Chris Andrews
Labour Panel · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I want to move an amendment to No. 1 on the Order Paper, proposing an orderly winding down of the accommodation recognition payment scheme in a way that is fair and efficient. I note today is the last day of Dáil and Seanad sittings before the summer recess.”
“The Government can point to housing and claim that there are huge successes. There is only success for the wealthy, the well-off, the developers and the landlords. They are all delighted with Government policy.”
“Government will say, "Look at the positives", but there are a huge amount of challenges. You need not look any further than the housing crisis. Of course, the Government will point to an increased number of housing developments. However, those housing developments are for the very well-off.”
“We supported the development of housing on the Glass Bottle site. We worked hard to ensure to get more social housing. Unfortunately, the Government would not do that. Now it seems that the so-called "affordable housing" on the Glass Bottle site will be unaffordable.”
“I move amendment No. 14: In page 7, between lines 25 and 26, to insert the following: “Annual report 11. The Minister shall, within the first six months of the year, lay before both Houses of the Oireachtas a report outlining the application of this Act, providing an update on— (a) how many successful actions were brought under section 14…”
“I move amendment No. 2: In page 4, between lines 4 and 5, to insert the following: “ “settlement service” means a service provided in whole or in part within a postal code or relevant occupied territory to which this Act applies;”.”
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“The Irish Government goes on about how it is leading the way and looking for consensus, yet it was afraid to copy and follow the example of Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez and the Spanish Government. It could have built an alliance. That could have created momentum within the EU to show it is possible to introduce a proper occupied territories Bill. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael should be upfront and say that their decision to exclude services was a deliberate political decision and not a legal necessity. Let us be honest about it: this is not a legal position because, as I said, there are many legal counterarguments. It is a political decision. The Government has been very clear that successive American Governments, Democrats and Republicans alike, have put pressure on the Irish Government to stop this legislation.”
“The Government has said that it is legally impossible to include a ban on services, meaning it cannot even try. Why does it not try? Why does it not let somebody take a challenge in the courts and say they are complying with international law and that if the Government feels differently, it should be fought out in the courts? I believe Ireland would win and the Government would have some credibility. Sadly, that is not the way of the current Government. The Government talks about it being legally impossible to pass the occupied territories Bill, but that did not stop Spain from introducing restrictions on services last year. Spain was able to introduce a ban on services.”
“What we have been presented with here today is a gutted, watered-down version. It is a fraudulent copy of Senator Black's occupied territories Bill. The decision to exclude services from what the Government's Bill proposes to sanction is a complete disgrace. Services account for the vast majority of trade between Ireland and the occupied Palestinian territories, and ignoring that fact for the sake of the Government's Bill is blatant hypocrisy. The legal reasons for excluding services are extremely weak, and they seem to hinge on the word of the Attorney General. It is important to remember that the Attorney General is a political appointee. He is not a judge and his opinion can change. There are countless other legal opinions suggesting the Government does not have to go down this road.”
“I remember, foolish me, that I actually believed before the last election that the Government was genuinely going to introduce the occupied territories Bill. I believed there was a real possibility. How foolish was I, and how foolish were the people who voted for and supported Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael in the belief that they would do that? Of course, we should have known better, because within months it became clear that the Government, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, had no intention of passing the occupied territories Bill as introduced by Senator Black and her colleagues in the Seanad. Instead, the Government has subjected the Irish people to bizarre doublespeak in which it has tried to shut down the Bill at every turn while at the same time pretending to be committed to it.”
“Each one of those was positive and good, but recognising the State of Palestine did not actually hold Israel to account. Israel did not like it, but it did not mean that it faced any consequences. It is like when Ireland allocates funding for rebuilding or building schools in the West Bank or Gaza. That is positive but the trouble is that Israel knocks them a week later and Ireland does not hold it to account. It is absolutely demoralising. If Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael had any intention of holding Israel to account for its breaches of international law, for its unspeakable crimes going back decades, for its genocide, occupation and slaughter, the occupied territories Bill would have been made law years ago.”
“Nobody will be happy with this legislation, including people who support international law. A ban on trade in goods alone does not meet our obligations under international law, and the Government has recognised this, yet it is not willing to go further and seek to ensure that we meet our obligations under international law. Recently, the Minister said very clearly in committee that this would go towards compliance. It will go towards compliance but we have an opportunity to actually comply with international law. What is the reason for not doing so? Why are we waiting so long? The Government has been pushing back against the occupied territories Bill for almost ten years now. It has failed to hold Israel to account for ten years. I heard Senator Ahearn give a list of measures taken in support of Palestine and Palestinians.”
“I thank the Minister for coming to the House. The Government's position is unbelievably disappointing and demoralising for people who believe in politics and supporting the rule of international law. As Senator Conway said, it is gesture politics. It is disappointing that the Government is, in effect, gutting what could have been good legislation. It was never going to be a magic wand but it gave Ireland the opportunity to lead and to say to Israel that we saw it and we would not accept the genocide, apartheid and other horrors it was committing, including the slaughter of more than 20,000 children. It was a chance to say to Israel that its actions were not acceptable. Instead of doing that, the Government has gutted Senator Black's Bill and made it meaningless in effect.”
“This is one of the most distressing cases NSPCA inspectors have encountered. No animal should ever suffer or be treated in this way. The NSPCA's post has been widely shared and commented on, with people outraged and amplifying the charity's call for information. It is very important that the Garda investigates this serious animal cruelty properly and issues a public update. It is really important that some information is given to the public. So far there has been no statement from the Garda and no arrests. It is very important that someone is held accountable for this. It is another example of failure of animal welfare in this country. I would be more than happy to see the Ministers for agriculture and justice come to the House to debate and discuss animal welfare across the board.”
“There is plenty of evidence that there is no transparency or accountability in the greyhound racing industry. The Committee of Public Accounts is already investigating some of the issues related to greyhound racing. On another issue, Leader, the charred remains of a dog were found in Ballymun last week. This dog was so badly damaged it was nearly impossible to identify it. Animal welfare officers described it as one of the most distressing cases they had ever encountered. NSPCA animal rescue made the grim discovery on Thursday and said in a social media post that inspectors did everything possible to identify the animal, including scanning for a microchip. Tragically, the remains were so badly damaged that identification was not possible. The NSPCA added that what appeared to be a stick or pole was lodged in the dog's body.”
“I missed Senator Kennelly's comments, as I was a bit late getting up, but I believe that the Senator has asked me to withdraw or retract a statement I made. Yesterday, I made the statement that the greyhound industry "has a shocking dog welfare record. It is absolutely shocking and there is no transparency or accountability." Hell will freeze over before I will retract that because there is any amount of evidence. There is no transparency. There is no accountability.”
“Before the Senator rises, I welcome Ferns Diocesan Youth Service, FDYS, a group of Traveller women who are guests of Deputy Lawlor. They are welcome. It is important that young women are involved in and engaged with politics, because whether or not they like all the old men, this is where decisions are made. It is important that people engage. I also welcome another group with Deputy Ó Súilleabháin. They are welcome. I know they will all be well looked after. It is great to see them here. It is important that everyone is here.”
“Before we move to the next Commencement matter, I welcome Lisa McInerney and her friend Leah Farrall to the Public Gallery. Leah is visiting us from Australia and has worked for many years as an official in the Parliament of Australia. They are guests of Senator Conway. I hope they have a nice visit. They are in good hands.”
“I move amendment No. 6: In page 26, between lines 27 and 28, to insert the following: "(2) The Director shall require all service providers to provide statistical information in relation to all orders received, including, by the data category requested, the addressees, the situation (emergency case or not), grounds for refusal by category, by country of origin.".”
“Consider where the records go before a judge for him or her to decide whether something is relevant. If it is a big file, does the judge redact all the material that he or she feels is not relevant to the case? There could be material that is irrelevant but could be used to hurt the abused person or the survivor.”
“The Minister of State might say that the legal system here is different and has different safeguards, and that would be true, but is she willing to stand over whichever legal system in the EU may provide the least protection to survivors? That would, in effect, be Ireland playing a supporting role in the lowest common denominator of European justice systems.”
“I move amendment No. 5: In page 21, between lines 34 and 35, to insert the following: “(9) Counselling records in relation to sexual offence trials shall not be processed under this Act.”. Over recent months, the Oireachtas discussed the disclosure of counselling notes during sexual offence trials in a domestic context. This amendment gets to the core of concerns with this Bill. What if a court in another jurisdiction ordered the release of counselling notes held by an Irish service provider, such as one that provides data storage? Is the Minister of State willing to stand over legal protection for survivors of domestic, sexual or gender-based violence that is less than what we would provide for people in Ireland?”
“I move amendment No. 4: In page 17, between lines 3 and 4, to insert the following: “(2) Notwithstanding this section, the Minister shall, no later than 31 July, publish guidance notes for small to medium-sized service providers to promote compliance with their obligations under this Act.”.”
“3 is intended, at the very least, to ensure that the Oireachtas has a full overview of the details, scale and volume of orders being processed in Ireland and the volume and associated cost being processed through this office. Similarly, amendment No. 6 seeks to ensure that the director is supplied with the bare minimum level of information required to understand the burden being placed on our SMEs as well as to identify any potential trends of abuse of process and make sure that we are not unintentionally supporting them.”
“A significant concern raised on Dáil Committee Stage was the scale of the potential cost of the office. Deputies were not reassured by the officials. We know it is going to begin with a €2.8 million budget for this year, which will provide for 29 staff and associated costs. There are suggestions that staffing levels could reach upwards of 150. While the Department seems to think that the impact on the courts would be minimal, the Courts Service itself stated that limited data was available about the number of cases that may arise after commencement. Combined with the unknown outworkings of the Minister's reform to criminal legal aid and the EU Presidency putting pressure on the ability of gardaí to attend courts, who knows what type of backlog our courts will be facing after the summer? Amendment No.”
“I move amendment No. 3: In page 16, between lines 23 and 24, to insert the following: “(4) Such an annual report shall contain statistical data in relation to— (a) the number of orders which were notified to the Director, (b) the number of orders that were refused, (c) the number of agreements entered into with service providers under section 40(1) and the status thereof by category, (d) the number of instances whereby a court confirmed, set aside, replaced, or remitted either the decision or financial penalty of an adjudicating officer, (e) the number of instances whereby the Director failed to sanction or refuse an order within the required timeframe, and (f) the whole-time equivalent allocation, by cost, by role, including the data category requested, the addressees, the situation (emergency case or not), grounds for refusal by category, number of court appearances, by country of origin.”.”
“Sinn Féin appreciates that mechanisms exist allowing for an adjudicator to opt not to impose a financial penalty in terms of micro-SMEs where requests are out of hours. However, some of these orders can have compliance times measured in hours, not days. Even an SME with 20 to 30 staff might struggle to have an appropriately trained person on hand effectively 24-7 who is able to process a request within those incredibly limited timeframes. Therefore, if these new obligations are to be placed on SMEs, the Government must hold up its end of the bargain and ensure that SMEs are adequately prepared before any financial penalties can even be considered to be brought to bear.”
“Has this happened and will it be available by the time obligations are in force? Will SMEs be trained on it in advance? What is particularly concerning is that the Department has as yet no idea of the number of microenterprises with fewer than nine employees that will have to meet their obligation but does know, according to its own report, that SMEs will incur additional administrative costs. Further to amendment No. 2, amendment No. 4 is needed to ensure that guidance has been provided to SMEs in advance of obligations kicking in. Likewise, amendment No. 7 seeks to protect SMEs should the Government's delay in bringing forward this legislation by the transposition deadline last February result in them being unready. Guidance must be provided and the online portal must be ready.”
“For SMEs not already engaged in voluntary direct co-operation activities, the e-evidence package presents a new regulatory burden that comes with potential legal, administrative and technical costs. SMEs that do not designate an addressee, for example, or that fail to comply with the e-evidence directive or regulation will be exposed to administrative penalties. While many large service providers will create their own infrastructure to connect with the decentralised IT system, a requirement for SMEs to do the same would have a disproportionate impact. That report says that consideration is being given to the development of a web-based interface, which will allow service providers to communicate securely with authorities without having to establish their own infrastructure.”
“While it is expected that a small handful of big tech companies will receive 90% of the requests, that still leaves a sizeable volume in terms of SMEs. The Department's SME test stated that for SMEs in particular the requirement under the e-evidence package for authorities to nominate an addressee as a single point of contact for law enforcement authorities seeking to access electronic evidence will make it easier and more affordable for service provides to authenticate production orders. However, the most significant burden on SMEs identified by the Commission's assessment is the obligation to designate and empower a legal representative. This is all taken directly from the Department's regulatory analysis.”
“I move amendment No. 2: In page 15, between lines 14 and 15, to insert the following: “(g) ensure minimal administrative burden is placed on small to medium-sized service providers.”. Ireland has a particular responsibility in terms of this legislation, given the number of service providers based here. Up to 600 service providers could be designated as addresses and they are expected to receive upwards of 300,000 orders annually as opposed to the 2,000 orders it is expected that Ireland will issue to service providers across all other EU states. As such, there is a concern as to the administrative burden that this would place on SMEs. It is right, therefore, that the director has it as a function to ensure this burden is minimised. Amendment No. 2 seeks to address the point.”
“Amendment No. 1 would introduce such a mechanism and prevent Ireland from being locked into agreements with states from which we diverge in regard to the rule of law and human rights. A case in point is that Ireland is currently stuck in the EU-Israel Association Agreement, seemingly without recourse and blocked from taking any action by other member states. We should not have signed up to that agreement. I hope we all agree that signing the agreement was a mistake. We have no ability to unilaterally leave it. We should avoid locking future Governments into that sort of position.”
“I move amendment No. 1: In page 10, between lines 33 and 34, to insert the following: “8. The Minister, having consulted with the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, may by regulation direct that the Director suspend cooperation, in part or in full, with a state in breach of— (a) the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation, or (b) Article 6 of the Treaty on European Union, or whereby cooperation would place Ireland in breach of Article 6 of the Treaty on European Union.”. We have seen in the past where democratic backsliding has occurred in EU member states, most notably Hungary, in terms of the rule of law and interference with the courts. There needs to be a mechanism available to Ireland which ensures that, where appropriate and necessary, we can suspend co-operation with the consent of the Ministers for justice and foreign affairs.”
“I know the Government has made an investment but I strongly believe it is not enough. It is a long way off enough. I believe €3.5 million has been allocated to the academy structures but compare this to the greyhound industry, which gets €19 million every year and it has a shocking dog welfare record. It is absolutely shocking and there is no transparency or accountability. League of Ireland football needs to be backed. We need to invest in players like Pico, we need to ensure the resources and facilities are there and we need to back Irish men's and women's football and back ourselves. The goodwill is there and Pico has shown that it can be done. If the belief and investment are there, we need to just get on and do it and back Irish football.”
“Pico Lopes returned with his wife Leah and baby Diego yesterday and it is amazing story. It is a fantastic uplifting story. I know the Leader loves his football. Pico is a real advert for Irish football and League of Ireland football. He has spent all of his career in the League of Ireland, playing with a couple of different clubs, including Shamrock Rovers for the past nine or ten years and achieving great success I am glad to say. It highlights that we need to invest in the League of Ireland, which has massive potential. When we see what Pico has done, there are so many players like him, who just need to be given the chance and invested in, and they will deliver for Irish football and League of Ireland football. We need more investment in facilities and academies.”
“Victims and survivors like those here in the Gallery believed the justice system would protect them, expected they would get justice and thought justice would help them to heal. If their personal notes go to their abusers, they will be retraumatised and they will not get the justice they need and deserve. The example of Paula is a concrete example of where handing over notes to an abuser damages everybody - the justice system and victims and survivors. Survivors are now debating whether they choose between counselling or court because they do not believe they can do both. The Minister has the chance to change this and allow survivors to heal by doing counselling and going to court. It is really important to ensure counselling notes are not handed over, retraumatising survivors and victims. I support these amendments.”
“In particular, it is vital that this legislation caps the scale of breeding establishments to prevent industrial-scale breeding operations. The DSPCA and many other groups have recommended a cap of 30 breeding females, and I believe that the Minister, Deputy Heydon, and the Department of agriculture need to be willing to engage on this point.”
“Many of these high-volume breeding establishments are well known to have atrocious animal welfare standards, yet they are able to make huge profits on dogs.ie . Allowing sellers such as these to use the site was a deliberate choice by dogs.ie to facilitate puppy farming and it is wrong. It is my belief that people should adopt dogs from local shelters or purchase them directly from reputable breeding establishments that are visibly in compliance with strict animal welfare standards, rather than via online platforms that can be used by breeders who act in bad faith to hide abusive practices behind a polished advertisement. I welcome the Government’s upcoming legislation in this area. It will make a difference if enacted and properly enforced, but there are significant gaps.”
“These sorts of websites clearly incentivise and reward extractive breeding practices that can place profit over the well-being of dogs. Dogs.ie openly told me via email that it takes no responsibility for the physical conditions at the establishments they facilitate. That to me is completely unacceptable and shows the urgent need for these websites to be further regulated and made liable for the breeders and sellers that they choose to platform. A casual browse of dogs.ie will show many dogs advertised for sale from puppy farms with 100, 200 and up to 300 breeding females on site. That is 300 dogs, excluding the puppies, at any given time locked up and used to pump out puppies. I would not even call that a puppy farm. I would call that a puppy factory.”
“Two weeks ago in this House, I stated that users of the website dogs.ie can be 99% sure that they are buying a puppy farm dog. I want to correct this previous statement. I clarify that there is only an alarmingly high probability they are buying a puppy farm dog. Dogs.ie is an American-based website that is central to the puppy farming we have in this country. It provides breeders and sellers an opaque online marketplace that allows them to easily turn a profit. Industrial-scale puppy farms clearly make huge profits from this platform. Dogs.ie states that it does not actively encourage puppy farming or exploitative breeding, but it is clear that it is more than happy to turn a blind eye to abusive practices if this means extracting a profit.”
“If this is the trend for the next six months it will have very grave effects on our neutrality. It is very important for the Minister for foreign affairs to clarify this issue and state whether Ireland is entering into a de facto military alliance for the duration of the Presidency. The European Presidency offers a huge opportunity and we have to grasp it. We should not be seen as just a back-up band for Ursula von der Leyen and militarisation.”
“The EU is pushing for deregulation as a means of increasing competitiveness and stimulating economic growth. I fully accept that economic growth is urgently needed but deregulation that comes at the cost of workers is not a step forward. Separately, I am very concerned about the defensive aspects of this Presidency. Yesterday, it was revealed that a French warship will be operating just off the coast of Ireland as part of the security arrangements for EU events in Dublin. This is very questionable on a legal level given that the Constitution clearly prohibits maintaining foreign military forces within our border. Ireland should not be in a position that we are relying on NATO for basic security purposes. The lack of preparation and investment by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael in our Defence Forces has unfortunately made this a reality.”
“That might well be worth the cost if the Government delivers real results but, unfortunately, there have been quite clear signs from Ministers that Ireland intends only to be an EU functionary rather than using this rare opportunity to advance specific Irish interests. We should be using this Presidency to put Irish unity back on the agenda in Brussels and we should be convening a summit to examine reunification, push for representation of Irish citizens in the North within EU institutions and advancing support for unity at the Council level. We should also be leading an effort to scrap the EU-Israel Association Agreement and push for EU recognition of Palestine and for sanctions to be placed on illegal Israeli settlements. Concerns also exist regarding our approach to competitiveness and neutrality with this Presidency.”
“I want to acknowledge and congratulate Cricket Ireland. Over the weekend it had absolutely fantastic success, with three huge wins. It will be remembered in Irish cricketing history. The Irish men beat India and the Irish women had their first win in the T20 world cup. It is a fantastic achievement. The big three sports are well supported but it shows that it is important to support and invest in smaller sports like that, so I acknowledge Cricket Ireland’s success. I also want to acknowledge today is the first day of Ireland’s EU Presidency. It is an important opportunity for Ireland to secure its interests at a European level. Up to €400 million is set to be spent on this Presidency. That is many times more than what was spent by the last two Presidency countries combined.”
“More importantly, we need a complete change in course of direction when it comes to our energy system. The best pathway for Ireland's future is to achieve energy independence through renewable energy, particularly with wind energy, delivered for the public good and not for corporate profit.”
“Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine sent energy costs through the roof back in 2022, their profits have only increased. It is standard practice by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael that ordinary people are the first to bear the brunt of any crisis and corporations are the last. For decades, they declined to properly invest in renewable energy and building a resilient, self-sufficient system. Now, they expect the public to foot the bill for their failures. Ordinary people did not create this energy crisis and they should not be forced to pay for the Government's failure to build a functional supply system. We need immediate action by this Government to bring household electricity prices down, including a reintroduction of energy tax credits and an extension of VAT cuts.”
“Heaven and earth has been moved by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to keep big tech happy but not a thought has been given to the effect these data centres have on ordinary people. They have been rolling out the red carpet for data centres, which are leading directly to higher energy costs for households, while only offering scraps to those who are paying the price. If the Government is serious about protecting consumers from disruptions and price shocks in our electricity supply, it should be setting price caps preventing energy companies from charging households extortionate rates when there is market volatility. The companies have been making record profits year after year. They can afford to feel the pinch, unlike the rest of us.”
“Some 300,000 households are struggling to pay their bills, which seem to be increasing every single month, but all we get from Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are self-praise and temporary half-measures. The reality is that our electricity system is working just as intended. The energy companies are making record profits, and corporate interests, particularly data centres, get priority access to our grid. Skyrocketing bills for families and small businesses are a side effect of a system that prioritises profit over the public good. More and more data centres are being built across the country, sucking up vast amounts of electricity and sending demand through the roof. The Government has been fighting tooth and nail against any criticism of these data centres or the right of tech companies to build them here in Ireland.”
“I am saying that. In effect, the Government Senators recognise there is so much more that can be done. It is hard not to be cynical when Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael put forward a motion in the Seanad on what the State should be doing, as though they were not the ones holding the reins of power in this State. The motion suggests that the CRU, a body that is responsible to a Fianna Fáil Minister, should try telling electricity companies to treat consumers slightly better, and otherwise give the Government a pat on the back for supposedly doing a bang-up job in keeping electricity prices down. This is in spite of Ireland having the highest electricity prices in Europe and Dublin being the most expensive city in the EU for household electricity.”
“I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Brophy. If Senator O'Loughlin is in agreement, we will take her Commencement matter in advance of that of Senator P. J. Murphy to allow the latter some time to prepare.”
“Aquinas, that is right. I apologise to Fr. Casey for butchering his name. Fr. Casey and Sr. Carmel are guests of Deputy Noel McCarthy. I also welcome the members of the Ballyvolane Community Association group and Ballyphehane Day Care Centre, who are guests of Deputy Ken O'Flynn and the Taoiseach, Deputy Micheál Martin. They are all very welcome. I hope that they have a nice day.”
“I welcome Grace and Ciara from Mayo, who are the guests of Deputy Keira Keogh. I have no doubt Deputy Keogh is looking after them both. I also add my congratulations to Alison Field. It is a huge honour. I have no doubt she will represent Dublin with huge grace and determination. As the Cathaoirleach said, it is great to see her here.”
“(4) A report under this section shall be laid before each House of the Oireachtas as soon as practicable after its completion.”.”
“(2) A report under subsection (1) shall include anonymised information in relation to— (a) the number of disclosure applications made, (b) the number of such applications granted, refused, or withdrawn, (c) the categories of applicable records sought, (d) the stage in proceedings at which applications are made, and (e) any other matters that the Minister considers appropriate for the purpose of promoting transparency and public understanding of the operation of section 19A of the Criminal Evidence Act 1992. (3) In preparing a report under this section, the Minister shall ensure that no information is included that could reasonably lead to the identification of any complainant or other person to whom an applicable record relates.”
“I move amendment No. 22: In page 23, after line 34, to insert the following: “Annual reporting and publication of anonymised data 17. (1) The Minister shall, in respect of each calendar year, cause to be compiled and published a report containing anonymised statistical data relating to the operation of section 19A of the Criminal Evidence Act 1992.”
“(3) The Minister shall, as soon as practicable after the completion of a review under this section, prepare and lay before each House of the Oireachtas a report setting out— (a) the findings of the review, and (b) any recommendations for legislative or administrative changes arising from those findings.”.”