation to then coordinate on pricing or to engage in any other conduct that harms competition. Those guardrails remain firmly in place. The bill also provides for streamlined class exemptions, which are a mechanism that allows multiple businesses to self-assess whether their proposed conduct is covered, rather than each having to individually apply for authorisation. Again, this comes down to speed. In a crisis, every hour matters and reducing red tape is a necessity. There's one other aspect of this schedule that I want to address because it deserves a clear explanation.”
“But let's be clear: it isn't a blank cheque. The bar indeed is high. The Treasurer must be satisfied that the circumstances are causing or are likely to cause significant harm to the Australian economy. The declaration is disallowable by the parliament and sunsets at six months. An extension is capped at three months and is also disallowable by the parliament. These are real checks and balances, which are also a necessary step in crisis management. Once a declaration is made, the ACCC gains streamlined powers to authorise specific targeted coordination between businesses. Given the substantial change this bill is making, we should be very clear about what that means but also about what it doesn't mean. It doesn't mean businesses get a free pass and it doesn't mean they can use a crisis as a cover to price fix or exploit consumers.”
“The mechanism exists; however, in its current form, that process is simply too slow for a fast-moving crisis. How slow is it? Well, in 2020, when COVID was sweeping through our communities and supermarket shelves were bare, it took the ACCC six months to deliver a final authorisation which allowed supermarkets to coordinate their grocery supply—by which point the worst of the initial crisis had already passed. The mechanism worked, technically speaking, but it just didn't work in time. This bill seeks to amend that. It will give us the tools to act with the speed that a crisis actually demands. The first schedule of this bill creates a new mechanism—the exceptional circumstances declaration. Under this framework, the Treasurer, subject to clear public interest tests, can declare that exceptional circumstances exist.”
“It protects consumers from price fixing and prevents some businesses from colluding against the public interest. These are important protections, and nothing in this bill weakens them. But here's the problem. The same laws that prevent bad businesses from ripping off consumers can, in certain circumstances, prevent good businesses from coordinating to help them. In an emergency—whether it's a pandemic, a fuel crisis or a supply chain shock caused by conflict on the other side of the world—there are moments when we need competing businesses to talk to each other, to work together, to share information and to make sure the essential goods get to the people who need them. The Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, ACCC, already has the power to authorise this kind of coordination.”
“That experience—that image of bare supermarket shelves—is part of what this bill, the Competition and Consumer Amendment (Responding to Exceptional Circumstances) Bill 2026, is about. It's about making sure that when we're next confronted by global events we are better prepared. It's about making sure that when the next crisis hits, and there will be another crisis, we are better prepared; the businesses and the federal government can work together at speed; and the legal frameworks that govern competition don't become the very thing that slows our response to an emergency. This bill makes two practical changes to our competition laws, but I want to first focus on how our existing laws work. Australia has world-class competition laws. The Competition and Consumer Act is a framework that, for the most part, serves us well.”
“I want to start not with a discussion on the legal framework but with a memory that I think many Australians can relate to. It's early 2020. A virus that most of us had never heard of a few weeks earlier is spreading across the world. Australians are watching the news. They're worried about their families; they're worried about their jobs. Then they go to the supermarket and the shelves are empty. Toilet paper, pasta, hand sanitiser—gone. It wasn't because there wasn't enough to go around; it was because our systems weren't built to move fast enough to respond. The supply chains were there. The products existed. What we lacked was the ability to coordinate quickly and decisively.”
“Not only are we changing the tax system to level the playing field, to get more people into their own home; we're investing in the infrastructure needed to help deliver more than 65,000 new homes. So I ask: how are Australians meant to take those opposite seriously on housing supply, when they couldn't even build more than 400 homes in a decade? The message to my community is clear: this government is committed to tackling our housing crisis. We are following the path of reform, rather than the path of least resistance.”
“On Tuesday night, the Treasurer handed down a budget aimed squarely at tackling intergenerational inequality. We have listened to the young people, and to people right across my electorate, and heard how they felt the system was rigged against them and the status quo was just not working. Unlike those opposite, who'd rather punch down on migrant communities and lay the blame at their feet, this government is getting on with the job of getting people into their own home. Already, our Labor government has built more than a thousand homes in my electorate alone, which is three times the number that the coalition built across the entire country in the decade that they were in power. So I think it's a bit rich for those opposite to purposely mislead and play cheap politics around our ambitious housing agenda.”
“This government has done the hard work of reviewing those provisions carefully, consulting broadly and bringing forward legislation that reflects both the seriousness of protecting genuinely sensitive information and the importance of transparency and accountability in a democracy. That is what good government looks like, that is what Australians deserve, and I commend both bills to the House.”
“Parliament's task is to pass the repealing offences bill and complete the reform. I am confident we will be able to do exactly that. I want to close by reflecting briefly on what these reforms say about how we think about law in this country. Laws should not simply exist because they have always existed; they should be justified by the harm they prevent, the rights they protect and the values they uphold. For too long, too many of our secrecy provisions have failed that test. They are relics of a different era, carrying criminal consequences that are disproportionate, inconsistent and, in many cases, simply unnecessary.”
“Section 122.4 of the Criminal Code currently makes it an offence for a Commonwealth officer, or a person engaged to perform work for a Commonwealth entity, to communicate information in breach of a duty arising elsewhere in Commonwealth law. Without the sunsetting provision bill, that section will lapse before parliament has had the chance to fully consider the broader reforms in the repealing offences bill. This is sensible, responsible legislative management. The limited extension to 29 December 2026 ensures there is no gap in protections for sensitive Commonwealth information while parliament does its job properly. It would be neither prudent nor responsible to allow section 122.4 to sunset prematurely. This bill ensures that does not happen while making clear that the extension is interim.”
“These amendments will repeal the proper-place-of-custody offences that are no longer required; ensure that the classification of information under the Protective Security Policy Framework does not form an element of any secrecy offences, a matter of significant legal clarity; ensure the harm threshold for certain offences is unambiguous and material; and strengthen protections for nonofficials by increasing the threshold for criminal liability, reducing penalties and repealing the offence for merely 'dealing' with information. These adjustments go to the heart of ensuring our secrecy laws are proportionate, consistent with the rule of law and respectful of individual rights. I also want to acknowledge the Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Sunsetting Provision) Bill, the companion piece before us today.”
“It does not allow the Attorney-General to initiate prosecutions. What it does is ensure that, before any prosecution of a journalist proceeds, there is proper scrutiny at the highest level, scrutiny that complements the existing requirement that any prosecution must be in the public interest. This is exactly the kind of check that a mature democracy should have in place. The bill also implements important recommendations of the INSLM's Secrecy Review.”