Chris Andrews
Labour Panel · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I want to move an amendment to No. 1 on the Order Paper, proposing an orderly winding down of the accommodation recognition payment scheme in a way that is fair and efficient. I note today is the last day of Dáil and Seanad sittings before the summer recess.”
“The Government can point to housing and claim that there are huge successes. There is only success for the wealthy, the well-off, the developers and the landlords. They are all delighted with Government policy.”
“Government will say, "Look at the positives", but there are a huge amount of challenges. You need not look any further than the housing crisis. Of course, the Government will point to an increased number of housing developments. However, those housing developments are for the very well-off.”
“We supported the development of housing on the Glass Bottle site. We worked hard to ensure to get more social housing. Unfortunately, the Government would not do that. Now it seems that the so-called "affordable housing" on the Glass Bottle site will be unaffordable.”
“I move amendment No. 14: In page 7, between lines 25 and 26, to insert the following: “Annual report 11. The Minister shall, within the first six months of the year, lay before both Houses of the Oireachtas a report outlining the application of this Act, providing an update on— (a) how many successful actions were brought under section 14…”
“I move amendment No. 2: In page 4, between lines 4 and 5, to insert the following: “ “settlement service” means a service provided in whole or in part within a postal code or relevant occupied territory to which this Act applies;”.”
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“To not call this out is complete cowardice. Ireland has a responsibility at intergovernmental level when it comes to opposing Israel's actions in supporting the Palestinian people, but bending the knee to Brussels at every opportunity is directly undermining that responsibility. Our second amendment calls on the Government to take decisive action to punish Israel for its illegal and plainly unjust actions. The EU-Israel Association Agreement needs to be suspended at an EU level. I hope the Government is doing everything it can to have that agreement scrapped but that does not justify its refusal to take any action at member state level.”
“The first rightly includes a condemnation of the EU's inaction when it comes to Israel's genocide and the openly supportive approach taken by Commission President, Ursula von der Leyen, and by a number of member states, particularly Germany, which are the second and third largest suppliers of weapons to Israel behind the United States. This motion is correct in that the EU does need to uphold its core values and that the EU can no longer remain silent or inactive as Israel directly goes against these values. However, it is bizarre to me that there is not a word of condemnation for the EU's direct complicity in Israel's actions within this motion. Israel's genocide would not have occurred without the support of the political cover and direct military aid given by European countries and by the European Commission.”
“While Fianna Fáil refuses to sanction Israel using any of the powers at its disposal in Government Buildings to actually hold Israel to account, it is happy to offer empty words here in the Seanad. Sinn Féin fully supports the stated intention of this motion, which is to call for the EU-Israel Association Agreement to be suspended. That agreement should have been scrapped a long time ago. That said, it is absolutely shameless to propose this motion when Fianna Fáil and its coalition partners are cowardly sitting on their hands over in Government Buildings when it comes to standing up to Israel. For this reason, Sinn Féin has tabled two amendments to this motion.”
“If the Government had any backbone or desire to stand up for human rights, it would immediately pass Frances Black’s occupied territories Bill, impose sanctions and stop the UEFA Nations League game against Israel from going ahead. It is absolutely shameful. Instead, what the Government is doing now is cowering in the face of imperialism while doing its best to save face with the Irish people. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael know full well the electorate is resolutely on the side of the Palestinians and cares deeply about the situation in Gaza. The Government wants to offer the bare minimum when it comes to signalling solidarity but without actually taking any form of action. That is why Fianna Fáil Senators have put forward this motion to call on the EU to suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement.”
“Thousands have been killed in Gaza and countless more have had their homes, lives and futures destroyed by the Israeli war machine. In the West Bank, Palestinians are subjected to an apartheid regime, internment and unrestrained violence by fascist Israeli settlers. We have concrete options at our disposal to punish Israel for its crimes and to provide leadership in the international community, yet our Government is unwilling to offer anything beyond empty words and condemnation. Israel's actions and the Irish Government's inaction are nothing new. We have a do-nothing Government that is doing absolutely nothing to stand up to Israel.”
“For the past eight years, the Government has shamefully delayed, blocked and stalled the occupied territories Bill at every single turn, all the while telling the Irish people it is committed to passing the occupied territories Bill through the Oireachtas. It has been pure double-speak to tell the public it will stand up for human rights and international law while in reality the Government sits down after even the slightest resistance. The version of the occupied territories Bill being advanced by the Government is a shadow of the real legislation and, crucially, leaves out sanctions on services, which make up the overwhelming majority of trade with the illegal Israeli settlements. Year after year, Israel commits unspeakable crimes against the Palestinian people.”
“I move amendment No. 15: In page 4, between lines 19 and 20, to insert the following: "(4) For the avoidance of doubt, awards under an international agreement referred to in subsection (1) shall not be enforceable or recognised in the State if such awards were sought in a foreign jurisdiction or an international body.".”
“I move amendment No. 13: In page 4, between lines 18 and 19, to insert the following: “(b) international agreements, conventions or treaties which the State is already party to, including but not limited to: (i) the Agreement done at Paris on 12 December 2015; (ii) the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development; (iii) the Convention on Biological Diversity; (iv) the Aarhus Convention; (v) the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; (vi) conventions of the International Labour Organisation,”.”
“Private investors have received over $100 billion in investor-state dispute settlements through the courts. That figure comes from the dispute settlement tracker. How does the Minister of State explain that? Investors have made $100 billion. Is that going to continue? It is hard to understand how he can justify saying this will work.”
“According to the most comprehensive analysis yet by the ISDS tracker, the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, IPCC, has specifically called out investor courts as an impediment to climate action. I note a recent report by Climate Action Network Europe demonstrating that investor courts are incompatible with a just transition. When we speak about climate action, we all agree on the need to bring people with us and ensure a just transition for workers and communities. These courts are obstacles to that goal. They allow fossil fuel companies to exert great influence over public policy and essentially give polluters a stick to beat governments with when they decide to regulate in the interest of their citizens.”
“Amendment No. 13 seeks to expand the compatibility list concerning awards that have never been enforceable in the State to include the Paris Agreement, the sustainable development goals, the Convention on Biological Diversity, the Aarhus Convention, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and conventions of the International Labour Organization. Awards made by investor courts could undermine action to fulfil our obligations under these conventions, all of which the State is a party to and obliged to uphold. We need to be really clear that the most prolific users of investor courts are the fossil fuel multinationals destroying our planet. More than €100 billion in public money has been awarded to private investors in investor-state dispute settlement courts.”
“This would undermine the conclusiveness and sovereignty of our courts system and I am not convinced that this Bill, as it stands, has clarified that.”
“This is a really important clarification we need because the House is being asked to pass legislation on foot of a Supreme Court ruling without pre-legislative scrutiny or a commitment that the Government will not guillotine the debate, which is happening. We also need to examine the issue of automatic enforcement, which was aired quite extensively in the Costello case. In 2022, the Supreme Court found that the ratification of CETA would detract from the jurisdiction of the Irish courts, contrary to the Constitution, because a judgment at the CETA tribunal would be made virtually automatically enforceable in the High Court and the High Court would have no power to refuse enforcement, even where the award fundamentally compromised the Irish Constitution or EU law.”
“For example, if a government made a decision to oppose a Private Members' Bill or an amendment based on the threat of potentially being sued under these international agreements, is the Minister of State be of the opinion that this would compromise the constitutional order of the State, particularly Article 15 of the Constitution? If any government decided not to provide a money message for a Bill due to fear of litigation, would that compromise the constitutional order of the State? On the autonomy of the legal order of the European Union, does this mean the treaties, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, the CJEU, case law and directives or regulations?”
“There was discussion in the other House about the lack of concrete definition of what that would mean and our amendment seeks to add some form of clarity to that. The proposed subsection 3B is clear that the definitions we have provided are non-exhaustive. The Minister of State previously defended the vague and unexplained definitions that are currently in the Bill. I want him to clarify what he understands these terms to mean. This Bill will have profound consequences on the right to regulate and for the prerogatives of the House to exercise our constitutional functions.”
“(3B) For the avoidance of doubt, the categories in subsections (3) and (3A) are not closed. (3C) An application for leave under subsection (2)(i) shall be determined on notice to the parties and after hearing such parties as the Court considers appropriate. (3D) The burden of establishing that leave should be granted and that none of the grounds requiring refusal under subsection (3) to (3B) arises shall rest on the party seeking enforcement.”. Amendment No. 11 seeks to add clarity to the situation where the High Court can set aside an award made by investor courts falling within the scope of this Bill. Currently, the wording is that awards are not and never were enforceable if they compromise the constitutional order of the State or the autonomy of the legal order of the EU.”
“(3A) Without prejudice to the generality of subsection (3), enforcement shall be refused where the High Court is satisfied that the award (or the reasons for the award) involves any of the following: (a) is founded on a determination that an action or decision of the people, at a Referendum in accordance with the provisions of Article 46 or Article 47 of the Constitution, constituted or contributed to a breach of the international treaty in question, (b) is based upon, or gives effect to, a refusal by the relevant tribunal to follow a material decision of the Court of Justice of the European Union, (c) is inconsistent with, or would require the State (or any organ of the State) to act inconsistently with, a final and conclusive decision of an Irish court, (d) is founded on a determination that an Irish court has denied justice or committed a fundamental breach of due process in judicial proceedings, in circumstances where enforcement would amount in substance to a collateral attack on the finality and conclusiveness of such decision, (e) would impose on the State liability in damages in respect of the enactment or maintenance of a legislative measure (or a measure having the force of law) enacted in good faith within the State’s constitutional order, or (f) would otherwise be at odds in a material way with the legislative and juridical autonomy of the State.”
“I move amendment No. 11: In page 4, to delete lines 14 to 19 and substitute the following: “(3) The High Court shall refuse leave under subsection (2)(i) where, having considered the matters in subsections (3A) and (3B), it considers that enforcement of the award would— (a) materially compromise the constitutional identity of the State, (b) materially compromise fundamental principles of the constitutional order of the State, or (c) materially compromise the State’s obligation (reflected in Article 29.4.4 of the Constitution) to give effect to European Union law (including the Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms) and to preserve its coherence and integrity.”
“I move amendment No. 9: In page 4, line 10, after “Court” to insert “, and only after the High Court has determined the application in accordance with subsections (3) to (3C),”. I will speak very briefly to amendment No. 9. This is a consequential amendment, relevant to amendment No. 11, which seeks to insert subsections 3 to 3C. I will speak to that amendment when we come to it. I will withdraw the amendment with the intention to table it on Report Stage.”
“Some people may have been there on the night and left early. They may have lost a coat. They may have been in circumstances whereby they suffered life-altering and devastating consequences. Jimmy Fitzpatrick had serious burns and injuries. It is important that the Minister meets and engages with them. It is the least they deserve. They have been through an awful lot since 1981 when the 48 children were killed. It is imperative that the Minister meets them. I ask that we raise the matter with the Minister to ensure there is some engagement and consider the payment plan, which seems very unfair to those worst affected.”
“The scheme, as it currently stands, has faced considerable criticism from many of the worst affected survivors of this tragic event. It gives no consideration to the severity of injury or experience and gives a flat rate of compensation, rather than one proportionate to the individual cases. The Government claims that this decision was taken to streamline the compensation process and make it easier for survivors to receive payment. It was taken without consulting the survivors or campaigners. Yesterday, some of those families expressed their concern and hurt that they heard about the new payment scheme through the media. There has been no engagement with them. They are upset. The least they deserve is some sort of engagement. There is considerable inequality in not recognising differences.”
“I propose an amendment to the Order of Business to the effect that debate on the Arbitration (Amendment) Bill 2025 should adjourn at 2:30 p.m., and not conclude at that time. This is important legislation and the Government should not force it through the Oireachtas without proper scrutiny. Pre-legislative scrutiny was denied and the debate in the Dáil was cut short. The same should not happen in the Seanad. Dozens of important amendments need to be discussed and I urge the Government parties to show some respect to the Seanad and its role in scrutinising legislation. They should allow us to do the job that we are paid to do. I also raise the payment scheme for the Stardust fire victims. Yesterday, they gave a presentation in the audiovisual room. They are upset and quite angry, and understandably so.”
“I ask that the Minister gives some insight as to why he has refused to meet the Pearse House residents and the Glass Bottle residents' group. I second the motion.”
“Maybe the Minister could give some insight as to why he is refusing to meet the Glass Bottle residents' groups who have worked tirelessly to ensure the community is involved and housing is delivered in Ringsend and on Pearse Street. Another group of residents who have been looking to meet the Minister but he has avoiding them is the Pearse House residents. The Minister pulled the regeneration of their flax complex and he came up with a yellow-pack version for the regeneration of Pearse House. The residents have asked to meet the Minister and he has refused to meet them. The least they deserve is to meet with the Minister, engage with him and figure out a way of delivering better homes for families in Pearse Street. That is all they deserve. They deserve that and it is the least they deserve.”
“It is failing social housing tenants, who are completely ignored by the State unless they miss a rent cheque. It is failing prospective buyers, who are seeing house prices constantly go up. The Government needs for once to admit it has made a mistake when it comes to housing. It is well past time to start putting renters and tenants first, not last. I would like to ask the Minister about the Glass Bottle site, which I have raised here previously. There is ongoing concern that the groups down there that have worked with the Government, Dublin City Council and the developers are being ignored by the Minister. They have put in a request to meet the Minister and he has failed to meet them. It is hard to understand why.”
“A family would need a six-figure income in order to afford to rent an apartment in this city. In new-build developments like the glass bottle site, rents are completely out of reach for all but a tiny, wealthy proportion of the population. Across the city, developers will not lower the rents on new-build apartment buildings, as that would reduce the speculative value of their properties. As a result, the buildings lie empty, while people sleep on the streets. We have homes without people and people without homes. A housing system that prioritises property values and investor profits over the public need is a broken system. That is what this motion is ultimately about. Our housing system is failing. It is failing renters, who are extorted for all they earn.”
“The only solution will be for the Government to turn this disastrous approach around, institute an immediate rent freeze and eviction ban and accelerate the delivery of social and genuinely affordable homes. Social and affordable housing is ultimately the key to bringing down rents and ensuring that everyone who needs a home has a home. Cities like Vienna have a far healthier and affordable rental market, with housing costs in many cases half of what they are in Dublin. This is a direct result of 60% of homes in that city being owned either by the state or their version of approved housing bodies. In Vienna, a two-bedroom apartment can be found for just over €1,000 per month. In Dublin, that same apartment would cost an average of €2,500 a month, or over €30,000 a year.”
“The Government knowingly pushed rental inflation to its highest level in a quarter of a century, solely in the hope that it will give additional incentives to developers and speculators. This is a perfect example of the Government's misguided approach to housing. Tenants are the last to benefit from Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael's housing policies while developers are the first, and often only ones, to gain from Government policy. The solution to the housing crisis is not going to be found by further tightening the noose on private renters and social housing tenants and it will not be found by selling out the country to foreign speculators and developers whose only interest is delivering a profit for their shareholders.”
“Now, the Government has announced yet another housing plan, this time named Delivering Homes, Building Communities 2025-2030, which rehashes all the failed policies of the past decade. A critical piece in this new housing policy was the Government's rent-hike legislation, which has led to the fastest quarterly rise in rents since 2002. Under these new rules, landlords have been able to hike rents up to the highest possible market rate regardless of where they were before. This means that in the first quarter of 2026, the average private rent has jumped a staggering 7.8% in just three months. In that same period, eviction notices were up over 50%, as landlords looked to end their existing tenancy agreements and replace them with new agreements that are not exempt from these new rules.”
“Social housing in this State was designed to be a safety net, but it is clearly not working if someone is falling for ten years before being caught in that safety net. Since 2014, Governments have announced housing plan after housing plan that promised to get our housing system back on track and end the housing crisis once and for all. How many times have we heard that? First came the social housing strategy under the Labour Party-Fine Gael austerity Government. Then came Rebuilding Ireland, which only made the housing crisis worse. Then we had Housing for All, which failed to meet its targets or improve access to housing. Each of these plans was an abject failure and the housing crisis has continued without a dent being made in it.”
“We are now well into a new Government term, and this goal of 200,000 homes, which itself was already too low, has still not been met. Rents and homelessness have increased year on year. Buying a home is only getting more difficult and more out of reach for working families. Rental properties are only getting harder to find, especially for those on HAP. Social housing is practically non-existent for the vast majority of people who need it and the conditions in existing social housing complexes are often unliveable due to poor maintenance and a lack of facilities. If someone were to join the Dublin City Council social housing list today, they are likely to be waiting a full decade, if not longer, before being offered a home.”
“I first commend the work my colleague Deputy Eoin Ó Broin has done in the area of housing, particularly for those in social housing and private rental properties, by leading the way in showing that there is an alternative model for our housing system. There is a lot of hopelessness among the public right now when it comes to the housing crisis and a lack of belief that the challenges we face in terms of affordability and access to decent housing can be overcome. This is hardly a surprise when we look at the housing Ministers we have been graced with in the past decade or more. In 2020, before the formation of the previous coalition Government, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael stood before the Irish people and pledged to build 200,000 new homes during their term in office. This goal was not met.”
“The people who killed Alex Coughlan must be brought to justice and must face the consequences of their absolutely brutal assault. It seems it was carried out by two 16-year-olds who stole a wallet while recording the assault. Killers like them must be held to account. Right across the city, whether in Ringsend, Blanchardstown, Pearse Street or elsewhere, people feel unsafe. Garda numbers in the south inner-city have, in effect, been stagnant for the past decade, despite rapid population growth. That is reflected on the streets. People in communities around City Quay are constantly worried about their safety. Life in that part of the city has become very challenging. The Garda does not have the resources it needs. It is really important to get more gardaí on the streets to make them safer.”
“I support Senator Stephenson's Bill. It is beyond disappointing the way the Government looks at the other way in relation to the transportation of munitions through Irish airspace. We have to change that policy. I express my condolences to the family of Alex Coughlan, a young man from Blanchardstown who had his life brutally taken. My thoughts are with his family and friends. Alex will be remembered as a caring and selfless man whose kindness touched so many people. I commend An Garda Síochána on arresting two suspects so quickly, and I hope Alex and his loved ones receive the justice they deserve. It is deeply worrying that across this city, crime and violence are all too common. Intimidation by organised crime or unorganised but dangerous groups of young people is the reality in many of Dublin's communities.”
“All it does is turn ordinary people against one other, replacing frustration with fear and swapping hope for anger. The antisemitism and hateful rhetoric espoused by Councillor Sutcliffe and people like him need to be condemned in the strongest possible way. I hope everybody in this House is in agreement in saying that there is no place for antisemitism or Nazi apologism in this country, and there never will be.”
“This is not the first time that Councillor Sutcliffe has shared his extremist and bizarre views online, and I am sure it will probably not be the last. Unfortunately, these sorts of evil, extremist and delusional viewpoints are creeping into Irish society. People like Sutcliffe do not speak for the Irish people or for working-class communities across this city or country. People like him want to tear our country down for their own benefit, sponging money and fame while communities are torn apart by anger and hatred. Their vile hatemongering does not increase wages or solve the housing crisis. It does not build more homes or get the homes we have to the standard we need. It does not make our health service any better, make childcare more affordable, or make our transport better.”
“I extend my congratulations to Deputy Daniel Ennis and to the former Senator, Deputy Seán Kyne, who was particularly patient with Members from this side of the House. He was very accommodating and easy to work with and I wish him well. Personally, I feel very glad for him. Last week, an elected member of Dublin City Council posted a video on social media which could only really be described as Nazi propaganda. The video praises Adolf Hitler and openly expresses support for the Holocaust, in which 6 million Jewish people were murdered by Nazi Germany and its collaborators. The views expressed in this video and shared online by Councillor Philip Sutcliffe are an absolute disgrace, not only to Dublin City Council but to Ireland as a whole.”
“The next Commencement matter was submitted by Senator Boyhan, but we are waiting for the Minister of State to arrive as there is a vote in the Dáil. While we are waiting on the Minister of State, Deputy Emer Higgins, I welcome the guests of Senator Lorraine Clifford-Lee. They are very welcome. When students visit the House, we usually give them the day off homework, but I think there are only one or two guests who have homework.”
“I thank the Senator. Before the Minister of State replies I welcome guests of Senator Cosgrove's office. They are an ecumenical group which includes Fr. Laurence Cullen who is parish priest of Geevagh and Highwood in Sligo, Mark Flener who is visiting from the US and Celia Dunne and her husband, the Right Reverend Dermot Dunne, dean of Christchurch Cathedral, who will be retiring from his role this September. We wish you the very best in your retirement and I hope you are all enjoying your visit. The Minister of State may go ahead.”
“This is an industry that our taxes are funding to the tune of almost €20 million every year. There have to be stronger welfare protections for greyhounds in Ireland and the greyhound racing industry has to be accountable for the vast sums of money it gets. There has to be clear transparency in how it operates and it needs to have a business plan so that the taxpayer can see where the money goes. It cannot be acceptable that the greyhound industry stands and waits with its hand out for the cheque for the transfer from the taxpayer with no transparency and no accountability.”
“I found out that Shanakyle Valley raced on Wednesday of last week. He is the black greyhound that was shown in the video with no water in his bowl. He appeared to be particularly depressed. Of course, Greyhound Racing Ireland finds it acceptable that such sociable, sensitive and intelligent beings would live in solitary confinement in tiny cages, some without water and one with a cruel anti-bark muzzle so that it could not drink or pant. It is no surprise that these awful conditions are acceptable to Greyhound Racing Ireland given that it thinks surgical artificial insemination is okay. In addition, thousands of greyhounds are killed every year if they cannot run fast enough, hundreds die from injuries on the track and countless others are exported for breeding and hunting.”
“There is no place in the modern animal welfare framework for puppy farms. I think everybody would be agreed on that. Any meaningful amendment to the Dog Breeding Establishments Act should begin the work of dismantling this model rather than entrenching it. A number of weeks ago, four greyhounds were removed from a property in Parteen in County Clare by Greyhound Racing Ireland. Anyone who saw the video of the condition the four dogs were in would have been dismayed and upset at what they saw. The conditions were absolutely shocking. It now seems that the Parteen greyhounds have been returned to their former owners - the Shanakyle syndicate - and are back in those terrible conditions. I believe Greyhound Racing Ireland lied when it stated that they had been surrendered and would be re-homed as family pets.”
“Amending the Dog Breeding Establishments Act has been on the legislative programme since autumn 2020. Nearly six years since policy change in this area was first considered by Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil, all that has emerged is a general scheme that has not even been published. The changes currently outlined appear remarkably limited. The most significant oversight in these proposals, and one that cannot be overstated, is the complete absence of a cap on the number of breeding females permitted within a dog breeding establishment. Without such a cap, Ireland risks continuing its long-standing international reputation for industrial-scale puppy farming. Once again, we appear to be legislating in a way that accommodates and legitimises industrial-scale breeding operations rather than phasing them out.”
“There is no reason for the Government to be so frantic to rush this through, considering that nine other EU states have not ratified CETA. When it comes to holding Israel to account, the Government always talks about the need to act in unison, work together and achieve consensus. Yet, this is an example where the Government is rushing ahead. The absolute last thing this country needs is to hand even more power over to multinationals that seem to hold almost all of the levers of power already. Sinn Féin will continue to oppose CETA. I urge the Government to grant appropriate time on this Stage to this vital debate.”
“Countless international authorities have highlighted that investor courts have huge potential implications for the environment, for workers’ rights and, fundamentally, for sovereignty. This Bill will take decisions, which would otherwise be under the jurisdiction of an Irish court, and place them clearly with an international investor court, over which we have absolutely no oversight or control. This will be disastrous for the Irish people and only serve to benefit multinational corporations. Given the Government’s policy on housing, that is probably no surprise. It will create problems that do not currently exist, further hollow out our democracy and popular sovereignty and take crucial decisions away from the people.”
“First, I wish to put on the record that Sinn Féin is completely opposed to this legislation and we will vote against it on every single Stage. I commend my colleague and former Member of this House, MEP Lynn Boylan, as well as her staff, on the work they have done on this Bill. They have shone a light on the potential impact of both this legislation and CETA on this country. This is a Bill with far-reaching implications. If enacted, it will undermine the sovereignty of our courts, workers’ rights and environmental protections. It has been shamefully rushed through the Oireachtas. The Government is playing with fire with this legislation. There must be proper scrutiny.”
“The solution to the housing crisis is not going to be found in punishing renters and tenants for decades of failed government policy and it will not be found by cosying up to foreign speculators and developers whose only interests are delivering a profit for their shareholders. The only solution will be for this Government to turn this disastrous approach around by instituting an immediate rent freeze and eviction ban and accelerating the delivery of social and genuinely affordable homes. I ask the Minister to come into this House and explain how he is going to make homes affordable for ordinary workers.”
“A family would need a six-figure income in order to afford rent on an average apartment but, unfortunately, a six-figure income is far from the average income of families in this city. In new-build developments like the Glass Bottle site, rents were already unaffordable. For the vast majority of ordinary working tenants, they will be even more unaffordable and out of reach. This is a direct result of the Government’s decision to allow landlords to reset rents between tenancies, a decision that Sinn Féin completely opposed, including here in the Seanad. The Bill was guillotined. We urged the Government not to do that but, as always, it refused to listen. It knowingly and willingly pushed rental inflation to its highest level in a quarter of a century with the false promise that it would somehow bring down rents.”
“Private rents have hit their highest level in 25 years according to the latest Daft.ie rent report. That is courtesy of the Government’s rent hike Bill. Since the Government’s residential tenancies Act and market rent reset, landlords have been able to hike up rents to the highest possible market rate regardless of what they were before. That means that this quarter, average rent hikes have jumped a staggering 7.8% in just three months. That is the highest quarterly rent increase since 2002. In Dublin, a two-bedroom apartment now costs an average of €2,536 a month. That would cost over €30,000 a year to rent. All that goes into the pockets of investors and developers and is going to lead to emigration and homelessness. That is the reality.”
“Before we continue with Commencement matters, I want to welcome the group from St. Mary's in Dunmanway in Cork. You are all very welcome and I hope you are enjoying your day. They are guests of Deputy Holly Cairns. The tradition when you visit the Seanad is that you do not get homework for the rest of the week. Enjoy your trip.”