Alan Kelly
Tipperary North · Labour Party · Ireland
“I have never, in my time in here, nearly 20 years, seen legislation so mental as regards the breadth and depth of issues. It is an A to Z of issues. Many of them could have been Bills on their own, while some of them could have been grouped together. The depth and breadth of issues here, however, is phenomenal.”
“I will not be opposing any amendments. Most of them are very technical, and a few of them are on significant issues. As I said previously, I believe in miscellaneous Bills. I brought them in myself. I have no issue with them, but this is one of the most mental Bills I have ever seen.”
“This is kind of like a repeat speech from when we previously discussed this issue. The motion is erroneous and mean spirited. The real question for the country is where these people are going to go. The options are not there.”
“It was thought that this would happen later, but so many people I know will be so thankful for and welcoming of this aspect of the legislation. They will be in with us later tonight. The issue in relation to counselling notes is one we really had to have so much discussion about. It was a very difficult discussion.”
“I acknowledge what the Minister said about my colleague, Senator Laura Harmon. She came to the Minister in relation to the sex-for-rent issue. I have to acknowledge the fact that the Minister has always commended her on this issue. She has always been a strong campaigner on this issue given her history of involvement in student politics.”
“It shows that they have worked. I do not see why, in the spirit of where we are and after everything we have said about the war in Ukraine, we are actually going to go and take this away now.”
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“The Minister cannot say he has not been warned and time will tell whether he will be playing back what the three Deputies here, including myself, have said, that this is not good legislation. This is not the way to treat the Houses of the Oireachtas. It was impossible to scrutinise this and to go through all of its components. Definitions are confusing. The make-up of the Bill itself is even confusing. If we are confused, I do not know where it will go outside. When it comes to the issue of legal counselling, as I said before, my party is not shy of the legal profession either, and the Minister would know many of them. Essentially, they believe, with the amendments coming forward and the definitions, that it is even more confusing now. It is watery.”
“We will be repeating what we have been saying here in the not too distant future because my colleagues who have spoken before me - I will not stress it again - have said how this has disregarded the democratic process, how we have not gotten through amendments and how the whole way in which this has been brought before the Houses has been a disgrace. That is all true but the ultimate thing is that this is the Minister's legislation and it is on his head. It is bad legislation. It is not going to work. There are so many people who have contacted probably all of us here. They are pointing out that they do not understand many components of this legislation and how they will work them.”
“He will have an army of lawyers coming in. I jokingly suggested to the Minister before that he may prove to be the Manchurian candidate for the legal profession because, I will be honest with him, I do not think there is a hope in hell of this Bill working in the manner in which it has been presented. It is deeply confusing at times. Even with the some of current amendments, you could read through them and get a different view of what they mean the more you read them. That is just bad legislation. I have been knocking around here for nearly 20 years and this is one of the worst pieces of legislation I have ever seen drafted and it is because of political direction, not because of the people who are doing the drafting. That is on the Minister's head.”
“We will need changes with regard to public transport costs. We will need maximum price orders. We will need to deal with grocery inflation in a way that it has not been dealt with already. We will need to look at all the extra costs that have been brought in by this Government in the past few months. When a Government believes that bringing in the Army is the solution, rather than dealing with ordinary workers' and ordinary people's concerns, that is not a Government that is out of touch; it is a Government that has lost its mandate.”
“There is literally nothing for them. Any small changes as regards fuel costs will be absorbed within weeks. What is the Government going to do for them? How will it ensure that they are protected? The anger of people will get much worse. They will mobilise - we and the trade unions will help them to mobilise - and they will be knocking on the Government's door. It will not just be a couple of thousand people; it will be hundreds of thousands who will be expressing anger like has never been seen before. It reminds me of the end of the Government that held office between 2007 and 2011, which the Minister of State will remember quite well. That is the level of anger I have seen. We will need pay increases for workers. We will need energy credits. We will need changes in the context of working from home.”
“Those who are really affected, who have to deal with grocery inflation of 6.5% and growing, those who have to deal with all the energy issues, including that relating to kerosene, which has been spoken about so often, those who have to deal with higher education costs, which, unbelievably, the Government is pushing through, those who have to deal with increasing medical bills and a range of other issues and those who are rearing families are the ones who I absolutely guarantee will be knocking on the Government's door. While there were thousands out protesting and while the changes that were brought about relate to high fuel users in particular sectors - and the downstream impact across all other industries in Ireland is so important - it must be remembered that the majority of those who were protesting are just ordinary people.”
“Workers, those on fixed incomes and the vulnerable cannot sustain it. The signal that the Government was going wrong started with the budget last year when it took out all the necessary payments to those who are vulnerable and to workers. The commentary is to the effect that the Government is out of touch. I would like to tweak that. In order to be out of touch with something, you have to be knowledgeable and in touch in the first place. The Government has been neither for a long time. The only people it has been in touch with are those who pressured it into making some ridiculous changes in taxation in the budget.”
“When seeking an alternative government and partners to serve in such a government, this is a very strange way of going about it. I do not want to repeat many of the things that have been said. However, I have to say that, politically, the past two weeks have been disastrous for the Government. The Minister of State would probably agree. The measures that were brought in respect of industries that involve high fuel usage were absolutely necessary. How it was not seen that this was necessary previously is beyond me. Where is this going? I will tell you where it is going. It will lead to ordinary workers getting pay increases, and the Labour Party will support them 100% in that regard. The trade unions of Ireland need to be knocking on the Government's door today and saying that people cannot sustain this.”
“I thank the Social Democrats for tabling this motion. It is a really good motion. I want to say something to Sinn Féin. Its Deputies have left the Chamber. Last night, those in Sinn Féin, including Deputy Thomas Gould, engaged in an attack on our party. Deputy O'Reilly has done so again this morning in the context of the motion. Those in Sinn Féin did not support the measures that were brought forward to help people who are struggling across the industry last night, which is ironic. They are criticising us for doing so. I do not get that. They are engaging in voodoo economics, and espousing no carbon tax ever, no USC, and no local property tax. Where in the name of God are we going to get taxation revenue from? This is voodoo economics, and it needs to be called out.”
“We need to be quite nimble and think about how we are going to react on this because there could be unintended consequences if we bring the shutter down in the manner the Government proposes. I welcome that the order has been extended but there are very many unknown variables here. We need to think very deeply about the consequences of this decision if we are to close it in a year's time, because there could be many unintended consequences, some of which are not being taken on board by some Members of the Opposition or indeed by the Government.”
“He has obviously changed the amount and he has told us the date for closing it, but is there something additional in between? I am a little bit lost about what he said about the additional measures in the interim. In all of this we need to consider that we are not in control of all the variables here. What happens if this war goes to a different level? What if the EU has to respond in a different way? What happens if this war escalates? It is impossible to know where the temporary protection order is going to go at an EU level. I do not expect the Government to know either. I am saying this out straight. The Minister is saying on the floor of the Dáil and in the media that this will be it in a year's time. I know other countries have acted but they may all have to reverse course. We do not know where this is going to go.”
“Nothing is ever perfect, as I said at the outset. If we end this just like that, the impacts on the rental market in reverse will be a flood of new people coming onto the rental market. We need to bear in mind that it works both ways. When thinking about this, we need to consider how that would be managed or else people will be standing up here, shouting and roaring - rightly so - about more people being homeless. In his contribution, the Minister said further steps will also to be taken. It is a pretty generic statement as regards to the wind-down and this being the last year. We are extending it for one more year and then we are changing the amount but there will be further steps taken in the next year. I presume these are interim steps as regards the wind-down. He might give more information as to what those are.”
“I know of young lads who are picking up glasses and washing dishes in hotels and pubs. Because they come from an agricultural background, they were driving tractors the day after they turned 16 years of age. I think the contribution that many Ukrainians have made to the Irish economy and also socially has been lost. I fundamentally believe that has been huge. The differential between the €39 we were paying a night for tourism accommodation versus the ARP is hugely significant and something we need to bear in mind. I appreciate the volume of properties that have been used in different geographical locations has been spread disproportionately. That is probably something we could have looked at in a different way in how we were co-ordinating things. It is obvious that there have been impacts on the rental market.”
“I know exactly the impact it has had across the country, whether in Donegal, Kerry or any other place. Some of the decision-making around that certainly was imperfect. Across a range of different areas, I believe we have to minimise taking out any form of tourism accommodation. Privately, people working in Fáilte Ireland and people who work in tourism will say that. Tourism is a critical industry for our nation. It is also an industry that has geographical distribution in ways that others do not. We need to support that and we need to do so in a complete fashion. We are also losing sight of the contribution that Ukrainian people have made. My wife is from south Kerry and the contribution to hospitality down there has been incredible. In fact, without them, I think it would just stop. It is as simple as that.”
“Nothing is ever perfect and we have to react to a war like this in a certain way and tailor the measures we bring in. The reality is that we make mistakes but we also learn from them. At its core, what we do has to be based in compassion and has to recognise that our contribution to support them is in that fashion, rather than through any form of military support. Obviously, we are not in NATO or any military alliances and obviously we have not contributed in any way from a force point of view when it comes to countering the war effort from Russia. I am uniquely positioned to know about the impact that this war has had on the accommodation situation when it comes to tourism and hospitality because I think I am the only person here who ever worked for Bord Fáilte and Fáilte Ireland.”
“Following the brutal invasion of Ukraine by Putin and Russia, I was proud of our country and the way we reacted. There has been a change of narrative since then and it is something we should all reflect on. Obviously, there is still a brutal war going on but on top of that, we need to be reflective, as a country and as a people, of both the huge contribution we have made to help Ukrainian people and the need for us to continue to support them in a way that is accommodating and compassionate. I have to wonder about some of the commentary that I hear across various different political classes in relation to this. It is all very well saying that they will support Ukrainian people and that they support those of us who oppose the brutal war but actions speak louder than words.”
“Most of all, I can also talk about what I have raised here and in committee on numerous occasions in relation to how gardaí were given faulty holsters, the impact that has had on the lives of serving gardaí and the tragedy it has caused. This will haunt this Government and the previous Government. It will haunt this Minister, and it will haunt the Minister, Deputy McEntee. What will also haunt them is the manner in which they did not deal appropriately with protected disclosures that were made to them. I guarantee that it will come back to haunt these Ministers. I guarantee it.”
“I could also talk about the fact that, as I stand here, three gardaí who were suspended for years, are having their suspensions and the whole issue withdrawn in court in Limerick. That is 11 gardaí. The Minister for justice says there will not be an independent inquiry despite Deputy Crowe saying there should be, despite the Taoiseach saying there should be and despite the Tánaiste saying there should be. Who pulls rank? There has to be an inquiry in relation to these 11 gardaí. The Minister says calls for independent inquiries for every single court case brought against gardaí cannot become the norm. This is not an individual. This is 11. What happened here was a disgrace and will have to be investigated.”
“I could also talk about the fact 17,000 live fingerprints have been lost, which means prosecutions have been lost across this State, yet An Garda Síochána will not acknowledge this has happened. I could talk about the dysfunctional nature of the Department of justice working with An Garda Síochána and the fact that I, as an opposition TD, had to ring the Minister for justice, Deputy O'Callaghan, to tell him the guns that were put in the car Evan Fitzgerald was in were put in by An Garda Síochána. He did not know. I had to tell him. What sort of a functional relationship is it, where I have more intelligence than the actual Minister for justice? That whole case, that tragic case which should never have happened, will need to be investigated.”
“When I talk about legacy issues, I could talk about the importation of firearms under false instruments; defective ammunition; repair of privately owned guns by An Garda Síochána; the storage of firearms in Garda headquarters, which was a mess; the drugs that were found in Garda headquarters; and the lack of proper governance of DNA samples. I could talk about a whole range of other legacy issues. I could talk about the disgraceful way in which An Garda Síochána went after a garda because he lent a bike during Covid. That has now cost the State €400,000, and there was no bloody warrant to take the bike. Nobody seems to be acknowledging this. There was no warrant, and that farmer has never got retribution for the fact his property was entered without a warrant. That is on the record of the Dáil.”
“Can I have that time back please? In the remaining time, I want to deal with the legacy issues. You cannot move forward unless you deal with legacy issues, and there is a huge number of them, particularly in the period of the previous Commissioner. I urge this Government to read the article in the Irish Independent yesterday by Denis Whelan, former superintendent, in which he talked about a culture of fear in An Garda Síochána. It was one of the best and most honest articles I have ever read from a garda who has just retired. He was a superintendent in Wexford, somebody whom my colleague, Deputy George Lawlor, knows very well, and who was brilliant at his job. He talked about a culture of fear.”
“I have spoken about this in committee with him, I have spoken on the floor of the Dáil and I have spoken publicly when it comes to the disgraceful way in which Limerick gardaí have been treated and the fact that the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste believe it needs to be investigated but for some reason the Minister does not. When it comes to the issue of the holsters and the way in which that issue is being dealt with, the loss of fingerprints, the bike scandal, all of these legacy issues and many more need to be dealt with.”
“We need to introduce an occupational supplementary pension to the single public services pension scheme to ensure that those who operate in these services, particularly in An Garda Síochána, will see it as a worthwhile career. That is so important. Another thing is that if someone takes up another job when they retire from An Garda Síochána, in many cases, depending on when they retired, a significant portion of their pension is taken off them. Why can we not use these gardaí to do up to 20 hours a week of work in Garda stations as civilians, given their expertise? I have said this to the Minister before. Finally, we have to deal with legacy issues. The Minister has to deal with legacy issues. He can never say to me he does not know enough about these because I have raised hundreds of parliamentary questions with him.”
“If the Minister were to come down to north Tipperary, he would see how many gardaí are around the place, even in Templemore. We have huge issues that need to be dealt with. The Policing and Community Safety Authority, PCSA, assessment of An Garda Síochána's performance found that 11 out of 18 performance indicators were at risk. That is not good. We need to deal with how we can make a Garda career a better one. I have some suggestions, because the Minister often challenges others to put forward their own proposals. So, here we go. The training allowance should be linked to pay to show gardaí what they will be earning initially. We need more investment in Templemore to show gardaí the infrastructure they are going to be using.”
“We all talk about road safety and road issues, but this shows that commitment was not honoured. A total of 40% of the Garda fleet is over six years old. The operating model of An Garda Síochána is a bloody joke. Gardaí from east Clare are having to cover Roscrea. It is impossible. Gardaí are leaving Newport to go down to cover Roscrea. This is a major town with many significant issues and a closed Garda station. I hear an awful lot about visibility. The Minister talks about high visibility working. I agree 100% with him. Why can we not have it in Roscrea, Templemore, Thurles, Nenagh, Newport and Ballina, and not just in Dublin? If I walk out of here, I will fall over gardaí all the way up to Grafton Street. I might turn up in the Minister’s direction or down onto O’Connell Street.”
“Templemore needs to keep every aspect of its training for wholesome purposes, and any failure to do so will be an indictment of the Minister's Government. In relation to the districts, 46% of Garda districts lost gardaí or stood still in 2025. The number of gardaí suspended in 2025 was 107, compared to 39 in 2018. That is worrying. Why has there been this increase? The Garda Reserve has collapsed. There were 1,164 members in 2013 versus 308 now. The Garda Commissioner, Drew Harris, told the Oireachtas committee in May 2024 that an additional 150 roads policing gardaí would be in place by 2024-25. In 2023, there were 632 roads policing gardaí. At the end of December 2025, there were 647. That is a total of 15 new members from 150. I ask the Minister to do the maths.”
“Equally, the Minister keeps quoting the fact that 11,000 people applied to join An Garda Síochána. A total of 11,000 people put their name in. Were they asked why they pulled out? Were they asked why they did not proceed? Were they exit interviewed? I have spoken to many of them and they have told me why, and it is not good. Trainee intakes are too low in Templemore. We also need huge investment in Templemore. I acknowledged and thanked the Minister for the investment that has been announced. The simple fact of the matter is that this group has been set up a second time round to look at the requirements for recruitment in our country. Why is the Minister not dealing with the fact that we have a huge piece of land out the road from Templemore, in Dromard in Clonmore? The Minister made a commitment to me that he will look at it.”
“The Minister has had to apologise to me more than once for the answers and information he has given me relating to policing matters. I have a deep concern about the answers I get from the Minister’s Department. I have a deep concern about the answers I do not get from the Minister’s Department. I have a deep concern about the questions I put in to which answers are refused. I have a deep concern about the Minister's Department’s relationship with An Garda Síochána and certain aspects. I want to say that on the record here. In real terms, we have fewer gardaí. There has been a 10% drop in real terms when we do a pro rata comparison between where we are as a population now and where we were a number of years ago. The programme for Government commits to recruiting 5,000 new gardaí. I do not believe there is a hope in hell of that happening.”
“We need to change how we recruit and retain our gardaí and serving gardaí, and, indeed, how we use our retired gardaí. For the fourth time, I had an email this morning from a lady whose son left An Garda Síochána about four months after graduating, after actually qualifying to be a garda, because he could not live here in Dublin. He has now sought to see if he can rejoin because he has found accommodation, and he was told that he will have to start all over again. That is not common sense. I will give the Minister the details. I am also worried about the Minister’s Department, and I have said this directly to him before. My worry is that I think there is a need for a reboot in relation to how this Department relates to An Garda Síochána because, in many ways, I think it is dysfunctional.”
“I will be sharing time with my colleagues. This motion is one of the most important I have ever brought forward as a TD. As the Minister knows, I have been man-marking him for the last year and half as spokesperson on justice. I wanted this role, and one of the reasons I wanted it is because I believe An Garda Síochána needs complete support. It also, though, needs to be supported in a way where change is managed. I have a deep concern in this regard. Our commitment in the Labour Party to An Garda Síochána is demonstrated by this motion. I have got huge support from members of the force across all ranks. We need to change how we police in a positive way. I acknowledge that some of the actions the Minister has taken are positive, but there are many other issues that have not been dealt with and many legacy issues.”
“I move: That Dáil Éireann: notes that: — there are still fewer serving members of An Garda Síochána in 2026, compared to six years ago, with 14,187 available members at the end of January 2026, in contrast to 14,235 members in 2020; — accounting for population growth, this fall in numbers means that there are now 10 per cent fewer Gardaí per capita than there were five years ago; — the Programme for Government committed to recruiting at least 5,000 new Garda recruits and additional Garda staff by 2030; — trainee intakes remain far too low to achieve adequate policing levels, with just 619 Gardaí attesting from Templemore in 2025; — during 2025, 29 per cent of Garda Divisions, and 46 per cent of Garda Districts, either lost Garda members or saw no change in numbers; — the numbers of Gardaí unavailable due to suspension has rapidly increased in recent years, with 107 Gardaí suspended at the end of 2025, versus just 39 in December 2018; — over 2025, the number of Community Gardaí fell from 700 to 615; and — there were just 308 Garda Reserve members as of 31st January, 2026, down from 1,164 in 2013; recognises that: — over a year since the formation of the new Government, no new plan has been put in place to increase Garda recruitment and expand the size of the force, in line with public commitments; — morale within the force was severely damaged under the tenure of the previous Garda Commissioner, with the high-profile mistreatment of serving members, and a steady trend of Gardaí leaving the force or retiring early; — serious questions remain about the conduct of the National Bureau of Criminal Investigation and senior Garda leadership towards serving members in the Limerick region, and in the Garda bike loan case; — further serious questions remain unanswered about the procurement and use of inappropriate gun holsters, and the storage of firearms, live scan fingerprints, drugs and cash at Garda Headquarters; and — the Government failed to declare, over seven years, that the previous Garda Commissioner was provided with rent free accommodation through the Office of Public Works, that underwent €400,000 worth of renovations before being made available in 2018; further notes that: — the then Garda Commissioner, Drew Harris, appeared before the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Transport and Communications in May 2024, and stated that an additional 150 Gardaí would be allocated to Roads Policing over 2024 and 2025; — on 31st December, 2023, there were 632 Gardaí allocated to Roads Policing, while on 31st December, 2025, there were 647 Gardaí allocated to Roads Policing, an increase of just 15 members, or 10 per cent of the Commissioner's stated aim; — 40 per cent of the Garda vehicles fleet is over six years old; — significant concerns have been raised regarding the impact of the new Garda Operating Model (GOM) implemented from 2019 onwards, which breaks the link between Gardaí and local communities, in particular in rural areas; — in response to an Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors survey in 2025, 90 per cent of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors indicated that high visibility policing has not increased since the introduction of the GOM, and that the GOM is "unsuitable for rural policing", while 98 per cent of respondents called for an urgent review of the GOM; and — the Policing and Community Safety Authority assessment of An Garda Síochána's policing performance throughout the first half of 2025, found that 11 of 18 performance indicators were "at risk"; acknowledges: — the crucial role played by An Garda Síochána in protecting and serving communities across Ireland; — the critical importance of a locally embedded, well-resourced, modern police service, in enabling communities to flourish; — the crisis of low morale that has been allowed to develop among rank-and-file Gardaí under successive governments, due to consistent under-resourcing and a failing operational policing model, and the impact that crisis has on the ability of An Garda Síochána to perform its critical functions; and — that selective internal investigations within An Garda Síochána have been weaponised against members of the force who raise legitimate concerns, submit protected disclosures or act as whistleblowers; calls on the Government to initiate a public inquiry into the conduct of internal Garda investigations during, and subsequent to, the tenure of the former Garda Commissioner, Drew Harris; and in order to address recruitment shortfalls, improve morale, and strengthen policing in Ireland, further calls on the Government to: — urgently publish a funded plan to ensure at least 1,000 new Gardaí are trained every year; — review the current GOM, and where it is not consistent with effective rural and community policing, to halt its implementation; — enhance the community policing model to standardise rostering in line with other Gardaí, introduce appropriate promotional opportunities, and increase the use of pedal cycles in urban community policing; — increase the Garda training allowance to the equivalent of a starting salary, and review pay and pension issues for serving staff; — provide each Garda District and the communities living there with a clear timeline of when increased numbers of Gardaí will be deployed to address safety concerns and anti-social behaviour, and roll out domestic abuse coordination teams across every region; — commit to a measurable plan to increase roads policing, and invest in the vehicle fleet and Garda equipment; — invest in expanding Templemore Training College and the Garda lands and facilities at Dromard, Clonmore, to ensure at least 1,000 new recruits are trained per year; and — introduce an occupational supplementary pension to the Single Public Service Pension Scheme, as a key retention measure for uniformed service personnel.”
“They have no classroom. It is as simple as that. A huge amount of investment and time has gone into the school over the years. I know because I helped with it. Those are the four schools I am referring to. Will the Minister of State please come back to me? Can we have a meeting with all three Deputies on these four schools? Will more money be coming before 2028?”
“More students are being bussed to Thurles because of the condition of the school. There is an excellent board of management and an excellent chair of that board of management. This is totally wrong. The management of Coláiste Mhuire in Thurles has been managing roof leaks and suspended ceilings, which are health and safety issues, for years. This will be a health and safety issue, if it is not dealt with. Newport College cannot sustain where it is going. It does not have the capacity to manage the volume of students. Let us look at the population index for that area and wonder where the students are going to go if this project does not proceed. Finally, I am going to say it straight out. There are young students in Nenagh who have no classroom facing into September and sixth class, one of the most formative years of their education.”
“I thank the Minister of State and do not doubt his sincerity. I will ask one question very quickly. Will he meet me, and dare I say it, Deputies Lowry and O'Meara along with the ETB about these four schools? Will he please ask the Department to do that? This is not about politics and I want the other two Deputies included. These four schools are in serious trouble. The ETB is very worried, annoyed and angry about what has happened here. In his reply, will the Minister of State also confirm whether any supplemental funding will be available for capital projects or will the school projects I mentioned be pushed out until after 2027? On Coláiste Phobal Ros Cré, I believe there is discrimination going on against Roscrea. It is not a political priority. It is a huge school. The enrolment is dropping.”
“It was a big undertaking by the ETB to take on this school, which used to be the boys' national school, yet it has been left out of this funding. Why are these four schools not in the capital plan and is there any plan to put them in it in the coming weeks and months?”
“An awful lot of social issues have been dealt with hugely by people in the area and by my councillor there, Fiona Bonfield, yet this school was left out. Finally, Nenagh Community National School has approval for three classrooms, staff and children's toilets. It bought the GP surgery next door. This school is in a situation where it does not have a classroom for sixth class and those students are going to have to use the gym. The Department is telling the school there is enough capacity in other schools. Say that to my wife, who is a teacher in the school next door to it. This is the only non-denominational primary school of large scale in Nenagh and it has been turned down for funding. There was nowhere for the sixth class to be educated last year, bar a gym.”
“The school building is leaking in many different locations. There was a meeting about this recently in the Department. The school needs a complete rebuild. The idea that you can stick some modular units on this site is a joke; with the modular units at the moment, you could stick your hands through them. Newport College has received planning approval for its development, which will be a mix of one-, two- and three-storey buildings with a total floor area of over 3,500 sq. m in 20 rooms. It will include 13 classrooms, eight specialist rooms, an SET room, two SEN units and an outdoor play area. Newport is one of the fastest-growing towns in the mid-west. It is a stone's throw from Limerick. It has taken an awful lot of change in the past 30 years given the issues in relation to regeneration in Limerick.”
“This is one of the largest schools in Tipperary and has needed a new school building for many years. I believe it has been in the capital plan for over a decade. It received confirmation it was getting a new school in 2021. I have the letter here. The school had gone for planning for a new replacement 800-pupil school with a 4-class SEN base on the existing site. It was expected this would be an absolute priority given the catchment area and socioeconomic context but it was not included. Coláiste Mhuire Co-Ed in Thurles was built in 1981 and the school building is in terrible shape. It has a fantastic principal and fantastic people. The school had approval to build seven mainstream classrooms, a music room, two multimedia rooms, two science labs, a preparation room, an art room, HSCL tuition rooms and a 2-class SEN base.”
“I was very disappointed, as were the people of north Tipperary, that in the recent capital announcement under the national development plan of 105 schools, only one in the area got funding. St. Anne's School in Roscrea got funding for an extension, which is very welcome as it is a brilliant school. However, a range of schools, and four in particular that I will mention, received considerable correspondence from the Department that to my eyes said they would be included. All are ETB schools. The correspondence is very detailed, they had been advancing these four projects for many years and to say the volume of school projects announced in the likes of Galway when compared with north Tipperary looks skew-ways would be an understatement. I commence with Coláiste Phobal Ros Cré. Roscrea has many socioeconomic issues but fantastic people.”
“This does not just raise questions about the basic dignity and respect these families deserve; it inevitably raises questions about the efficacy of the Government's approach to the legislation. If the Minister is not willing to meet with the families, it raises further questions regarding how we can be confident in the Government's proposals and legislation. Will he please answer that in his reply?”
“I do not understand it. Will he explain why? Is there something we are all missing? This legislation is published, so why will the Minister not do it? Is he being advised not to? There are some times when he has to be brave and say to his officials, "I don't agree with you and I'm willing to do this." Sometimes standing up for what is right is more important than being perfect as regards taking on board advice. The families have serious questions that deserve to be analysed. They have critically examined the legislation. They did not have prior knowledge of it. It was not given to them beforehand but now they have had time to observe it and have been in touch with me and many others in the House.”
“In his reply, he might provide the Dáil with an update on his stance on this. Will he be doing so in the coming weeks? If not, why not? Is there a legal, constitutional basis for not doing so? Is there an updated response as to why he has not done this or will not do it? We have a Bill published. There is something for the families and those affected by this to critically analyse and give their thoughts on. In a dignified way, they have earned, which is the wrong phrase to use, as they deserve the right to a meeting with the Minister to discuss this. The Minister is a reasonable person. He has met others and has had very good meetings with others who requested them. He has dealt with one or two of them in a way I commend him on. Why will he not do it in relation to one of the largest atrocities , if not the largest, on this island ever?”
“We will consider amendments on Committee Stage to deal with this. We did not do pre-legislative scrutiny as a committee; maybe that was a mistake. I know there are time pressures. However, this is very generic and needs more emphasis and focus. Let us remember the bombing took place in 1998, almost 28 years ago. Most officials will probably have retired in the years since. I assume nearly all of them will, especially if they were at a senior level yet the Bill will apply to retired officials only with their advance written consent. Will these provisions give affected families reassurance we can get to the truth? With these open questions, it is deeply concerning the Minister has not met with the families and survivors to discuss the outworkings of this important legislation.”
“Of course, there should be safeguards for those giving evidence, which is essential, but whether the Bill will allow for fulsome investigation is an open question, based on what I just said. The Bill seems to only make provision for oral questions, which must be submitted in advance of vetting. There is no provision for access to records. Will that be sufficient to represent real access to justice for victims and survivors? Will that get to the truth they have been waiting for for so long? It is not prescribed enough or detailed enough. There are so many outs for those who, though they have to be protected under the Constitution, need to give evidence and give access to information, records and data. We will not get all the information these people desperately deserve and require. I hope the Minister takes on board what I am saying.”
“These categories under which co-operation can be refused are so vague that they are meaningless. Given the way this is drafted in the Bill, I fail to see how the head of a designated body is supposed to make such a determination. It is subjective and customisable to their own opinions, rather than giving a confirmed, direct provision for determination by the designated head of any body that is requested to do so. It is really at their will. This needs to be more defined. I am not alone in saying this. Others who have looked at this are saying the same thing. It is too open-ended. It is not defined enough. That is a serious concern because it is at the core of everything in it. That is before we ask the fundamental question of this process, which is whether it allows for full and frank disclosure to get to the truth of what happened.”
“This has to be about the people who have been hurt, who have suffered and who have been bereaved. The right to truth and justice is absolute. It cannot be partial or selective. We need to be committed to dealing fairly with the past, and to justice and legacy mechanisms that meet the relevant standards and the European Convention on Human Rights. While we in the Labour Party welcome this Bill, several questions require consideration and clarification. Under section 5, it is for the head of a designated State body to make a determination as to whether the information they are being asked to provide should be privileged from disclosure on grounds of sovereignty, security or essential interests of the State. Section 6 does largely the same thing for former ministerial office-holders and officials.”
“I am taking this as a delay based on volume rather than anything else because the volume of material being brought forward has been so extensive. The most important thing is that this inquiry, and how we are legislating for our component of it, is survivor-led and independent to progress meaningful truth and reconciliation for victims and survivors of this atrocity. That will take significant work across a breadth of different issues. In recent Dáil statements on Operation Kenova, we commended the body’s rigour, independence and emphasis on survivors. At this juncture, other tragedies, such as the Dublin-Monaghan bombing, must be investigated with the same rigour and independence. Of course, a single Bill or a joint framework will never come close to dealing properly with our past. That is obvious.”
“There is also the extension in relation to Department officials and ministerial office-holders. Facilitating core participants, particularly survivors and family members of victims, to be present to hear the evidence given first hand is very welcome. That the inquiry will be able to ask questions to clarify evidence is also welcome. I have some concerns. The lead counsel said on 19 March 2026 that the new phase of hearings will take place six months later than scheduled. That is a concern. Chapter 3 is the next stage of the hearing, and it will include how the bomb was constructed, warning calls, claims of responsibility, arrests and subsequent court hearings. The delay is due to material originating from the Republic of Ireland not being available.”
“In July 2024, the Government committed to assisting the Omagh bombing inquiry to the extent permissible under the Constitution. I know there are limitations, and that is why we are bringing in this legislation. It was in the programme for Government that we would do so. We have to bring in bespoke legislation in this regard. It is locked in under section 3 of the Criminal Justice (International Co-operation) Act 2019, which has been used previously. The new features of the Bill include extending the mechanism to State bodies other than An Garda Síochána, including both serving and former members of An Garda Síochána, and the Defence Forces, which is necessary and welcome. From a historical point of view, this is more wide-ranging than just those two State bodies.”
“I remember waking up to a new number the following morning. It was horrendous. We talk an awful lot about what is going on in the world, especially at the moment. This was mass murder on our island. It is something that needs to be said in here because it was not said by the first two speakers. The people who carried this out are the lowest of the low. The people who covered it up are equally the lowest of the low and, without a shadow of a doubt, the worst kind of human beings that ever existed on this earth. I would love to use some other language, but I will not because of where I am, but that needs to be said in here, and that has not been said yet. There are people who covered up what happened. We all know it. I very much welcome the trajectory of where the Minister has gone with this, although I have some concerns.”