Jo Briskey
Maribyrnong · Australian Labor Party · Australia
“This Saturday night, the mighty Melbourne Vixens are back in another grand final, their fifth in seven years, and we're going back to back. Five of these women also put on the green and gold for the Australian Diamonds, arguably the most successful national team our country has produced. But here's what gets me.”
“Yesterday, that ask was again answered in another large step forward—the biggest expansion of paid parental leave since Labor created the scheme. This week, paid parental leave in Australia is now a full six months, 26 weeks, paid at a higher rate at just over $1,000 a week, with income limits lifted so more families qualify.”
“Superannuation now lands with every payday instead of months behind, which protects workers least able to absorb being shortchanged. Every one of those changes helps on its own, but, arriving all at once, they take the real pressure off working families. That is real change delivered.”
“Before I came into this place, I spent about just over five years as the CEO of the Parenthood, Australia's peak advocacy body for parents and carers. Our work focused on how we make Australia the best place in the world to be a parent. I spent many hours in this building helping amplify the voices of parents and the needs that they had.”
“But this government is changing it. We're funding pay rises for female dominated sectors like aged care and early childhood education, and the gender pay gap is the lowest it's ever been. This week, paid parental leave grew to 26 weeks, with super paid on top, so that raising a child no longer costs a woman her career or her retirement.”
“When it began in 2011, it gave families 18 weeks, and I watched it change households. I also watched how quickly it could be put at risk. In 2015, parents who used the scheme exactly as it was designed got branded double dippers by those opposite, as if caring for a newborn were a rort.”
The complete record
Every one of 729 lines we hold for Jo Briskey, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 4 of 15.
“I want to turn now to what I believe is one of the most important elements of this bill—the protections it introduces for press freedom. The Albanese Labor government has been unequivocal in its commitment to a free press. A free press should never be considered an inconvenience to good government as it is a fundamental mechanism of our democratic accountability. Journalists who expose wrongdoing, who bring hidden information into the public domain, who hold power to account perform an essential public service, and our laws should reflect that. Under this bill, the Attorney-General will be required to consent before a journalist or an administrative staff member of a news reporting organisation can be prosecuted for a secrecy offence. This is an important additional safeguard. It does not prevent legitimate prosecutions.”
“The bill preserves and strengthens the provisions that matter most. And it introduces a new targeted secrecy offence in the Criminal Code to address a specific gap identified when a former consulting firm partner allegedly shared confidential Commonwealth information for private gain. This new offence will capture improper use or communication of information by Commonwealth officers, persons engaged to perform work for a Commonwealth entity and persons providing paid or unpaid services to Commonwealth entities—capturing the full range of people who are entrusted with privileged access to sensitive government information. This is a proportionate and targeted response to a real problem, and it ensures our framework is comprehensive without being oppressive.”
“It means that the vast majority of non-disclosure duties across the Commonwealth statute book will no longer attract criminal sanctions. Instead, they will be subject to more proportionate civil and administrative consequences, consequences that are proportionate to the nature of the breach and appropriate to the context. It means that hundreds of Australians who work for or provide services to the Commonwealth will no longer face the spectre of criminal prosecution for conduct that does not genuinely threaten our national security or public safety. Let me be clear about what this bill does not do. It does not leave Australia's most sensitive information unprotected. Where criminal liability is genuinely necessary—where the potential harm from unauthorised disclosure is serious and real—it remains.”
“It delivers comprehensively on our commitment to implement the recommendations of the 2023 review of secrecy provisions conducted by the Attorney-General's Department, as well as the government's response to the Independent National Security Legislation Monitor's 2024 review of secrecy offences under part 5.6 of the Criminal Code. The scale of change is significant. The bill will remove criminal liability from more than 300 provisions, representing more than one-third of all Commonwealth secrecy provisions. The 2023 review identified 168 provisions that no longer required criminal liability. This bill goes further, almost doubling that number. No more tinkering around the edges; this is serious evidence based law reform. What does this mean in practice?”
“They are twin pillars of democratic governance, and both demand our serious attention. For too long, the Commonwealth's secrecy framework has been a sprawling, inconsistent patchwork; a statute book cluttered with hundreds of secrecy provisions, many of which were never designed to carry the weight of criminal liability. The result has been a framework that is neither fair nor fit for purpose. It has created legal uncertainty, chilled legitimate public interest journalism and imposed disproportionate consequences on individuals who may have done nothing more than perform their job. This government was elected with a commitment to fix that, and that's exactly what these bills do. The Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Repealing Offences) Bill is the centrepiece of this reform.”
“It's a privilege to make my contribution to the debate on these two bills, the Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Repealing Offences) Bill 2026 and the Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Sunsetting Provision) Bill 2026. Together, these bills represent a landmark moment in the reform of Australia's Commonwealth secrecy framework—one that has been needed for a long time and one that this Albanese Labor government is proud to deliver. Let me begin by acknowledging what these bills are fundamentally about. They are about the enduring tension at the heart of any democracy, the tension between a government's legitimate need to protect sensitive information and the public's fundamental right to know what is being done in their name. These are not competing values that can simply be traded off against each other.”
“He said: This country leans in on you. Like family. To my way of thinking, it is family. This country is family, and the writers who give voice to it—who find the words for its landscape, its humour and its particular way of being—are doing something that no-one else can do. They are keeping that family story alive. In doing so, they deserve our support and they deserve to be paid for their work. This bill invests in that. It invests in those thousand tiny decisions, it invests in the courage of those willing to document our hidden history and, importantly, it invests in Australia. I commend the bill to the House.”
“It covers ebooks and audiobooks for the first time in primary legislation. It improves governance and accountability, and it sends a clear signal that this Labor government will always stand with those who tell Australian stories. Gough Whitlam understood in 1974 that a great nation is one that values its artists. My own community in Maribyrnong knows this better than most. It's home not only to Helen Garner but to Jenny Hocking, the acclaimed biographer who has devoted much of her career to documenting Whitlam's legacy and fighting to bring its hidden history into light. The work of writers like Jenny reminds us that Australian stories are not just novels and picture books; they are a record of who we are and how we got here. In his memoir, Island Home , Tim Winton wrote about what it means to belong to this country.”
“This content is fine—it's good; it's often fantastic—but it does not reflect our landscape, our history, our humour, our grief or our way of life. The Australian child who grows up without an Australian picture book is a child who grows up without seeing their world reflected back at them. The Australian teenager who never reads an Australian novel is a teenager who must enter a world through an American or European lens. We can't accept that. This Labor government does not accept that. Australian stories deserve the same platform, and the Australians who tell them deserve a government that backs them and that invests in their work. This legislation modernises a scheme that has served Australian literature well for more than 50 years. It gives Educational Lending Right the legislative foundation it has long deserved.”
“At the heart of Revive is a commitment to the people who make culture—the writers, the illustrators, the musicians, the performers—people who work without income certainty and without the safety nets that workers in other industries take for granted. Revive committed to modernising lending rights, and this bill delivers on that commitment. It sits alongside our investment in Writing Australia, established within Creative Australia to become a genuine hub for the sector. It seeks to build expertise, foster partnerships, grow the industry and support writers and publishers to do what they do best. If we do not support Australian writers, we will not have Australian stories—it's that simple. In reality, if we don't invest in local content we will have a market flooded with content from overseas.”
“That is a much fairer system, and we must also remember that this is a profession where median earnings remain stubbornly low. Every additional revenue stream is important. I want to step back from the specifics of this bill for a moment and place it in its broader context, because legislation doesn't stand alone. It is part of a sustained, considered Labor commitment to supporting Australian creative workers and Australian storytelling. Our revived national cultural policy was the first national cultural policy in a decade. It recognised, with ambition, that Australian culture is worth investing in. It is how we understand ourselves, how we pass our values and our histories to the next generation and how we make sense of who we are as a nation.”
“The scheme that was designed to compensate creators for library borrowings simply did not cover the formats in which millions of Australians are now reading. In 2023 the Albanese Labor government took the first step to address this, expanding eligibility to ebooks and audiobooks through a modification instrument under Revive, our National Cultural Policy. These bills now cement that expansion firmly in legislation, ensuring it can't be unwound by a future government without an act of parliament. It is a lasting commitment to the new way Australians consume Aussie literature. For Australian authors, this is a game changer. A novelist whose work is available as an ebook and as an audiobook, as well as in print, will now be compensated for library borrowings across all formats.”
“You'll see people scrolling through their ereaders and you'll see families borrowing digital picture books for their children from the local library app without ever setting foot in a physical library. This should not be seen as a threat to Australian literature because it is an opportunity, and so many Australian creators know this. They know this shift to online reading means more Australians are engaging with more books than ever before. It means our libraries are reaching people in new ways in regional areas and outer suburbs, where a physical library may be an hour's drive away. Until recently, when an Australian borrowed a digital book from a public library the author received nothing.”
“The Public and Educational Lending Rights (Better Income for Authors) Consequential Amendments and Transitional Provisions Bill 2026 ensures seamless continuity between existing and new arrangements. Creators and publishers currently receiving payments will not face any disruption. The transition will be smooth, clear and fair. These are important technical improvements, but the most significant reform contained in this legislation is the formal extension of the scheme to cover ebooks and audiobooks. Australians have changed the way they read. You just have to walk onto any train or aeroplane today and you'll see people with their earphones in, oftentimes listening to an audiobook.”
“For the first time, the educational lending right will have a formal statutory basis—a foundation in law that gives creators, publishers and administrators the certainty and stability they need. The bills modernise governance arrangements, establishing a new public and educational lending rights committee with contemporary appointment processes and appropriate disclosure requirements. They transfer decision-making and operational oversight for certain processes from the committee to the secretary, in line with how these functions have been carried out in practice for many years but now formalised properly in legislation. They also clarify that the committee has an advisory function on matters relating to the operation of the act, bringing transparency and accountability to the scheme's administration.”
“But, if we're being honest, for all its achievements this scheme has grown over the decades in amendments layered upon amendments—administrative arrangements delegated by practice rather than formalised in law. The educational lending right, introduced in 2000, has never had a proper legislative basis of its own. It has operated effectively on goodwill and administrative convention. That is not good enough for a program that delivers tens of millions of dollars annually to Australian creators. They deserve security, not the fragility of convention. These bills seek to provide that security. The bills before us today consolidate both schemes into a single modern legislative framework.”
“These are payments to more than 17,000 individuals, authors in suburban Melbourne and regional communities, illustrators in our cities and editors and translators whose skilled contributions make Australian publishing possible. The scheme distributes payments across two streams: the public lending right, which in 2024-25 delivered just under $15 million to over 7,000 individual creators and publishers for books held in public lending libraries; and the educational lending right, which provided just over $13 million to over 10,500 recipients for books in educational libraries. Together, these programs form the financial backbone that helps Australian literary culture survive and flourish.”
“The idea was beautifully simple. If your book is being borrowed from libraries across this country, you should be compensated for it. It was a straightforward act of fairness to Australian creators, and it's one of the things Labor has always sought to get right when it comes to supporting Australian culture. More than 50 years on, the Albanese Labor government is proud to carry that legacy forward—and today, with these bills, it is doing so in a way that is more modern and more comprehensive than ever before. The public lending right has quietly done extraordinary work for Australian literature since its inception. In 2024-25 alone, more than 17,000 payments totalling over $28 million were made to Australian creators and publishers.”
“Maybe it was a picture book that you've read to your kids so many times that you can recite it from memory. Maybe it's an audiobook that kept you company on a long-haul flight. Whatever it was, someone wrote it. In many cases, they were an Australian author: someone who sat at a kitchen table after the kids were in bed, squeezed an hour in before work, or spent months—sometimes years—making those thousand tiny decisions until the words were exactly right. Here's the thing that was arguably unfair. Every time that book was borrowed from a public library, the author got nothing. Zero. The library bought one copy, maybe two, and then it went out the door hundreds of times, and the person who wrote it never saw a cent from all of those borrowings. That changed in 1974, when the Whitlam Labor government established the public lending right.”
“(): Every page of writing is a result of a thousand tiny decisions and desperate acts of will. This is an except from Australian literary icon and local Maribyrnong resident Helen Gardner, one of Australia's greatest living writers. In her True Stories: Selected Non-Fiction , she wrote this about the craft of writing. A thousand tiny decisions and desperate acts of will are what it takes to put words on a page. That is the invisible labour behind every book on every shelf in every library in this country. It is exactly this kind of labour that this bill is seeking to recognise and reward. Before I get into the details, let me ask you something. Think about the last book you really loved. Maybe it was something you stayed up late finishing.”
“It was a profound opportunity to pay my respects, on behalf of the people of Maribyrnong, to those men and women and their families for the sacrifices they have made for our nation, especially the many local heroes who have served in past conflicts. I want to also acknowledge the Anglican Parish of Christ Church Essendon's Anzac Day church service, an opportunity for members of faith within our community to pay their respects on our nation's most solemn day. My electorate has a deep connection with Australia's military history, and our local community has a deep sense of pride and respect for our service men and women. No more is that on display than on Anzac Day.”
“Every visit I make reinforces that message. These sheds play a vital role in supporting men's health, reducing isolation and strengthening the fabric of our local communities. Speaking of community, there is no greater example of that community spirit than on Anzac Day. I'm privileged to represent an electorate that is home to three incredible RSLs: Essendon RSL, Flem/Ken RSL and Keilor East RSL. Each club does important work in keeping our community connected and providing a safe place for local veterans and their families to gather. On Anzac Day, it was an honour to join thousands of locals at the dawn service hosted by Keilor East RSL and, earlier that week, the Moonee Valley Anzac Day service, hosted in partnership with the Essendon RSL.”
“Thank you, Cathy, for the sacrifices, the service and the unwavering commitment that you made to our small place in the world just to make it that a little bit better, especially for those most vulnerable. From one end of the electorate to the other, I'm continually reminded that it's the small but mighty institutions that hold our communities together. Another such place is the Tullamarine Men's Shed, which I recently had the pleasure of visiting. There I was greeted by the sprightly contingent led by Peter Agnew and Alan Dyer, who proudly showed me around the shed and talked to me about the many projects they were working on. Over lunch they shared just how important the shed is in their lives not just as a place to work with their hands but as a place to connect. I have spoken in this place before about the importance of men's sheds.”
“Tucked away in the quiet, leafy streets of Flemington, there's a small but mighty institution: the Farnham Street Neighbourhood Learning Centre. For 37 years, Farnham Street has operated under the stewardship of the incomparable Cathy Connop. Cathy is a force of nature and a true leader in our community. She has, for more than three decades, provided a safe and nurturing place for people seeking connection, dignity and support. Sadly for us, Cathy has decided to call time on her extraordinary career at Farnham Street. I had the pleasure of attending her farewell event, and it was packed. That turnout alone spoke volumes about the incredible woman we were there to farewell. The stories shared, the smiles filled with affection and the deep respect in the room said everything that words sometimes can't.”
“We're doing this for them. It means that, if they get that order, we've done more to make sure it sticks. We owe it to every single one of them to get this right, to keep listening and to keep going. I commend the bill to the House. Debate adjourned.”
“That is what this bill does. But, for victims-survivors who have been waiting sometimes for years for that compensation to arrive, this matters a great deal. I think about the people who will never see this debate and who have contributed to us getting to this point: those who were let down by a system that was weighted against them; those who decided that, after all they had endured, another fight wasn't worth it because nothing ever seemed to change; and those whose light was extinguished by an act of pure evil. I hope this is evidence that it does change—yes, sometimes slowly and imperfectly, but it does change. I also think about the victims-survivors who are still in the middle of their fights right now, still waiting on a court, still wondering if the compensation order they're hoping for will actually mean anything.”
“That is why reviewing the implementation of this measure is required. This parliament must not simply pass this legislation and move on. We must remain engaged with whether these provisions are working in practice, whether victims-survivors are genuinely benefiting and whether changes are needed. Our policy work must continue to be shaped by victims-survivors, advocates, legal experts and practitioners. We must ask honestly whether the law is delivering on its intent and whether barriers remain that must be removed. A court order has to mean something. When a judge awards a compensation to a victim-survivor of child sexual abuse, that shouldn't be the start of another fight; it should be the beginning of some kind of resolution. This bill makes sure perpetrators can't just move money around or declare bankruptcy to get out of paying.”
“This legislation is an answer to that question. It is worth it. We know how important this bill is, but we also know that it is not the end of the road. The superannuation and bankruptcy systems are technical and complex. This legislation is carefully designed to be enforceable and consistent with broader legal principles. It closes a clear loophole, but there is more work to do, and the Albanese Labor government is committed to continuing this work. We have heard clearly and powerfully the voices of victims-survivors and advocates who are already looking to us to build on these reforms. Their lived experiences must remain at the centre of this conversation. They know where the system is still falling short. When victims-survivors tell us that, it is our responsibility to listen and to act.”
“It requires a kind of strength that is difficult to fully comprehend. Victims-survivors must confront not only their own pain but often disbelief, scrutiny and the retraumatising of legal proceedings. They must relive painful experiences in pursuit of outcomes that are never guaranteed. For many, the decision to go to the courts represents years of internal struggle. They don't do it only for themselves but because they believe and they hope that the system will deliver justice for them—that the law will say, 'What was done to you was wrong, and there are consequences.' When a court does exactly that, it awards compensation, and then that award goes unpaid, we are not only failing the individual; we are betraying the trust of every victim-survivor who is watching, wondering whether it is worth coming forward.”
“When a perpetrator shields their assets in superannuation while a survivor struggles financially, often as a direct result of the abuse they suffered, it does not just deny them money; it reinforces the concern that many victims have that the system is not built for them. That cannot be a message allowed to stand. Compensation orders cannot be unenforced, otherwise it corrodes confidence in the justice system more broadly. If victims-survivors and the wider community cannot trust that court orders will be meaningful and that accountability will be real, then we are failing in our most fundamental obligations. The courage and fortitude that is required to reach the point where this legislation becomes relevant is enormous. Coming forward is not a simple process, especially decades after the abuse.”
“He disclosed that he had been diagnosed with PTSD and severe depression and has been on medication for a very long time. Trev's story, like that of so many other victims-survivors, highlights why this legislation is so crucial. Many face persistent barriers to stable employment and financial security. The harm they have experienced is not only emotional and psychological; it is deeply material. The financial compensation a court awards is not symbolic. It is a recognition of real, ongoing harm. It's resources that may help a person access therapy, maintain stable housing or rebuild a life that was disrupted in the most fundamental of ways.”
“When the royal commission gave a platform to victims-survivors, our nation had a mirror held up to itself. We learnt that child sexual abuse does not end when the abuse ends. Its effects are lifelong and profound. We know that victims-survivors frequently carry trauma into adulthood, where it affects their mental health, their physical wellbeing, their relationships, their education and their ability to fully participate in work and community life. The website for the royal commission has a section dedicated to sharing the stories of victims-survivors. I'm reminded of one, from Trev. During his session, Trev outlined how the abuse he endured had shaped his life—his need for lifelong psychiatric help over 40 years and his many trips to psychiatric hospitals.”
“This is not a blunt instrument, but it is carefully designed to deliver on a clear principle. Second, it addresses bankruptcy. Compensation debts owed to victims-survivors of child sexual abuse will no longer simply vanish when a perpetrator enters bankruptcy proceedings. These debts will survive bankruptcy. And, critically, these changes will apply not only to future cases but to bankruptcies currently in progress. There are victims-survivors right now, today, who are being denied justice under the existing framework. This bill reaches them, too. There is nothing radical about these reforms. They are a logical and long overdue consequence of a simple belief—that perpetrators of child sexual abuse should not be able to use financial structures to escape accountability.”
“That is not justice, and it has gone on for far too long, but this bill ends it. It ends it because it makes two important and targeted reforms. First, it addresses superannuation. Under these changes, where a court ordered compensation debt remains unpaid after 12 months, victims-survivors will be able to apply to a court for an order to access certain superannuation contributions made by the offender. This specifically captures personal contributions and salary sacrifice contributions—the very mechanisms that have been used to shield assets from enforcement. This process will be supported by the Australian Taxation Office so that victims-survivors can identify any potential eligible superannuation before proceeding. There are appropriate safeguards built into the framework.”
“So why is this legislation needed? Currently, the courts have been awarding compensation to victims-survivors of child sexual abuse. That is the system working as it should be. But too often the system stops there. Perpetrators who have been found guilty of devastating crimes have then been able to dodge that compensation. They have sheltered assets in superannuation accounts beyond the reach of enforcement, or they have declared bankruptcy, causing compensation debts to simply disappear. So, right now, a victim-survivor gathers the courage to come forward. They endure the police process. They enter an intimidating court system. They relive their abuse. A judge finds in their favour. And then they wait and wait. And the money that was ordered to be paid to them is never paid—because the person who harmed them found a loophole.”
“Before I speak to the details of this bill, I want to pause to acknowledge the strength, the resilience and the bravery of victims-survivors: those who fought for years through the courts to be heard and who lived the worst moments of their lives in pursuit of something that looked like justice only to be left without the compensation a court told them they were owed; those who have suffered in silence, held back by shame that should never have been theirs to carry in the first place; and those who found their voices, often at great personal cost, to advocate for reform to make sure what happened to them would not keep happening to others. Each and every one of those victims-survivors deserves better. They deserved better then; they deserve better now. And this legislation is one more step towards making that a reality.”
“The royal commission's findings prompted profound change, but that work is not finished. The people who lived through that abuse, who found extraordinary courage to speak, to testify and to name what was done to them, know that better than anyone. Today we continue that work. Today we slam shut a loophole that has allowed perpetrators to avoid accountability.”
“Before I begin my remarks, I too want to recognise the contribution of the member for Monash and acknowledge her meaningful contribution and absolutely agree with the point that she made around this being an issue that rises above partisan politics, so thank you very much for that. There are moments in this parliament when the weight of what we are asked to do is felt so deeply. This is one of those moments. The Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse was a watershed moment for our nation. It opened many Australians' eyes to the systemic violence that had robbed too many children of their innocence and of their futures. For years—decades—victims-survivors had carried their pain alone. And then, finally, their country listened.”
“It says clearly that markets should reward innovation, service and transparency, not tricks, traps and hidden charges. It outlines that consumers deserve genuine choice, and it levels the playing field for good businesses doing the right thing. This is practical reform that responds to our ever-evolving modern economy, and it is reform that will make a real difference to Australians trying to get ahead and challenging this cost-of-living period. For families in my community and right across the country, these laws will help restore confidence that the system works fairly and removes the frustrations that many feel. I commend the bill to the House.”
“This government will also consult on extending unfair trading protections to small businesses, including franchisees, because small businesses can also be vulnerable to unfair conduct from larger players, and that has big impacts across communities where small businesses play such a vital role in our local economies. Australians believe in a fair go. It is one of the defining values of our country. People understand the importance of competition. They understand that businesses need to make a profit, but they believe in the fair go. They believe that people should know what they are paying for, that all businesses should be upfront and that companies should not profit by deliberately confusing or trapping consumers. This legislation reflects those values.”
“That is why this legislation will have a significant impact, because Australians should not need a law degree or an IT qualification just to cancel a subscription or understand the true cost of something online. This government is also taking a sensible and balanced approach to implementation. The reforms will commence from 1 July 2027 to ensure businesses have time to understand their obligations and adapt their systems. Guidance will be developed by the ACCC, and the government will review the operation of the subscription provisions after two years to ensure the laws are working as intended. Importantly, this reform is not the end of the conversation.”
“I also want to acknowledge that these reforms are especially important for vulnerable consumers: senior Australians, young people navigating subscriptions for the first time, people with limited digital literacy and, of course, busy parents juggling work and caring responsibilities. These groups are often the most exposed to manipulative practices because they have the least time, the least flexibility or the least ability to navigate intentionally confusing systems. In an electorate like mine, there are many households who are already under financial pressure. Every dollar counts. A hidden fee is money that could have gone towards groceries, petrol, rent or school supplies.”
“That is why our government has delivered the most significant overhaul of merger laws in half a century; it is why we have made the Food and Grocery Code of Conduct mandatory, have strengthened penalties for unfair contract terms and are cracking down on shrinkflation; and it is why we have increased penalties under the Competition and Consumer Act from $10 million to $100 million, because breaches of consumer law should not ever become simply a cost of doing business. There must be real consequences, and this legislation delivers those consequences. Businesses that engage in unfair trading practices will face significant penalties.”
“Maribyrnong is home to thousands of hardworking small businesses—cafes, restaurants, retailers, tradespeople, creative businesses and service providers—all of whom build customer loyalty through honesty and good service. They should not be undercut by businesses relying on manipulation or hidden costs. They deserve a marketplace where fairness is rewarded. This bill forms part of our government's broader agenda to strengthen competition and deliver real cost-of-living relief for Australians. We want to see markets that are fairer and more competitive so Australian consumers can get better prices and more choice.”
“Consumers deserve to know the real cost upfront, and good businesses deserve a level playing field. One thing I particularly support about this legislation is that it recognises that consumer harm is not always dramatic or obvious. Sometimes harm is cumulative. These practices drain money, but they also drain time. Markets work best when people feel confident participating in them. When consumers trust that prices are genuine, they are more willing to compare products, switch providers and engage in the market. That drives competition, that drives productivity, and ultimately that benefits our entire economy. This reform is therefore not antibusiness. It is, in fact, pro-competition. It supports the many businesses already doing the right thing, and there are many in my electorate.”
“You can see one price advertised online, so naturally you click through, and then you spend some time filling out your details, but, at the end of the process, you're suddenly met with mandatory fees that have come out of nowhere—booking fees, service fees, processing fees, transaction fees. By the end, the price bears little resemblance to what was advertised in the beginning. None of that is transparent, and it undermines competition because businesses doing the right thing—businesses that disclose the full cost upfront—end up looking more expensive than competitors hiding charges until the very last moment. This bill restores fairness by requiring businesses to disclose mandatory transaction fees at the time that they are advertising the base price.”
“Customer support usually says, 'Send an email,' and the cycle can go on and on. A contract that can be entered into in seconds then takes half a day to escape. Thankfully, this bill fixes that. Businesses now will have to clearly disclose key terms upfront. They will need to tell consumers what they are signing up for, how much it costs, when it will be renewed and how to cancel. Cancellation pathways will need to be simple, straightforward and easy to find, and, importantly, consumers will receive reminders before trial periods end or renewals occur. These are basic standards of fairness, and I suspect most Australians will wonder why they didn't already exist. This bill also cracks down on drip pricing. Like subscription traps, drip pricing is something we have all experienced.”
“This bill also tackles two practices that Australians know all too well: subscription traps and drip pricing. Subscription traps are one of the most frustrating examples of unfair conduct in our modern economy. We all know a time where we've fallen into this trap. Many Australians sign up for a free trial because they want to watch the latest hit TV show or just want to use a service temporarily, then suddenly find, months later, the charges have been adding up, because the subscription quietly rolled over; or they try to cancel and discover that the process is deliberately difficult: most likely the cancellation button is hidden, or the website redirects endlessly, or the app says to use the desktop version, or the desktop version says to call customer support.”
“This bill is not about stopping legitimate business activity, but it draws a line between persuasion and manipulation. It is about recognising that some business models now rely on confusion, pressure and friction as a source of profit. And that's just not good enough. This bill introduces an economy-wide prohibition on unfair trading practices. That means businesses will not be allowed to manipulate consumers or distort decision-making in ways that cause harm. Importantly, this is principle based reform, because markets and technology evolve quickly, and, if the law only prohibits a narrow list of behaviours, some businesses will simply invent new tricks around the edges. So this bill establishes a clear standard: all Australian consumers deserve to be treated fairly.”
“Over time, these chip away not just at the bank balance but also at trust, because Australians expect fairness, they expect honesty and they expect that if you want to cancel something then you can actually cancel it without being dragged through a maze of obscure settings or impossible customer service channels. This legislation modernises our consumer laws to reflect the reality of how Australians now live and transact. More and more of our economy now operates online, so the laws that regulate the modern economy must keep pace. From ordering takeaway to booking flights and from buying concert tickets to managing subscriptions, consumers are increasingly navigating digital systems designed to influence their decisions. Now, there's nothing wrong with businesses promoting their products and there is nothing wrong with advertising.”