Thijs Reuten
Member of the European Parliament · S&D · NL
“Madam President, I want to talk about two points on your agenda: Ukraine and defence. They are connected by a lack of sense of urgency, I am sorry to say, in particular with the Member States. There are many good things in the draft conclusions, and you will say to me: 'Yes, look what we are doing'.”
“Member States continue to spend money with nationalist reflexes. No internal market on defence, no collective procurement, wasting tens of billions – tens of billions! – per year. I want now a sense of urgency. The Member States are holding us back out of fear for what? 27 capitals are endangering our security. 3-0082-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, Commissioner – and, regrettably, no Council on this key topic – we are slowly moving from words to real action on enlargement, but it's too slow. We need a breakthrough – not business as usual! The geopolitical stakes demand it.”
“The impasse on its EU path is masking slow undermining of the Ohrid agreement and an excuse to halt reforms citizens actually need. The country's leadership must break the impasse and amend the Constitution. And the Council must make crystal clear to everyone involved: no more delays, no obstruction, no more business as usual. 2-0429-0000”
“Madam President, nothing has changed. Russia is still the aggressor. Daily war crimes. Brutality. Hybrid warfare on Europe. No desire for real peace. And why then let Lavrov's daughter represent Russia at the Biennale? Why then allow athletes to compete under their own flag and maybe even championing Russian crimes? No normalisation.”
“It emboldens a Russian athlete to even turn his back to the Ukrainian flag. I have no doubt that sports and culture can be forces for good. Uniting people, building bridges. But people who claim that this is true for Putin and his cronies are either dangerously foolish or one of his complicit supporters. 3-0417-0000”
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Every one of 82 lines we hold for Thijs Reuten, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 2 of 2.
“So remove these restrictive measures, normalise relations between all EU Member States and Kosovo, recognise it and accept the application. And even without the acceptance, the Commission can already prepare the opinion on Kosovo's application. 2-0568-0000”
“Mr President, dear colleagues, many have spoken, including the Commissioner, about the non-acceptance of Kosovo's EU membership application. The Council lectures Serbia on the normalisation of relations with Kosovo, but it is not capable of doing so itself, although Kosovo's independence has been reviewed by the world's highest court. But now what's interesting is that the Council regularly approves conclusions on enlargement, which in its own words, cover the six – six – Western Balkan partners. Yes, indeed, Kosovo is a partner, sharing our values and geopolitical outlook. The Council continues yet to block the simple acceptance of this partner's membership application. Is this how you treat a partner?”
“I have been clear also today on Vučić. So I think we will have a further discussion on that very soon on Montenegro. 2-0531-0000”
“So feel supported in being impartial, not neutral, in supporting those pushing for real reform, and in telling the truth to the government and the people. (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question) 2-0529-0000 Tomislav Sokol (PPE), blue-card question. – Mr Reuten, you are very active in the delegation of the European Parliament in Montenegro. So my question is: you know, that there are Vučić's proxies in the government and in the ruling coalition of Montenegro. So what do you think about this situation? Can Montenegro advance towards the European Union while you have people like Andrija Mandić and Milan Knežević in the ruling coalition? 2-0530-0000 Thijs Reuten (S&D), blue-card answer. – Very creative to involve another country here, but I think I have been very clear in the delegation of Montenegro on my position there.”
“Mr President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, we demand impartiality, not neutrality, in enlargement processes. The Commission could no longer turn a blind eye to what is happening in Serbia – civil society intimidation, media suppression, state capture, autocratic drift. Yes, cosying up with Putin made it worse, but that is not the core of the problem, nor is Kosovo. The real issue here is the government's unwillingness to truly choose the European path. The students didn't ask for dialogue, they want rule of law implementation. The Commission's reluctance to attach political consequences or honest communication eroded the EU's credibility. We want Serbia in the EU, but not like this. Dear Commissioner, be aware of the broad majority in this House that sees this clearly and supports you.”
“This should start with a new formal security and defence partnership to protect our people, strengthen our deterrence and ensure stability in Europe. Let's get this done together. 1-0106-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, Commissioner, Council, in today's geopolitical reality, we need to stand together with our best friends, and the EU and the UK are each other's best friends. We have to join forces to preserve our freedom, democracy and security – these core values, which were re‑established with the UK's strong involvement also 80 years ago. As today we celebrate Liberation Day in the Netherlands, I want to thank our British liberators for their incredible contribution in this regard. A united Europe is needed more than ever to face today's challenges. Being a member of the EU or not should be insignificant in this. We cannot be driven apart. The upcoming summit is an excellent opportunity to turn the page and to reshape our future and relationship for our citizens, for Europe.”
“Het soepele functioneren van onze samenleving wordt actief ondermijnd om ons verdeeld, afhankelijk en kwetsbaar te maken. De interne samenhang, zoals u, commissaris, terecht zei, staat op het spel. Maar als de focus op veiligheid allesoverheersend wordt en mensen raakt die niets kwaads in de zin hebben, dan schiet deze ook zijn doel voorbij en verzwakt die ons ook. Sterke defensie en weerbare burgers die we niet onnodig bang maken, maar het vertrouwen geven dat we dit kunnen met een robuuste veiligheidsstrategie — dat is een dijk die ons beschermt en veilig houdt. 2-0279-0000”
“Voorzitter, collega’s, commissaris Brunner, defensie en afschrikking, waar we terecht miljarden voor vrijmaken, zijn niet hetzelfde als interne veiligheid in brede zin. Maar ze zijn wel verbonden met zwakke plekken. In die interne veiligheid heb je dus geen waterdichte verdediging. Het is jammer dat we de vernieuwde strategie voor interne veiligheid nog niet kennen terwijl we hier met u spreken. Maar één ding is zeker: zwakke plekken zijn er. Buitenlandse inmenging in verkiezingen is geen theoretisch voorbeeld. Europese burgers worden dagelijks geïntimideerd door autocratische regimes. Cyberaanvallen kunnen in één klap de vitale infrastructuur platleggen. En georganiseerde misdaad is soms zelfs verweven met diezelfde buitenlandse actoren. We worden voortdurend getest.”
“Double standards, a tendency to appeasement and overly passive and soft approaches harm our values and strategic interests. So, this Parliament was right about Ukraine, to quote the Commission presidents. Let's live up to our obligations to Ukraine and ourselves and do what you refer to and look at the numbers that the Kiel Institute presented on spending for Ukraine. 2-0205-0000”
“Madam President, High Representative, colleagues, if generally, the EU was as principled, firm and engaged about other geopolitical issues as it has been about Russia's full-scale invasion, we would be in a better place. It also shows us once more we need a truly common foreign and defence policy without unanimity, led by you, the HR/VP. But let's be honest: while the EU has indeed led on Ukraine, not all Member States have followed, and we – you, HR/VP and us – are allies here. We understand the difficulty of your role. We must make the capitals understand how serious the situation is. The conversation at the kitchen table in Finland or Estonia should not be different from that in Portugal, Italy or Ireland. It affects all of us alike if we don't get it right.”
“Instead, hold firm and support Bosnia and Herzegovina's institutions in their duties across the country, be crystal clear about EUFOR's role safeguarding Bosnia and Herzegovina's security and territorial integrity, sanctions against Dodik and those aiding him, and finally support actors who are really willing to work on European integration. 3-0566-0000”
“Mr President, Commission, colleagues, Milorad Dodik's toxic mix of secessionism, autocratic tendencies, cosying up to Putin, ethnic hatred and systemic corruption has finally hit an obstacle. For months now, he tried to negotiate a way out of an inevitable conviction. Years of neglect, hollowing out of institutions and appeasement out of fear of instability have created a problem that the country – held back by a constitutional straitjacket of power sharing – cannot solve on its own. Tomorrow, the Commission representatives are on a fool's errand in Bosnia to discuss the growth plan. The Commission should stop appeasement, wishful thinking and pretending that things are fine. They are not.”
“But to reassure people who are afraid of taking this step, we can say: 'Look, the European Union, of course, guarantees that if Russia pays the full amount of reparations and compensations, then we will also look again at these assets.' Because then we will have no problem in making them available again. But I don't see that happening. I think we have to act now in the interest of Ukraine. 3-0387-0000”
“Our answer should be clear and simple: do not commit war crimes or the crime of aggression and your assets are safe. See it as a down payment on the reparations and the compensations. We have the option. Let's do it. Confiscate, and support Ukraine. (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question) 3-0385-0000 Lukas Sieper (NI), blue-card question. – I wholeheartedly agree with what you just said. I was just wondering, in the very end, you said that it should be seen as a down payment on the reparations. Wouldn't you agree with me that the reparations should be on top? Because that is what Russia actually deserves for its behaviour. 3-0386-0000 Thijs Reuten (S&D), blue-card answer. – Thanks for asking. No, what I mean, of course, is that the possible reparations or compensations will exceed this amount by far.”
“Mr President, Commission, colleagues, Europe is sitting on hundreds of billions of frozen Russian assets, and I have great difficulty explaining all the objections and the excuses for not getting this sorted, despite the fact that Ukraine needs more money to defend itself from Russia's illegal aggression. We have to see what happens next with the possible interim ceasefire, but our task of supporting Ukraine remains unchanged. And this must include seizing the frozen assets and providing them to Ukraine. I do not need to quote the excellent research by Parliament's services on how to do it. We have been asking for a proposal for a long time. We need political will. Some are afraid of their own sovereign assets and the impacts on the eurozone. But imagine the impacts on the eurozone if we fail to support Ukraine to defend itself.”
“No contradiction there. We need a truly European approach to defence that includes European financing, European planning, development, procurement and operational command. Let's get to work. 2-0440-0000”
“Mr President, Commission, Council, dear colleagues, Europe is already under attack. And you, Commissioner, understand the need for bold ambition and courageous action, which the Parliament shares with you. Member States say they do as well, but I'm not sure, at least not about all of them – your Member State excluded. They have had their chance to get European defence right, but they squandered precious time and opportunity for the last 15 years. Despite programmes, funds, platforms to promote true European cooperation, Member States have proven unable to rise above narrow national interests. And this costs us military ability, precious money and desirable jobs. European security is a collective public good for all citizens. It should go hand in hand with resilient societies, with sound education, care and social fabric.”
“Translate understanding then into real united action now, and for all the Member States, President Costa – some a bit more than others – that means sending Ukraine the weapons it needs now. It's irritating – it's appalling even – that there are still warehouses where there's critical air defence that Ukraine needs now. Do what is necessary now for Ukraine, for Europe. 2-0054-0000”
“Madam President, colleagues, Council, Commission, Europe is at a critical juncture. You said it yourself, Minister. We are relevant now or never again to act or to be passive observers of the destruction of the rules-based order. I commend the Member States for their clear understanding that Ukraine and Europe's future requires peace through strength – strength for Ukraine to stand up against Putin and against Trump. The US is forcing Ukraine into an unacceptable surrender it could also achieve without their help. If the circumstances are unfavourable for Ukraine, for Europe, we will not accept it. We have to change these circumstances towards a just peace, or accept the ugly consequences. Now President von der Leyen said that the Parliament was right, asking for more military support all along.”
“(Applause) TC "6 - Време за гласуване" \f "1"TC "6 - Turno de votaciones" \f "2"TC "6 - Hlasování" \f "3"TC "6 - Afstemningstid" \f "4"TC "6 - Abstimmungsstunde" \f "5"TC "6 - Hääletused" \f "6"TC "6 - Ώρα των ψηφοφοριών" \f "7"TC "6 - Voting time" \f "8"TC "6 - Heure des votes" \f "9"TC "6 - Am vótála" \f "A"TC "6 - Glasovanje" \f "B"TC "6 - Turno di votazioni" \f "C"TC "6 - Balsošanas laiks" \f "D"TC "6 - Balsuoti skirtas laikas" \f "E"TC "6 - Szavazások órája" \f "F"TC "6 - Ħin tal-votazzjonijiet" \f "G"TC "6 - Stemmingen" \f "H"TC "6 - Głosowanie" \f "I"TC "6 - Período de votação" \f "J"TC "6 - Votare" \f "K"TC "6 - Hlasovanie" \f "L"TC "6 - Čas glasovanja" \f "M"TC "6 - Äänestykset" \f "N"TC "6 - Omröstning" \f "O"Voting time 4-0172-0000”
“Mr President, thank you for your patience, and thank you, colleagues. On behalf of my group – and I hope many more – I would like to ask our President to convey our deepest concerns about yesterday's statements by President Trump and his government. We all want peace for Ukraine, but the terms and conditions emerging are bad for Ukraine, bad for Europe and bad for the rules-based order. Just good for Putin! The EU and other European allies are not part of the discussion. That is unacceptable and risky. An emergency Council meeting before the weekend should be on the table, ensuring a united message to our US friends that we are not going to do it like this. Not about Ukraine, without Ukraine; not about Europe, without Europe!”
“My input to the Commission and Member States: engage with the Serbian Government based on our stated democratic values, treat the Serbian Government based on its actions – verified, implemented reforms and public statements, not backdoor promises of regional stability and future reforms. And without all this, we should not congratulate dear Aleksandr, but be honest to the public. Words mean nothing when the underpinnings of democracy are being removed quietly. 2-0420-0000”
“President, Commission, Member States, colleagues, this Parliament shares the students' demands and hopes for the future of Serbia. The students and all the Serbs that support them want change, and change is badly needed. Autocratic tendencies in Serbia have only increased. But what are they asking? The students are not asking for dialogue on the rule of law, but for its implementation. And ironically, they are suffering precisely this lack of implementation and also convincing reforms. We need EU institutions to reflect on why years of European support have not led to real change.”
“As we honour the brave Ukrainians, the brave heroes of Ukraine, we should all ask ourselves how much Europe is worth to us as we know it. And this is how much we need to invest in Ukraine. 2-0117-0000”
“Mr President, three years of a full‑scale invasion and Russian brutality, and what did we learn? Ukraine has already won. Ukraine will be an EU member and we will be stronger with them. And Europe is stronger and more resilient than many thought. Yes, we did a lot financially and militarily. But was it enough? Was it enough? No. We delivered too late and too little on crucial military support to protect Ukrainians and to defend Europe. Yes, to defend Europe! It is not over: promises of quick peace without leverage over Putin don't work. Peace through strength, not without Ukraine. About Ukraine is also about our strength, and also not about Europe without Europe. We can enable Ukraine militarily, curb the shadow fleet, reinforce sanctions and fight Putin's influence in Europe. Peace needs enforcement and solid security guarantees.”
“We have to stop dehumanisation by dismantling the smuggling networks and invest in a humane migration policy and in safe pathways. 3-0306-0000 VORSITZ: SABINE VERHEYEN Vizepräsidentin 3-0307-0000”
“Madam President, Commissioner and colleagues, migrant smuggling is a ruthless business thriving on false promises. Smugglers lure migrants with guarantees of safe passage to Europe. But the reality is a nightmare. Vulnerable people are cramped into unsafe boats or left to suffocate in overcrowded trucks with criminals filling their pockets. We need to stop them. But just as relentless as the behaviour of the smugglers is the fearmongering by some colleagues in this House, doing their utmost to shift the blame on the migrants. Let me be clear: migrants are not criminals. The testimony of our colleague was very clear: among them are people fleeing war and persecution, falling into the hands of organised crime networks who treat them as cargo, being instrumentalised, used, tricked and manipulated.”
“We wait for 5 November, we wait for 20 January, and we hope. If you really want what you are saying, you need a more federal Europe with majority decision-making on foreign policy, on defence and much more. I wish you all the best. 3-0041-0000”
“Madam President, Council colleagues, I must say I was a bit disappointed with the Council conclusions in December, and it's nothing personal, dear Mr Costa – you are depending on 27 Member States. The Council conclusions on Ukraine 1 to 9: good. But which countries that so far have given little to nothing of their military stockpiles to Ukraine did you convince since? On enlargement, 'continued importance', 'their place is in the EU': great. But the question is, do we really want it? I don't see the commitment. Too much appeasement of destabilisers in south east Europe. Then Georgia: for 55 days, they are on the streets for their European future. And we come up with some diplomatic passport sanctions next week. It's a reflection of the dangerous waiting mode the Member States are in.”
“But so far, European leaders, those holding the EU presidency no less, actively attack the rules‑based international order by undermining the position of the ICC. There cannot be durable peace without justice and accountability – accountability for all crimes committed by Hamas and Israel. 1-0097-0000”
“Mr President, colleagues, Netanyahu never prioritised it, but hostages are being released again. He prioritised the destruction of Gaza, but the killing of Gazans has stopped for now. I'm glad there is a fragile ceasefire. But the only thing that changed since this deal was brokered eight months ago is finally putting enough pressure on Israel and Hamas to accept it. But it wasn't the EU. I wish I could credibly urge the Commission and Member States' governments to help turn this fragile ceasefire into durable peace through real pressure to watch truth, justice, reparations and a viable two‑state solution, but I can't, not credibly. I deeply, deeply hope I will be convinced of the contrary.”