Grzegorz Braun
Member of the European Parliament · NI · PL
“Madam President, God bless everybody. The louder the American empire proclaims peace in the Middle East, the more obvious it is that the war is on. And what happens is the process of normalisation of violence against Christians in the state of Israel, in the Jewish state located in Palestine.”
“Madam President, what is socialism? It's fighting obstacles and mischiefs that would never occur in regular, normal, civilised life. Same with euro–socialism. Same with eurokołchoz. Overtaxation, overregulation, bureaucracy and those Talmudic values that Reichsführerin von der Leyen attributes to the European Union project.”
“Mr President, Madam Commissary, the United Nations is supposed to take care about peacekeeping, so let it first eliminate the first – and sometimes it seems the main – obstacle and the main source and reason of wars and aggressions and genocide that is the Jewish state located in Palestine.”
“Madam President, Madam Reichsführerin von der Leyen really sounds like Vladimir Lenin himself today, speaking about her devotion to electrification. But she does not – and you, most honourable ladies and gentlemen, you also do not – address the real causes of this so-called crisis. Because it is a permanent crisis.”
“Madam President, I want my country to be independent. That is why I will never support any projects of the defence common market, because I already know from the Commissioner what this common market is going to look like: it's going to be our money paying for Western business to arm Ukraine. I'm Polish.”
“Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, thank you very much for making my life easier by repeating your nonsense about climate change, decarbonisation.”
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“Given the political fanfare which went with the RRF, the reputational risk with the RRF is huge for the EU project as a whole. I think it's not just a question of the actual proportional amount of money, it's about the expectations that have been generated in the EU and across the Member States. I don't want to pre-empt. We're working on our opinions, which we will provide on the MFF proposals, and these will highlight the risks and lessons learned based on our extensive experience. Again, going back to reiterate, because I think it's very important what you said, the objective of these opinions is that we don't repeat the past mistakes. We're not in a crisis situation now, as was the case when the RRF was designed.”
“I want to take this opportunity to reiterate our concerns regarding the delivery and governance of the RRF, as well as the existing control mechanisms within the traditional budget. If these issues are not addressed, the transparency and traceability risks we have identified could significantly increase for the MFF. I can only recommend that you look at our RRF review, which we published on 6 May. There's a summary page there. It's one page, and I think it outlines in simple language the key concerns and challenges we see with the RRF. The Commissioner mentioned in his summary that we shouldn't focus too much on the RRF because it's not the substantial part of the budget in monetary terms. We're talking about EUR 200 billion compared to maybe EUR 56 billion for the RRF for last year. I think that's not the issue.”
“I don't want to pre-empt their opinions, but based on your contribution here, I don't think we will still see eye to eye based on what you said. I have to say up front, because there's no point saying after the event when it's too late. I think we're facing a very challenging period ahead. Look at the amount of money: we still have 40 % of these RRF funds which have to be spent by August 2026. We have an MFF in 21-27 where the absorption rate is 7 % at the moment – 5 % for cohesion. For us, based on our past experience, the worst thing you can do is put pressure on Member States to spend money by a certain deadline, because there is a distinct correlation between the errors we will find and that situation. I think that's to be avoided at all costs if it can be.”
“I think it should be remembered, though, as I think the Commissioner pointed out in his earlier presentation, that we have a common goal here, and the common goal is to improve the financial management and to protect the financial interests of the EU budget. It is a collective effort, I think, based on our specific mandates. I am very happy that you say our recommendations are practically all accepted. That's good. It relates to one which was raised by Mr Erixon about the access to documents. We actually have a recommendation in Chapter 8 on migration, border management, security and defence about the access to documents which you have partly accepted. So there is something there. But I really hope that you listen to our concerns on the RRF.”
“We are also aware that there are weaknesses of the Member States' management and control systems. And actually, the model which we propose gives us a chance to, at the inception of the national plan, correct those deficiencies and to make meeting the 15 requirements defined in the regulation a prerequisite of entering into contractual obligation in the next multiannual financial framework. 3-0254-0000 Tony Murphy, President of the Court of Auditors. – Mr President, it's always interesting when an auditor and an auditee get together to discuss the findings. I think it's normal that we don't always agree on everything, and I think there's nothing wrong with that.”
“Another criticism: insufficient protection of the EU's financial interests, again present in this debate. What do we propose for the future? We propose – which is missing in the current areas – that the state aid and public procurement rules should be part of the Member States' key requirements, and there, they should be subject to audits. We are also aware, and that was present in today's debate, about the weaknesses of the delivery model. Weaknesses related primarily to the question of costs. Therefore, we propose also comprehensive costing review at midterm and confirmation by Member States at the end of the period that payments to Member States did not exceed payments to beneficiaries. The Commission will also have the right to propose amendments if we disagree with the assessment of the Member States.”
“Therefore, we propose a single rule book and we propose the concentration of the spending programmes. Now, RRF. Yes, we know that we need to learn the lessons from – and I will give you only a few examples – lack or insufficient transparency, that has been mentioned also in this debate. What do we do? We make sure that in the next MFF, information on beneficiaries, not only final beneficiaries – and as you know, the debate is still ongoing with the Member States on who is a final beneficiary – but also on recipients, final recipients, contractors and subcontractors, should be publicly available, both at the level of the Member States and also at the level of the Union. And transparency is the most powerful tool to ensure that the European taxpayers' money is spent properly.”
“We talk here about cohesion policy, we talk here about the eco-schemes under the common agricultural policy. Just two examples, but I think very much prominent also in the report of the Courts. So what lesson should we learn? That is reflected in our proposal for the next MFF: we reduce the number of spending programmes – and that should be one of the key lessons. And let us take the example of the cohesion policy family. We have the Cohesion Fund, we have the European Regional Development Fund, we have European Social Fund Plus, we have the Just Transition Fund, we have the Modernisation Fund, we have Interreg, with separate legal bases, with different eligibility criteria, with different time frames of implementation. That is the reason for the errors.”
“Most of the comments were about the mistakes related to the RRF, and I will come back to it because, indeed, clarifications are needed in what extent the proposal of the Commission learns the lesson from the RRF mistakes. But we should not forget about, and the report of the Court is also about, other spending programmes, I should even say primarily about spending programmes other than the RRF. When you look into the report, that is what it is. So what are those lessons that we should learn? The Court supports, but also our assessment identifies, that the areas with complex rules are those areas where the risk of errors is the highest. Incidentally, in those areas payments are also based on costs incurred by, and declared by, beneficiaries.”
“– Mr President, honourable Members, thank you for sharing your views in this debate. As I have said already at the beginning, the Commission is committed to continuously improve its management of the EU budget and to implement the recommendations of the Court. The views of this House and the reports of the Court of Auditors were also key input for the Commission's proposal for the next MFF. Today's debate was actually concentrated not that much on the report of the Court, not that much about 2024, but about the future, which is, to an extent, also justified. One of you said, 'We have to learn from our mistakes and not repeat them'. I could not agree more.”
“Mr President, hardly anybody is listening to this debate and that is probably why nobody is calling the cops – because this is about big money, probably the biggest money you can imagine in Europe. The report that most honourable President Murphy has presented is actually partially a ready indictment for a prosecutor. President Murphy should be probably appointed to the European Union's bankruptcy trustee, which I would recommend because he himself is probably one of the most reliable clerks we have in this otherwise criminal organisation – because had that happened to some private business, some manager losing that much money, losing trace of that much money, that would be a case for ... (The President cut off the speaker) 3-0252-0000 (Fin des interventions à la demande) 3-0253-0000 Piotr Serafin, Member of the Commission.”
“Madam President, get off, get back, leave Belarus as it is, because – good for them – they are not members of the European Union, of the eurokołchoz. I remember that Comrade Lenin once diagnosed that the Soviet Union cannot coexist with the outside world. Now, we have it like in a crooked mirror: the Euro Soviet cannot bear that other people live their lives. So, let's stop harassing, let's stop warmongering, let's make business, let's have good contacts with all our neighbours. At least me, speaking for my Polish voters, I don't want to go to any war that you want to declare to anybody. 3-0111-0000”
“I look forward to continuing engaging with you on this matter in the coming weeks and months. And we certainly must continue to provide our strong support and be very clear and unwavering on this. 2-0502-0000”
“On the arguments for financial stability, it's worth noting that we already took a fundamental decision on immobilising Russian assets in our territory, and it has not led to any financial stability issues or any issues with the international role of the euro. Also, both the European Council and the G7 have already taken decisions that Russian assets should stay immobilised for as long as Russia does not pay reparations. So basically, what we are doing with this reparation loan initiative is operationalising these decisions and providing, so to say, for how those cash balances associated with the Russian assets can be used in the meanwhile, so until Russia actually pays reparations. So once again, I wanted to thank you for your broad support, which was here during this debate.”
“Maybe here I'll come to some of the points which were raised during the debate on the support of other partners: we obviously continued engagement with other partners, including our G7 partners, who are providing their share for Ukraine's financing. And it's worth noting that this reparation loan initiative, in a sense, is scalable. So other countries, which also have Russian assets in their jurisdiction can use a similar approach. The UK and Canada have actually signalled their readiness to do so. Second, on some of the legal aspects, it's worth noting that this proposal stops short of confiscating Russian assets, while at the same time providing much needed financing to Ukraine.”
“Thirdly, we will continue to support Ukraine in meeting its defence needs, notably through the Ukraine Support Instrument in the European defence industry programme. Ukraine will be treated as an EU Member State under the instrument and will receive direct support for procurement and ramp-up actions. Similarly, under the recently established Security Action for Europe (SAFE) instrument, the Member States also expressed interest in involving Ukraine under SAFE. To address Ukraine's financing needs in 2026, 2027 and beyond, we are working on additional solutions such as the reparation loan. This would provide Ukraine with a stable and predictable source of funding, leveraging the value of immobilised Russian assets while ensuring full compliance with our international law obligations.”
“We must continue to intensify our efforts across all fronts to bolster Ukraine's resilience and strengthen our support. This includes providing additional assistance, remaining committed to Ukraine's European accession path, and seizing every opportunity to bring a swift end to Russia's war of aggression. To do so, we will continue using all the instruments we have at our disposal. First, we will continue to deliver financial support to Ukraine under the G7 Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration initiative, through which the EU has already disbursed EUR 14 billion this year. Second, through the Ukraine facility, we will continue to provide significant support to Ukraine as it works to implement crucial reforms.”
“(start of speech off mic) ... to others, you don't like done to yourself. The very fact that you're discussing here prospects and possibilities of bold, brazen theft is an outrage. Don't behave like Bolsheviks – I know you are as far as your attitude towards property is concerned, and you present your Bolshevik attitude very often – but don't be fools also, because it's foolish. It's not only wrong – morally wrong, legally wrong – it's politically stupid! 2-0500-0000 (End of catch-the-eye procedure) 2-0501-0000 Valdis Dombrovskis, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, first of all, thank you all for this very engaging and substantive discussion. This debate has once again shown the resolve of the European Parliament to continue supporting Ukraine, so I want to thank you for this political support.”
“Mr President, there is no peace process in the Middle East. We only have the normalisation of genocide. Israeli leaders, generals, rabbis, ministers keep referring to Palestinians as 'non-humans'. They keep bombarding everybody around. So let's move the Overton window a bit – let's remember that the very existence of the Jewish state located in Palestine was voted over by the United Nations in the 1940s. Let's vote again – let's vote over the fact that the experiment failed. And the two-state solution could be taken into account, as far as I am concerned, only in the case that we locate that other state somewhere over the Hudson or... (The President cut off the speaker) 2-0084-0000”
“Mr President, I just want to express my immense gratitude. Thank you for making my work so much easier. It's much easier for me to explain to my compatriots, Polish workers – not only in agriculture, but also in mining – how dangerous the European Union is. It's much easier for me after your Mercosur deal to explain that you are about to devastate, demolish, destroy all our normal life. So thank you very much, Reichsführerin von der Leyen. Thank you very much, Reichstagspräsidentin Metsola. Thanks, you're being very helpful. 4-0105-0000”
“Madam President, God bless Bitcoin. Thank God for cryptocurrencies. In this world of oppressive doctrines where people have less and less freedom, this is probably the only way we can survive and get away from this massive criminal fraud that is central banking. You say greed. You are greedy with your schemes like the Green Deal, Blue Deal, which are nothing less than overregulation and overtaxation. So, get away from free people who take financial risks. They have to take it to escape your inefficient and oppressive policies. 4-0119-0000”
“Mr President, Laudetur Jesus Christus. The worst disaster – highly unnatural disaster – that ever hit Europe is you, the European Commission and the majority of this House. You just cannot help coming up with constant ideas of how to solve problems that you yourself create by implementing your Euro-Communist doctrines. The best climate policy that we can – and should – afford would be good climate for business, instead of overregulation, overtaxation. I can see that this today's debate leads to a new assault, new attack on our nations. The Blue Deal is coming after the Green Deal, and here you have to prepare it by producing some proper propaganda, quantum. So this all makes no sense; the European Union, the Euro co-host, should be overthrown. 4-0058-0000”
“TC "13 - Състав на комисиите и делегациите" \f "1"TC "13 - Composición de las comisiones y delegaciones" \f "2"TC "13 - Členství ve výborech a delegacích" \f "3"TC "13 - Udvalgenes og delegationernes sammensætning" \f "4"TC "13 - Zusammensetzung der Ausschüsse und Delegationen" \f "5"TC "13 - Parlamendi komisjonide ja delegatsioonide koosseis" \f "6"TC "13 - Σύνθεση των επιτροπών και αντιπροσωπειών" \f "7"TC "13 - Composition of committees and delegations" \f "8"TC "13 - Composition des commissions et des délégations" \f "9"TC "13 - Comhdhéanamh na gcoistí agus na dtoscaireachtaí" \f "A"TC "13 - Sastav odbora i izaslanstava" \f "B"TC "13 - Composizione delle commissioni e delle delegazioni" \f "C"TC "13 - Komiteju un delegāciju sastāvs" \f "D"TC "13 - Komitetų ir delegacijų sudėtis" \f "E"TC "13 - A bizottságok és a küldöttségek tagjai" \f "F"TC "13 - Kompożizzjoni tal-kumitati u tad-delegazzjonijiet" \f "G"TC "13 - Samenstelling commissies en delegaties" \f "H"TC "13 - Skład komisji i delegacji" \f "I"TC "13 - Composição das comissões e delegações" \f "J"TC "13 - Componența comisiilor și delegațiilor" \f "K"TC "13 - Zloženie výborov a delegácií" \f "L"TC "13 - Sestava odborov in delegacij" \f "M"TC "13 - Valiokuntien ja valtuuskuntien kokoonpano" \f "N"TC "13 - Utskottens och delegationernas sammansättning" \f "O"Composición de las comisiones y delegaciones 2-0457-0000”
“There is only one investigation of the crimes against humanity invoked in Lithuania on the basis of universal jurisdiction, with no concrete results to show, and a single referral to the ICC by Lithuania, and no real discussions on the establishment of a special tribunal. I do not see any reason for our inaction that, in fact, is detrimental to our solidarity with the Belarusian people. Thank you.”
“– Dear Colleagues, We need to put this weekend’s fake presidential 'elections' in Belarus in a wider context. Belarus is increasingly aligning itself with authoritarian regimes such as Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea, becoming part of an emerging global Axis of Aggression. The ongoing repression of Belarusian citizens, coupled with full support for Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine, imply that the Belarusian regime must be held accountable in the same manner as Russia. However, the EU restrictive measures against Belarus apply only to almost 300 individuals and 40 entities. We seem also not to be serious on the regime’s accountability for crimes against humanity and aggression.”
“Είναι ανεπίτρεπτο να απορρίπτεται η βούληση των λαών, ειδικά όταν το αποτέλεσμα δεν εξυπηρετεί τα ευρωπαϊκά συμφέροντα. Παραδείγματα όπως τα δημοψηφίσματα για το Ευρωσύνταγμα σε Γαλλία και Ολλανδία, ο εξαναγκασμός της Ιρλανδίας σε δεύτερο δημοψήφισμα για τη Συνθήκη της Λισαβόνας, οι απειλές κατά της Ελλάδας στο δημοψήφισμα του 2015 και οι πιέσεις στο Brexit φανερώνουν την ασυνέπεια της ΕΕ. Την ίδια στιγμή, η Ένωση διατηρεί «business as usual» σχέσεις με μονάρχες που παραβιάζουν θεμελιώδη δικαιώματα. Αντί να παρεμβαίνει με πολιτικές σκοπιμότητες, η ΕΕ οφείλει να προωθεί τη δημοκρατία με διάλογο, συνεργασία και ενίσχυση θεσμών. Μόνο με σεβασμό στη λαϊκή κυριαρχία μπορούμε να ενισχύσουμε την εμπιστοσύνη στους θεσμούς και να προωθήσουμε την ειρήνη παγκοσμίως. Σας ευχαριστώ. 2-0455-7500 Dainius Žalimas (Renew), in writing.”
“EL ja rahvusvahelised partnerid peavad laiendama ja tugevdama sanktsioone inimeste ja üksuste vastu, kes vastutavad Valgevenes toimunud repressioonide eest ning Valgevene osalemise eest Venemaa agressioonisõjas Ukraina vastu, kõrvaldades samal ajal sanktsioonide lüngad. 2-0455-5000 Μαρία Ζαχαρία (NI), γραπτώς. – Αξιότιμα μέλη του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου, Τα τελευταία χρόνια παρατηρούμε μια ανησυχητική πολιτική επιλογή της ΕΕ: τη μη αναγνώριση αποτελεσμάτων εκλογικών διαδικασιών σε τρίτες χώρες, όπως πρόσφατα στη Γεωργία, τη Λευκορωσία και τη Βενεζουέλα. Ακόμη και όταν οι παρατηρητές του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου καταγράφουν προβλήματα που δεν αλλοιώνουν το αποτέλεσμα, η ΕΕ συχνά καταφεύγει στην αμφισβήτησή τους. Αυτή η στάση υπονομεύει τις ίδιες τις δημοκρατικές αρχές που πρεσβεύει.”
“Ma ei tunnusta Lukašenka nn valimist Valgevene presidendi ametikohale. Valgevene praegune režiim on õiguspäratu, ebaseaduslik ja kuritegelik. Kinnitan oma toetust Valgevene rahva püüdlustele demokraatia, vabaduse ja inimõiguste nimel. Valgevenes jätkuvad rasked inimõiguste ja demokraatlike põhimõtete rikkumised ja süstemaatilised repressioonid peavad lõppema. Ühtlasi peavad Valgevene ametivõimud austama kinnipeetavate õigusi, andma neile arstiabi ning võimaldama neil kohtuda advokaatide, oma perekondade ja rahvusvaheliste organisatsioonidega. On oluline kaitsta eksiilis elavaid valgevenelasi Lukašenka režiimi tagakiusamise eest ning anda neile võimalus seaduslikult ELis elada ja töötada. Lukašenka režiimi on ka kaasosaline Venemaa Ukraina-vastases agressioonisõjas.”
“In this context, we urge our European institutions and all Member States to jointly determine solutions to hold Lukashenka’s regime accountable for its crimes and to support Belarusian civil society both within the country and in exile. 2-0455-3750 Urmas Paet (Renew), kirjalikult. – Lukašenka 30 aastat kestnud autoritaarset võimu Valgevenes iseloomustab poliitiliste oponentide ja teisitimõtlejate süstemaatiline mahasurumine. Alates 2020. aasta augustis toimunud võltsitud tulemustega presidendivalimistest on Lukašenka ebaseaduslik režiim Venemaa toetusel süstemaatiliselt represseerinud poliitilisi aktiviste, kodanikuühiskonda, inimõiguste kaitsjaid, juriste, ajakirjanikke, kunstnikke, usujuhte, ametiühingutegelasi ja muid rühmi Valgevenes ja välismaal, pidades meelevaldselt kinni kümneid tuhandeid inimesi.”
“– The situation in Belarus has been increasingly worsening. We all remember the rigged elections and the subsequent demonstrations that took place in 2020. Since then, the world has been profoundly impacted by the deterioration of human rights in the region, ranging from forced exiles, deliberate repression of religious freedom, political opposition and overall of Belarusian citizens and the creeping isolationism plaguing Belarus. Belarus has become a jail, whose wardens are nobody but Mr Lukashenka, Putin’s puppet. But the situation’s outcome is felt across borders: migration has now been weaponised, and it is evident now that we need a common and more structured response to protect our Eastern flank.”
“– Mr President, honourable Members, Commissioner, thank you for your valuable interventions. Rest assured that the Council, under the leadership of the High Representative, will remain fully seized of the matter. The next Foreign Affairs Council will be an opportunity to reaffirm strongly our support for the democratic aspiration of the Belarusian people. We will call out the sham election and will continue to condemn the illegal action of the Lukashenka regime. We will renew our sanctions and adopt further measures. We will remain united in our support to the brave people of Belarus in their quest for a free, democratic, sovereign and independent Belarus, as a part of peaceful Europe. Zhyve Belarus! Declaraciones por escrito (artículo 178 del Reglamento interno) 2-0455-2500 Adam Bielan (ECR), in writing.”
“The Belarusian people are fighting a battle for freedom. They deserve our solidarity, not only in words but in actions. Their struggle is our struggle for human dignity, democracy and peace. Once again today, we call on the regime to stop the repression; to stop its complicity in Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine; to release all political prisoners; and to allow the Belarusian people to freely realise their right to democratically elect their leaders of their country and to make a democratic decision on the geopolitical direction of their country. The European Union will stand firm in all its commitments, and we will continue to support those who courageously fight for democracy and justice. 2-0455-0000 Adam Szłapka, President-in-Office of the Council.”
“2-0453-0000 (Fin de las intervenciones con arreglo al procedimiento de solicitud incidental de uso de la palabra («catch the eye»)) 2-0454-0000 Andrius Kubilius, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, dear colleagues, let me say a few words in conclusion. First of all, we need to remember that Belarus is in the geographical centre of Europe and in the close neighbourhood of several members of the European Union, including Lithuania, Poland and other countries. That is why we want Belarusian people to have the possibility to enjoy the same freedoms as we are enjoying now. And we would like to behave like previous generations of European politicians who wanted that we – Lithuanians, Poles, Romanians, Slovaks – also would have possibility to enjoy freedoms when we had no such a possibility.”
“Mr President, God bless Belarus and its people! We should all be grateful, us Poles, Belarusians, Lithuanians, for our great common heritage that we share, the heritage of the great Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. And we should certainly never take part in such hours of hatred against anybody, especially each other. So, I strongly condemn – yes, I condemn – this language of hatred, this language of contempt, this offensive language. I strongly condemn what you do here. You don't want to make business with your neighbours? Then don't! But if you really want to change this world for the better, you should do business instead of instigating the overthrowing of governments, presidents all over the world. This is shameful. God bless Belarus!”
“Mr President, God bless Hungary. You never produced any evidence, but let's suppose it's true that Hungarian secret services investigated and spied on Euro cohorts, then good for them. Euro cohorts, your organisation is a hostile one; you're an enemy. So I hope every serious state, every serious country, would recommend its secret services to spy on you. I hope they do. Let's say I envy Hungarians that they have a serious government representing their interests. That you, yourselves– the European Commission, the majority of this House – are putting in danger with your Green Deal, Blue Deal, rainbow deal, immigration pact, warmongering. So more spying, more spying on the European Union as an enemy of free people. 2-0415-0000”
“Also noch einmal für Sie alle: Ostseekabel, Unterwasserkabel – keine russische Sabotage laut Geheimdiensten. Man kann es daher Präsident Trump voll nachsehen, wenn er in Zukunft mit den europäischen NATO-Versagern nichts mehr zu tun haben will. Auf der anderen Seite hätte ich mir als Vertreter deutscher Interessen bei der Aufklärung der Nord-Stream-2-Sprengung so viel Einsatzwillen gewünscht. Natürlich stellt die Schattenflotte ein ökologisches Risiko in der Ostsee dar. Das Problem Schattenflotte könnte aber ganz einfach gelöst werden: Lassen Sie uns die Russlandsanktionen aufheben, und wir werden erleben, wie die Schattenflotte in den Nebeln der Meere verschwindet. 2-0334-0000”
“Den ryska skuggflottan måste stoppas för miljöns skull och för Ukrainas skull. 2-0333-0000 Siegbert Frank Droese, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, verehrte Kollegen! Die Texte der Kommission zur Schattenflotte haben immer nur einen Inhalt: Hinter jedem Zwischenfall in der Ostsee steckt der Russe. Letzten Montag hat der NATO-Generalsekretär Rutte in einer EP-Anhörung noch vom Problem Schattenflotte und von Angriffen auf unsere Infrastruktur in der Ostsee phantasiert. Die NATO-Amateure und Ostseeanrainer haben letzten Dienstag dazu extra einen Gipfel in Helsinki abgehalten. Und Sonntag berichtet die Washington Post unter Bezug auf eine Reihe von Geheimdienstinformanten, dass es sich bei der Beschädigung von Unterseekabeln in der Ostsee nicht um russische Sabotage handelt.”
“Kollegor! Den ryska skuggflottan är ett akut hot mot säkerhet och miljö i Östersjön. Häromveckan drev en enorm tanker lastad med 100 000 ton rysk olja med motorhaveri i stormen utanför den tyska kusten. I slutet av december bordade finska myndigheter tankern Eagle S som nu utreds för att ha förstört viktiga kablar för elöverföring och internet mellan Finland och Estland. Tankern som var lastad med rysk olja hade stora brister i sjösäkerheten. Bordningen av Eagle S visar att länderna runt Östersjön kan ingripa mot dessa oljetransporter som hotar Östersjöns miljö, bryter sanktionerna och finansierar Rysslands olagliga krig mot Ukraina. Vi måste agera nu, innan det sker en större olycka. Fler båtar måste svartlistas. Fartyg som passerar nationella vatten måste inspekteras så att de är säkra och försäkrade.”
“Tällöin samalla – kumppaniemme avulla – kun teemme vaikutuksesta globaalia, varjolaivaston pysäyttäminen vie onnistuessaan Venäjältä miljardien eurojen vientitulot ja tehostaa energiapakotteita ja Venäjän eristämistä. Lisäksi Itämerellä on varmistettava kaikkien epäilyttävien alusten vakuutusten valvonta systemaattisesti joka jäsenvaltiossa. Samalla on varmistettava merioikeuden kaikki tavat puuttua kulkuun Itämerellä ilman asiallisia vakuutuspapereita tai jos alus on pakotteiden alla. Merioikeus näkemykseni mukaan sallii puuttumisen myös Tanskan salmissa, jos on syytä epäillä vakavaa ympäristö- ja turvallisuusriskiä, ja sellaisen riskin varjolaivasto todellakin aiheuttaa. Meidän on ryhdyttävä ottamaan aloite omiin käsiimme eikä vain reagoitava Venäjän sabotaaseihin. 2-0332-0000 Jonas Sjöstedt, för The Left gruppen. – Herr talman!”
“Euroopa riikide tegevus saab aga olla tõhus ainult siis, kui meie ohuhinnang on adekvaatne ja Venemaa suhtes kõigist illusioonidest loobutakse. 2-0331-0000 Ville Niinistö, Verts/ALE-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, on täysin naurettavaa väittää, että Itämeren kaapelirikot olisivat vahinkoja. Yhtäkkiä useat tankkerit Itämerellä olisivatkin alkaneet raahata sattumalta ilman sabotaasitarkoitusta ankkureitaan kymmeniä kilometrejä merenpohjassa ja samalla pyöriä tunnettujen kaapelireittien ympärillä – no ei varmasti. Venäjän varjolaivasto on pysäytettävä niin huonokuntoisten alusten mittavien ympäristöriskien kuin turvallisuusriskien takia. EU:n komission ja jäsenvaltioiden on varmistettava, että kaikki varjolaivastoon kuuluvat alukset liitetään pakotteiden alle.”
“Nüüdseks on mitmed laevad viimaste kuude jooksul korduvalt lõhkunud Läänemeres veealuseid elektri- ja sideühendusi. Viimati jõuluõhtul, mille tulemusel maksavad Balti riikide inimesed elektri eest märksa rohkem, kui nad seda toimiva ühenduse puhul teeksid. Ja ikka on neid, kes ei usu, et ühenduste lõhkumine on Venemaa Lääne-vastase hübriidsõja osa. Ometi see seda on ja sellele tuleb koos ja ühtselt vastu seista. Venemaa testib, kui kaugele tal lastakse minna ja potentsiaalsed rünnakuobjektid ei asu vaid Läänemeres, vaid ka Põhjameres, Atlandil, Vahemeres ja mujalgi. Meie ühendusi tuleb kaitsta ja nende lõhkujaid karistada täie rangusega. Et Venemaal muutuks muuseas keerulisemaks ka leida neid laevu ja meeskondi, kes on valmis Venemaa eest kuritegusid sooritama.”
“Droši vien vai varbūt, ka tā ir sakritība, lai gan man tam negribas ticēt. Mēs gribam, lai mūsu grāmatu izdevēji spēj pierādīt katra koka izcelsmi, no kura ir saražots papīrs viņu grāmatām. Bet varbūt līdzīgi mums vajadzētu izturēties arī pret naftas produktu importu Eiropā, jo citādi var izrādīties, ka mēs paši vismaz daļēji finansējam ne tikai Krievijas agresiju Ukrainā, bet arī ekoloģisko katastrofu izraisīšanu un mūsu pašu kritiskās infrastruktūras bojāšanu. Tā kā reizēm tās lielākās cīņas ir pie spoguļa. 2-0330-0000 Urmas Paet, fraktsiooni Renew nimel. – Lugupeetud president, head kolleegid! Veel päev enne seda, kui 24. veebruaril 2022 alustas Venemaa Ukraina vastu uut rünnakulainet, ütlesid paljud tähtsad analüütikud, et nende andmetel Venemaa Ukrainat ei ründa. Ometi ründas. Ja need analüütikud eksisid rängalt.”
“– Labdien, priekšsēdētāja kungs! Labdien, komisāres kundze! Labdien, cienījamie kolēģi! Kopš iepriekšējām debatēm par ēnu floti ir pagājuši divi pārrauti kabeļi Baltijas jūrā un viena ekoloģiskās katastrofas ilustrācija Melnajā jūrā. Ir sankcionēti daži desmiti kuģu, bet vairāki simti joprojām melno darbu turpina. Bet kuģi jau ir tikai transports. Būtībā runa ir par sankcionētu naftu – uz kurieni to ved un kas to pērk. Un šeit ir dažas interesantas sakritības. Kopš ieviestas sankcijas pret Krievijas naftu, tās imports Eiropas Savienībā, protams, ir dramatiski sarucis, taču vajadzības jau nav mazinājušās. Un tā nu ir sagadījies, ka šo kritumu mēs daļēji kompensējam ar naftas produktiem no Indijas un šis apjoms ir pieaudzis vairākkārtīgi. Pēc dažādiem datiem, aptuveni 60 % no ēnu flotes nonāk tieši Indijā.”
“Derfor kan vi kun håbe på, at de NATO-allierede europæiske lande omkring Østersøen, Sverige, Finland, Danmark, de baltiske lande, Polen og Tyskland finder sammen i et langt stærkere søforsvar. Men samtidig er der noget, der nager, og det er, at vi fra EU's side, fra dansk side ikke har været i stand til at indføre sanktioner mod den russiske skyggeflåde. Det er kommet frem, at danske værfter har en forpligtigelse til at reparere på netop skibe fra den russiske skyggeflåde, på trods af at de både er med til at facilitere Ruslands krigsindsats i Ukraine med deres eksport af russisk gas og olie og er mistænkt i dele af disse angreb. Lad os nu tage os sammen og få indført de sanktioner, så europæiske og danske rederier ikke er forpligtet til at understøtte denne aktivitet ved at reparere skibene. 2-0329-0000 Reinis Pozņaks, ECR grupas vārdā.”
“Vi har set alt fra sprængningen af Nord Stream 2-ledningen til de skader, der nu er sket på kritisk infrastruktur og søkabler, at vi som europæiske NATO-allierede har været fuldstændig ude af stand til at overvåge og forsvare vores interesser i netop Østersøen. Det er desværre en lang række katastrofale militære beslutninger, der gør, at vi er så hjælpeløse i den situation, der i øjeblikket foregår. Særligt kan vi fra dansk side pege på, at det var en monumental fejl at skære ned både på patruljefartøjer, men særligt på ubådsvåbnet under den danske flåde. Det har gjort, at vi ikke har de øjne og de ører, vi før i tiden havde for at kontrollere, hvad fremmede magter gjorde i vores nærområde.”
“Vi vet att vi är särskilt utsatta för den ryska skuggflottan, för ungefär hälften av all rysk oljeexport passerar genom våra vatten. Det skapar stora miljörisker och det hotar vår säkerhet och vår infrastruktur. Det är också ett tydligt exempel på hur Ryssland försöker kringgå de internationella sanktionerna. Vi måste därför sätta stopp för import av rysk olja och rysk gas som går till våra medlemsstater. Vi har ju fattat ett beslut här, och det gäller att vi sätter stopp nu. Avslutningsvis välkomnar jag också åtgärder för ökat samarbete runt Östersjön. Det handlar om vår säkerhet och vår miljö. 2-0328-0000 Anders Vistisen, for PfE-Gruppen. – Hr. formand! Situationen i Østersøen er ganske alvorlig.”
“He wants us to know that he is able to exploit and test our vulnerabilities. In these circumstances, it is good to see that we are increasingly prepared, and I am happy to learn that 52 additional vessels were added to a list of those who have no access to our ports, and I am grateful to the Commissioner that you listed all the measures that we are working on or already implementing in this regard. I think that is yet another example where we see only together we are strong and only together can we represent and defend our interests. 2-0327-0000 Heléne Fritzon, för S&D gruppen. – Herr talman! Kommissionen och rådet! Under de senaste månaderna har vi sett ett växande hot och skador på undervattenskablar i Östersjön. Jag kommer från Sverige, och jag bor med min familj vid Östersjöns kust.”
“We are also looking into how to further reinforce our ability to deploy and repair cables so that we are equipped with the necessary fleet able to rapidly intervene in all EU regions. Keeping Europe safe is my priority, including safeguarding our critical infrastructure on sea, on land and in space. Now I'm looking forward to hearing your views, so thank you for your attention. 2-0326-0000 Michael Gahler, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, colleagues, Council Presidency, Commissioner, among the multifold wake-up calls that we are getting to assess the Russian threat to our countries – the Presidency alluded to some others – the demolition of critical infrastructure such as sea cables is just one further example. I think Putin would be disappointed if we discussed whether that was accidental or who was responsible.”
“We are currently working on identifying concrete actions and steps to be taken – and some more structurally – to improve the resilience and security of the undersea cables. And third, on funding, this includes our already substantial investments in the security and resilience of submarine cables through the Connecting Europe Facility digital programme, including in the Baltic Sea, where we are currently financing eight projects. In addition, there is more than EUR 5 million earmarked for connectivity infrastructure in the CEF digital work programme in the coming years. The first call is ongoing. Furthermore, under the CEF, we are supporting the deployment of smart cable systems that can be used to monitor nearby activities and anticipate threats and vulnerabilities, acting as an early‑warning system.”
“Second, on governance, in the EU we are lacking a common governance of cable technologies and cable‑laying services to ensure rapid and secure repair and maintenance of cables. We need to work in concert with NATO, which is a key actor when it comes to deterrence in the high seas. At the recent summit of Baltic Sea nations' governments, the Commission and NATO outlined concrete and very coordinated action to address the challenges in cable resilience, protection and repair. We welcome the actions launched by the NATO allies, such as new patrol and surveillance operations, to protect critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea. The European Commission is ready to do more and better in our prevention, early detection, as well as response and recovery capabilities.”