Conor D McGuinness
Waterford · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“Vincent de Paul, both of whom, to be fair, are stepping up but that is not the way it should be. I have also spoken to principals who are told to stretch their ICT budgets, and, in fact, that is the response I got from the Minister of State’s colleague, the Minister, Deputy Naughton, when I queried this. Those budgets have been cut.”
“Every July and August, families steel themselves for the cost of children going back to school, including uniforms, books, and shoes, and, as the Minister of State well knows, school transport. Now, for thousands of parents, there is another bill waiting on the kitchen table. It is one for hundreds of euro for a digital device.”
“It is simply passing responsibility on to families and calling it policy. A child's education should never depend on his or her parents' ability to buy a digital device, and no student should be disadvantaged because they cannot afford the device his or her school requires.”
“I dtaobh chúrsaí Gaeltachta, ní aontaím leis an Aire in aon chor go bhfuil dearcadh nó aighneachtaí na ndreamanna éagsúla atá ag obair sa spás seo iniata leis an gcáipéis seo. Is léir go ndearna an Roinn agus an bheirt Airí sa Roinn tithíochta neamhaird air sin.”
“Today is a very important day because the State has finally and formally apologised to the survivors of Bill Kenneally's abuse. Those who should have been protected were instead failed in the most profound and devastating way. No apology can undo the harm that was done.”
“It is a recognition of the persistence and bravery of you men who are here in the Distinguished Visitors Gallery and those who are not here today. Those of you who refused to give up in your pursuit of truth and justice, I thank you for what you have done. I thank you for your courage and for your power.”
The complete record
Every one of 843 lines we hold for Conor D McGuinness, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 7 of 17.
“The misuse of nitrous oxide is no longer a fringe issue. It is not something novel. It is happening in housing estates, parks and town centres, and at the back of parish halls all across the State, urban and rural. It is overwhelmingly impacting young people. This substance has legitimate uses in medicine and licensed food businesses and no one disputes that. What we are seeing now is widespread misuse, industrial sized canisters with no legitimate purpose, and a complete failure by Government to keep pace with what is actually happening on the ground. A dangerous drug is being sold online in bulk, trafficked into our communities and pushed on children for profit. Industrial cans of nitrous oxide are ending up in the hands of teenagers.”
“Families cannot substitute for a functioning system when a storm hits. We also need to see local authorities empowered to deal with trees that are not being cut down by landowners. Anyone in this Chamber who used to be a councillor will say that the most a local authority can really do is write letter after letter to a landowner, sometimes a landowner who is no longer receiving letters and may no longer even exist on this Earth. It is really important that local authorities be empowered to tackle these and are resourced to do that work.”
“To follow on from what Deputy Byrne said, it is not good enough for the Government just to acknowledge the challenge and engage with industry on this. That is helpful, but it does not change the reality on the ground. Older people were left without monitoring during Storm Éowyn and will be again when future storms that are bound to come cause similar levels of destruction. The same vulnerabilities remain in place and that is what needs to be tackled. Copper-based alarm systems are still widely used, fragile and unsupported by mobile backup. We need to see the Government investing in that stock of mobile devices that can be deployed at short notice in those communities that are impacted. Community organisations should not be left to absorb this level of risk indefinitely.”
“Communities must be supported to move away from copper-dependent alarms to modern devices with mobile backup, and monitoring systems need to work properly with fibre where it is available. Providers in the State must also be equipped to deploy mobile-enabled alarms quickly after major storms. Rural communities are being asked to live with higher risk, weaker services and slower responses. That needs to stop and they need to be listened to. We need to see this becoming a matter of political priority and older people taken out of harm's way, this issue being recognised and action being taken.”
“Large numbers of older people remain dependent on copper landline-based alarm systems, even in areas where fibre broadband is available. These systems are more vulnerable to storm damage, harder to repair and, in most cases, operate without any mobile network backup. When overhead lines go down, the alarm systems go down with them. Alongside this, local community and voluntary organisations are carrying a growing burden. They manage alert systems, support vulnerable residents and step in during emergencies, often with limited funding and capacity. Demand continues to rise as our population ages, yet funding and supports have not kept pace. If the Government is serious about the future of rural communities, practical steps are required.”
“Last January, Storm Éowyn exposed serious weaknesses in how the State protected older people and sustained rural communities. In many rural areas, the loss of power and connectivity carried consequences far beyond inconvenience and unpleasantness. For elderly people living alone, often at a distance from family and neighbours, pendant alarms and home-monitoring systems are a vital safety net. Those systems exist precisely because Government cuts and neglect mean Garda and ambulance response times are too long and there is a dearth of public services in rural communities. When connectivity fails, that safety net all but disappears. What happened during Storm Éowyn and in subsequent weeks followed a well-worn pattern.”
“On the eve of ratification, the Government has performed a dramatic U-turn, knowing there will be no cost to doing so for a domestic audience, to try to save face somewhat. It has suddenly claimed to oppose the deal. The members of the Government parties, including Ministers, and Irish Government representatives in Brussels previously spoke in favour of Mercosur. Let us not rewrite the record here. Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil have been championing this deal for many years, speaking from both sides of their mouths. Nobody has changed their position on this except the Government, but we all see that the emperor has no clothes and that the about-face in the media last week was nothing more than playing to a domestic agenda. However, nobody is falling for it. Rural communities are not, nor is the Irish farming industry.”
“They warned how it threatened to flood the European market with beef produced to standards that would be illegal here – beef linked to deforestation, weaker animal welfare rules and lower labour protection. Those warnings were dismissed by those opposite me. We were told concerns were overstated, and many Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael MEPs, TDs and Senators have been saying in the media in the past 24 hours how these concerns were overstated, but not one of them has sat here in this Chamber for this debate. That tells its own story. Not one Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael backbencher has made it their business to be here in the Chamber today. In fact, there is nobody from Fianna Fáil in the Chamber today-----”
“Sinn Féin has been clear and consistent for years in opposing the EU–Mercosur trade deal. It is bad for Irish agriculture. Farmers, exporters and rural communities are telling us that. It is also bad for food standards. Every expert is telling us that and the evidence that has already been mentioned indicates it. It is bad for rural communities. Is mar Thadhg an dá thaobh atá an Rialtas, atá ag cur an dallamullóg ar mhuintir na hÉireann agus ar an bpobal tuaithe. For years, farmers have warned the Government of the damage this deal would do to income, confidence, the future of generational farming and the brand Irish farmers and Irish Governments have worked hard to create and export around the world.”
“What is the Taoiseach going to do to address this imbalance to end the inequity and make sure that Waterford and the south east get the fair investment they deserve?”
“The latest South East Economic Monitor shows that while the south-east region has 9% of the country’s population, it has 4% of national GDP, 5% of IDA-supported jobs and just 1.8% of ongoing major public capital spending. Several times on Taoiseach’s Questions and Questions on Policy or Legislation, I have raised the lack of inward investment into Waterford and the south east, particularly in terms of transport with the Taoiseach. The economy of the south east is flatlining. There is neglect by the IDA and the Government when it comes to investment. Major capital spending in the south east is now the lowest of any region. It receives just €1,738 per person in major public capital investment, which is less than half the spend in the south west and 14 times less than Dublin.”
“The Taoiseach allowed the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, to go into those negotiations without any political support from him as Head of Government. It is not good enough. The Irish fishing industry and coastal communities have suffered because of the Taoiseach's failure to take political action.”
“My colleague, Deputy Mac Lochlainn, submitted a freedom of information request to the Taoiseach's office seeking all outgoing correspondence, calls, logs and memorandums relating to it. It seems the Taoiseach did not lift a finger, lift a phone or do a tap to build political support.”
“The AGRIFISH meeting in December last year at which quotas were set for this year for the entire European fishing fleet was the deepest and most severe shock that the Irish fishing industry has ever faced. The industry is on its knees, it is on the ropes and its demise is imminent unless there is action take. On 3 December, the Taoiseach met with Irish fishing industry representatives. On 11 December, the Taoiseach met with the Working Group of Committee Cathaoirligh at which I implored him to give his political support and take action to build political support at European level. A couple of days later, Ireland was isolated at European level and the Irish fishing industry was, once again, sacrificed on the altar of European commercial fishing interests.”
“The CFP must be judged not just on stock levels but on fairness and solidarity and at present it is failing on all of that. Our fishing communities have observed decades of loss. They have been patient and have played by the rules. Their anger, despair and disappointment is justified. The injury is real, the insult is undeniable and what happens next will tell us whether this Government is prepared to stand up for this country or whether it is content to let another vital sector slide towards a fatal end.”
“There can be no more business as usual and there are many avenues open to the Minister of State and to this Government, should they choose to go down them, that are within the bounds of the law and which exert economic and political pressure on our so-called partner countries. Ireland will shortly hold the Presidency of the European Union, which must be used deliberately to untangle and undo this injustice; not to manage it or kick it to touch but to reverse it. At European level, Ireland must reopen discussions with a clear demand for fair burden sharing and the restoration of protections for highly dependent member states such as Ireland. That requires political will from the current Taoiseach. Ultimately, this comes down to political choice.”
“They gutted us and the Minister of State at these negotiations. They blocked the Hague preferences and stripped away the only modest protection designed to prevent exactly this kind of shock. That is calculated insult heaped on existing injury and demands a response; not quiet disappointment, not expressions of concern and not more hand-wringing. I call for an immediate diplomatic and political response to signal Ireland's disgust on how we have been treated as a sovereign nation. That means formal diplomatic démarche . It means calling in the ambassadors of states that have actively undermined Irish fisheries and sovereignty. It means making clear access to Irish waters cannot continue as if nothing has happened.”
“As Chair of the Oireachtas Committee on Fisheries and Maritime Affairs, I said this and the committee looked for that. I said it to the Taoiseach last Thursday and asked him to pick up a phone but I would say he did not lift his hand to do anything to support the Minister of State and to have his back in these negotiations and to support, more importantly, our coastal communities. Ireland has been treated as a soft touch in this and effectively, this Government - Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Lowry Independents - have allowed it to happen. States that describe themselves as partners and say all the nice things to us about solidarity and the European Union, that we are partners and member states and need to relook at our neutrality and step together at European level, voted against us.”
“There is an idea that we maybe can prevail upon some of these foreign registered trawlers and fishing operations to land their catch here. They will not because they know we have the most extreme sea fisheries protection regime and they can effectively get off scot-free in their own home ports. They are not going to be coming here. Should we really be begging for a scrap from the table? Through all this, and it is not a criticism that lands on the lap of the Minister of State or that of the Minister, Deputy Heydon, but the absence of leadership from the Taoiseach and Tánaiste has been glaring and staggering. In other member states, heads of Government intervened directly when national interests were threatened and that leadership was not evident here.”
“It is not partnership and the economy, it is an abdication of responsibility and is an affront to our sovereignty as a nation. The scale of damage is already clear, with a projected loss of 57,000 tonnes of quota in 2026 and an economic hit of up to €200 million per year. There are various ways to quantify the monetary value of this but there are estimates that put this at a fifth of a billion. More than 2,300 jobs are on the line as we face into Christmas and that is not lost on anyone in any coastal community in Ireland. There are families now wondering - skippers and boat owners - how they are going to meet the December repayments on their boats. There are crews scared they will lose income but really, they do not know if they will be fishing or will have a berth on a boat come January. Processing plants are facing closure.”
“Deputy Mac Lochlainn has already used parliamentary privilege to name those Dutch corporations and the extraordinary control they exercise over Irish fishing opportunities, over the entire EU process and, if we are being honest, over negotiations between EU and third countries where they also have economic presences. This is something which cuts to the core of our democracy and European democracy. There are not many people in the Chamber but it should send a chill down the spine of everybody who has any interest in the environment, the rule of law, democracy or fairness. This Government has allowed Irish sovereign natural resources to be effectively gifted, not even by us in Ireland and Irish people but by foreign Governments, that are there for our generation and future generations to private corporations.”
“That is correct and we agree; there is no dispute there. However, it can definitely sustain the fishing effort of Irish fishing boats. That is where the priority must be and where the injustice in all this lies. Irish fishermen are complying with the rules and suffering the consequences. Meanwhile, states including the Netherlands, Germany, France and Poland coalesce to protect their own interests and, as we just heard from Deputy Mac Lochlainn, the interests of a very small number of multinational corporations that play hard and fast with the rules, our democracies and in many cases, the rule of law. They vote down safeguards for Ireland and consolidate their advantages in the interests of those few corporations.”
“We acknowledge the scientific advice is stark, with proposed reductions around 70% for mackerel, deep cuts to blue whiting and significant reductions across other North Atlantic species and prawns in the Irish Sea. Sinn Féin accepts science must guide fisheries management, there is no dispute over that, but stock sustainability matters. Justice and fairness also matter and science does not answer the political questions at the heart of this particular crisis. Who is breaking the rules, who is overfishing shared stocks and why is it always Irish fishermen and Ireland's coastal communities who are expected to pay the price? The Minister of State said at the committee meeting yesterday, and I agreed with him, that our waters cannot sustain the level of fishing and overfishing being undertaken for years by the EU fishing fleet.”
“Beidh muidne ar an taobh seo ag tacú leis an Aire Stáit má dhéanann sé amhlaidh. Caithfear a rá go soiléir nach féidir leis an bpobal cósta leanúint ar aghaidh ag íoc as easpa smachta agus cothromais ar leibhéal na hEorpa. Tá athrú treo iomlán ag teastáil anois, agus tá sé i bhfad thar am. The outcome of the recent Common Fisheries Policy negotiations represents one of the most severe shocks, if not the most severe shock, the Irish fishing industry has faced in its existence. It was not a sudden collapse, it was the final shove in a long process of decline that Government parties managed, excused and normalised. What was already fragile has now been pushed dangerously close to a point of no return. That is the responsibility of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and successive administrations.”
“Nuair a imíonn an obair ón bhfarraige, leanann an imirce í. Is bagairt dhíreach d'inbhuanaitheacht na Gaeltachta í seo. Ní féidir leis an Rialtas a rá go bhfuil sé ag tacú leis an nGaelainn agus é ag glacadh le beartas a scriosann bunús eacnamaíochta na gceantar sin ag an am céanna. Tá sé ráite go soiléir ag na heagraíochtaí iascaigh go bhfuil teip ar struchtúr an Chomhbeartais Iascaigh. Tá sé sin ráite againn sa choiste agus ag mo chomhghleacaí, an Teachta Mac Lochlainn, chomh maith. Aontaím leis an méid atá ráite ag na heagrais iascaigh ach téim céim níos faide; is ceist cheannais í seo. Muna bhfuil an chumhacht againn ár n-acmhainní a chosaint, beimid i gcónaí ag plé leis na hiarmhairtí céanna, is iad sin, laghdaithe, géarchéimeanna agus pobail á bhfágáil ar lár. Caithfimid seasamh polaitiúil a ghlacadh ar son na tíre.”
“Is léir arís eile nach bhfuil ceannas ceart againn ar ár n-acmhainní nádúrtha féin. Is iad pobail bheaga cois cósta a íocann an praghas. Tá tionchar ar leith ag na cinntí seo ar ár gceantair Ghaeltachta. I go leor de na ceantair sin, is iad na hiascairí cnámh droma an gheilleagair áitiúla. Beidh drochthionchar eacnamaíocha ag na cinntí seo agus níl roghanna fostaíochta eile ar fáil go héasca in an-chuid de na ceantair seo. Nuair a laghdaítear cuótaí, ní chailltear ioncam amháin; cailltear daoine óga agus teaghlaigh agus laghdaítear an Ghaeilge mar theanga phobail. Is ceist teanga agus chultúir í seo chomh maith le ceist eacnamaíocha. Tá staitisticí soiléire ann a thugann léargas air seo. Tá cuid mhór de na ceantair Ghaeltachta i measc na gceantar is leochailí ó thaobh dífhostaíochta agus imirce de.”
“Caithfidh mé labhairt ar dhá cheist, is iad sin, na cuótaí agus a dtionchar eacnamaíocha cois cósta; agus ceannas, údarás agus cumhacht na hÉireann thar ár bhfarraigí féinig. Tá breis agus 90% dár gcríoch mar Stát suite ar an bhfarraige ach is fíorbheag an smacht atá againn ar na héisc a bhaintear aisti. Thar na blianta, faoi rialacha an Chomhbheartais Iascaigh, tá an ceart sin tógtha uainn de réir a chéile. Tá tíortha eile ag baint tairbhe as uiscí na hÉireann, agus ní tíortha de chuid an Aontais Eorpaigh iad uile. Is í an fhírinne lom ná go bhfágtar ár n-iascairí féin ar an imeall i gcónaí. Is léir ón méid atá tarlaithe anseo gur beag meáchan atá ag guth na hÉireann nuair a thagann brú idirnáisiúnta i gceist. Ní ceist theicniúil amháin í seo; is ceist pholaitiúil í.”
“Once again, I am raising with the Taoiseach the N25, which is the transport spine of Waterford's infrastructure and long regarded as the most dangerous national road in the State. There has been no funding for safety improvements. Routine maintenance, resurfacing and line painting are not good enough at this stage. Bus stops are being withdrawn. There was another HGV incident this morning just outside Dungarvan. We need to see serious investment in safety improvements on the N25 right from Rosslare to Cork city, but particularly in Waterford where there has been no funding for safety improvements.”
“However, the continued exemption for greyhounds is not justified. The same welfare standards should apply to all dogs and Sinn Féin believes the law must reflect that. We have seen it in the last Government, which was dubbed the kick-the-can-down-the-road Government, and it is unfortunate to see that, despite the new injection of Independent Deputies into the Government benches, this is continuing. We saw it with wind turbine regulations last week and we see it with this piece of legislation this week, where the can is kicked down the road. I understand the points the Minister of State outlined in his speech to allow that discursive element to take place but we need to grapple with this issue now. This Government is 11 months ar an bhfód and we need to get to grips with this. I ask the Minister of State to allow this to go ahead.”
“Furthermore, pups must be allowed to remain with their mothers for at least ten weeks. The current practice where pups are separated after only a few weeks in order to bring the bitch back into breeding condition is harmful to both mother and pup. A statutory ten-week mother and pup period is a basic welfare requirement and long overdue. The introduction of a staff-to-bitch ratio of 1:10 is also welcome and without that clear staffing requirement, welfare obligations cannot be enforced in any meaningful way. Proper oversight, staffing and inspection regimes are needed if we are to be in any way serious about ending cruelty and exploitation. I want to address the issue of surgical artificial insemination. The changes to the code of professional conduct for veterinary practitioners have already recognised the welfare concerns involved.”
“Without a statutory limit, establishments can accumulate very large numbers of breeding bitches with no realistic capacity to provide proper welfare. A cap of 30 breeding bitches is necessary to end the worst excesses of intensive dog breeding operations. As has been noted, without proper regulation and staffing levels, no individual or small operator can manage the welfare of 30 females and their many pups, never mind the far higher numbers we know exist in some facilities around the State. This Bill both acknowledges that reality and seeks to remediate it. We also strongly support raising the breeding age. Allowing pups to be bred from six months old is entirely inappropriate. They should be left to mature. We want to see the minimum breeding age increased to 15 months.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Dog Welfare (Amendment) Bill. I thank Deputy Whitmore for putting it together and bringing it before the Dáil. At its core, the Bill seeks to close serious gaps in the Dog Breeding Establishments Act 2010, which is outdated legislation, and place welfare, not commercial-scale breeding, at the centre of how we regulate these establishments. For too long, the absence of a cap on the number of breeding females has created the conditions for large-scale puppy farms, where animals are treated as units on a conveyor belt rather than living beings with needs and instincts and the right to basic care and welfare. Sinn Féin has been very clear that the current regime is being abused, albeit by a minority of operators.”
“The failure in this aspect of children's services extends across other children's services. Young people are living through painful years as they wait for scoliosis procedures. Special school and autism class places remain insufficient, despite repeated warnings. CAMHS continues to struggle. Child homelessness is rising. Tusla is in free fall. Child poverty targets have been missed year-on-year and Fianna Fáil's solution to that is to change the targets. The Government must stop failing children. It must stop failing families. Listen to Cara Darmody. Do the right thing. Stop failing children and stop breaking the law.”
“Tá os cionn 150 páiste i bPort Láirge fós gan mheasúnú riachtanais agus tá 18,000 páiste eile ar fud na tíre thar an teorainn chuí. Tá teaghlaigh ag streachailt gan tacaíocht. Ní leor gealltanais bhuiséid gan fhoireann cheart a bheith i láthair. Tá cearta leanaí á sárú agus tá gníomh práinneach ag teastáil chun an córas a chur ina cheart. The pattern here is unmistakable as well. Parents are expected to absorb costs, chase private services, or simply wait indefinitely. Budget 2026 set aside €20 million, again thanks to Cara Darmody and her efforts to shame the Government into action, but without recruiting the therapists and without taking any meaningful action to fill that gap the figures will not translate into shorting waiting times for any family. The Government has not addressed the workforce gap and children are paying the price.”
“More than 150 children in Waterford are still waiting for an assessment of need and some have been left waiting for over two years. The Minister does not need me to tell her that is illegal. The law is explicit - children must receive an assessment within six months. This Government is routinely breaking the law and is breaking the law when it comes to children's rights. Across the State, 18,097 children are overdue an assessment. Cara Darmody, who is just 15-years-old, is undertaking her second 50-hour sleepout on Kildare Street to shame Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil into action because that is what it takes. The Government must do all it can to expedite the recruitment of clinicians to bring this failure to an end.”
“Tá an t-údarás áitiúil tar éis iarratas a chur isteach sa Sean Phobal, an dara leathpharóiste i nGaeltacht na nDéise, i gcomhair tithíocht shóisialta. Tá sé sin fós leis an Roinn, cúig bliana i ndiaidh don iarratas dul isteach. Is í sin an fhadhb atá ann i dtaobh an ghéarchéim tithíochta.”
“Tá a fhios agam go bhfuil an tAire an-dáiríre agus tiomanta mar gheall ar an gceist áirithe seo. Tá an plean tithíochta a nochtaigh an tAire tithíochta cúpla seachtaine ó shin lag ina iomlán ach tá sé thar a bheith lag i dtaobh cúrsaí Gaeltachta ach go háirithe. Ba mhaith liom rud éigin a chur ar an taifead anseo. Tá dhá píosa talún sa Rinn, i nGaeltacht na nDéise, ceann amháin gur leis Údarás na Gaeltachta í agus ceann eile gur cheannaigh an chomhairle áitiúil le tamall anuas. Tá na seirbhísí uisce timpeall orthu. Chun a cead a thabhairt d’Uisce Éireann, tá infheistíocht an-mhór curtha isteach aici sa Rinn le cúpla bliain anuas. Tá córas iomlán séarachais nua timpeall air seo agus tá cosáin. An rud atá in easnamh ná toil pholaitiúil ón Rialtas seo chun dul i ngleic leis seo agus tithe a thógáil.”
“It is really impacting the ability of the women's shed in particular to recruit and retain members to conduct all the activities that they would like to conduct. It is limiting them. Tá sé ag cur srian ar a gcuid oibre. I ask the Minister, Deputy Calleary, and the Minister of State, Deputy Buttimer, to do all that they can to facilitate and speed up the process of developing a community centre for Dungarvan.”
“I know the Minister of State is aware of the Déise Women's Shed in Dungarvan. I believe he has met some of its representatives, probably several times at this point. It was one of the first women's sheds in the State alongside the sheds in Naas and Midleton in east Cork. We all know and recognise the social, health and personal development benefits that come from these wonderful social spaces. While I do not want to pre-empt the results of the work plan and the facilitator's report, facilities and space will be key recommendations in it. I know the Minister of State is aware of the situation in Dungarvan, which despite its size has no community centre and no family resource centre. There is a huge limitation on space available to all sorts of community organisations.”
“This is also part of a direction of travel here in Ireland where there has been a divestment in rural communities by successive Governments from 2014 on, with changes to the LEADER programme and, as my colleague Deputy Bennett said, year-on-year cuts to funding. It can be dressed up as being about transitional periods and an envelope of funding that lasts but in real terms, we are seeing cuts year on year.”
“LEADER funding has been cut in 2024 and 2025 and now it has been cut in the budget for next year. I would like to know what the rationale is for that and I would like a breakdown of what will be affected by that cut. The cut in LEADER funding for next year is in the order of €10 million. That has to be considered in the broader reconfiguration of CAP happening at European level and the Government's failure - this is bigger than the Department only as it is being led by the Department of agriculture - to come to terms with that and to exert influence at European level to ensure that rural development funding and, indeed, other measures are protected within that reconfiguration.”
“Tá sé deacair do na ceanneagraíochtaí iad a chóiméad ina gcuid post nó iad a earcú chun na poist a líonadh. Anuas air sin, i dtaobh chúrsaí tithíochta de, tá Conradh na Gaeilge agus grúpaí eile nach é ag iarraidh go mbeadh straitéis daonra agus tithíochta i ngach limistéir phleanála teanga. Ba cheart go mbeadh sé sin fite fuaite leis na pleananna teanga. Ba cheart go mbeadh an dá rud ag dul ar aghaidh ag an am céanna le chéile leis an taithí agus eolas céanna ag dul isteach sa straitéis agus phlean.”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as é sin a admháil agus an obair atá ag dul ar aghaidh. Creidim go bhfuil obair ag dul ar aghaidh sa Roinn le dul i ngleic leis seo. I ndáiríre, ní rud maith é go bhfuil muid sa riocht seo. Ba cheart go seachnófaí é seo tamall ó shín. Caithfimid a admháil chomh maith go bhfuil fadhbanna le héiginnteacht. Tá sé go maith go bhfuil na pleananna chun a bheith sínte go dtí deireadh 2027 agus go mbeidh siad fós bailí agus a leithéid, ach caithfimid tuiscint go bhfuil difríocht idir an stádas agus an riocht ina bhfuil na ceantair Ghaeltachta ar an talamh anois i gcomparáid le seacht mbliana ó shín. Tá rudaí tar éis athrú. Tá an ghéarchéim tithíochta, mar is eol don Aire, tar éis dul in olcas ó shin, mar shampla. Tá éiginnteacht ann i gcomhar na noifigeach phleanála teanga.”
“Caithfidh muid an ghlúin nua de phleananna nua a chur i gcrích gan a thuilleadh moille. Bhí a fhios againn go maireann na pleananna seo seacht mbliana agus go raibh deireadh ag teacht leo. Ba cheart go ndéanfaí an obair seo cheana féin. Tá mé ag impí ar an Aire dul i ngleic leis an bhfadhb seo agus an mhoill a sheachaint.”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as an gcuid sin dá fhreagra. Tá dea-obair ar bun ag na hoifigigh phleanála teanga agus na ceanneagraíochtaí. Bhí mé féin mar oifigeach pleanála teanga i nGaeltacht na nDéise tráth dá raibh. Feictear go bhfuil fás ag teacht ar líon na gcainteoirí Gaeilge laethúla i go leor limistéar pleanála teanga. Tá líon na nGaeltachtaí a bhfuil fás ag teacht orthu ag dul in airde de réir an daonáirimh is déanaí, ach tá moill i Roinn an Aire agus sa chóras. Tá ocht bplean tagtha chun deiridh. Tá plean amháin críochnaithe le trí bliana agus tá síneadh ama curtha leis. Ní fheictear go bhfuil aon dul chun cinn i dtaobh na bpleananna nua a fhorbairt. Tá seacht gcinn sa bhreis ag teacht chun deiridh i mbliana, rud a chiallaíonn go mbeidh 15 plean teanga as feidhm ag deireadh na bliana seo.”
“Is maith an áit í tosú ag uimhir a haon. Tá ceist atá agam don Aire Forbartha Tuaithe agus Pobail, agus Gaeltachta, an Teachta Calleary, mar gheall ar an stádas atá ag na pleananna teanga in gach limistéar pleanála Gaeltachta agus bailte seirbhíse Gaeltachta. Cén obair atá ar siúl chun an chéad ghlúin eile do phleananna a fhorbairt? An ndéanfaidh sé ráiteas ina thaobh sin agus i dtaobh na moille atá i gceist le cuid de na pleananna sin?”
“Young people have been driven out and are being driven out still. The demographic core is thinning and the village risks losing the very people who sustain its services, its school and its very identity. That same pressure stretches from Dunmore East to Lismore, and from Bunmahon to Waterford city. This neglect and indifference must end. Like my colleagues, I appeal to the Minister to change course. We hold very little hope because the plan he has published is an abomination and an admission of failure.”
“Caithfidh an Rialtas toil pholaitiúil a léiriú agus a thaispeáint do na húdaráis áitiúla. Gan tithíocht, níl aon phobal agus gan pobal, ní mhairfidh an Ghaelainn. The housing crisis in Waterford is now undermining the very future of towns, villages and the city. Rents are rising out of control, up 7.6% this year, which is above average. While affordable and social homes remain stuck in process and are delayed, families are left waiting. Nowhere is that failure more stark than in the village of Ardmore, where a community is facing an existential demographic crisis because an affordable housing scheme that is being spoken about has been pushed from pillar to post, from local authority to Department and from Department back to local authority, for years. It has been left in limbo.”
“Wastewater capacity, water connections and transport links are missing, and without them housing simply cannot be delivered. This is the direct consequence of a Government that has turned its back on rural Ireland. This housing plan offers more gloss, more spin, nothing new and certainly no delivery. Fágann plean tithíochta an Rialtais an Ghaeltacht ar lár. Is é seo an ceathrú plean ó 2013 agus fós tá teaghlaigh óga á bpraghsáil amach as a bpobail féin. In áit ghníomh, faighimid gealltanais ar staidéir nua agus moltaí nach bhfeicfimid go dtí 2026, más ea. Tá an ghéarchéim ann anois. Tá sé ann le blianta. Tá teaghlaigh ag imeacht anois. Caithfear cumhacht agus acmhainní a thabhairt d'Údarás na Gaeltachta chun tithe agus bonneagair riachtanach a chur ar fáil.”
“I thank the Minister for finally coming before the Dáil to speak to this housing plan, a plan which is a blueprint for failure. It has next to nothing to say about rural depopulation because we know it will take real action to confront that problem. Communities across the State are being slowly hollowed out - in some cases quite quickly - because the Government has failed to deliver the homes, the services and the opportunities that young people need to stay rooted in their communities and their own places. Once young people are forced out, everything else begins to erode such as the school, the post office, community organisations and the GAA club. The failure of the Government is compounded by barriers to rural planning and the absence of basic enabling infrastructure.”