Cormac Devlin
Dún Laoghaire · Fianna Fáil · Ireland
“That brings me to the fiscal implications. Members will have noticed that the estimates vary enormously. In 2025, researchers at Dublin City University and Ulster University published the first peer-reviewed study of the cost of unity over its first ten years. They put the cost in year one at approximately €3 billion.”
“There are also gaps that we can start closing now through greater co-operation and engagement. Second, we should build prosperity in the meantime. The Government has announced €377 million in new shared island investment across 12 cross-Border projects.”
“It benefits communities North and South today, irrespective of the constitutional future people choose tomorrow. It is important that we recognise the success of that co-operation today. The third point is that we must keep asking the right questions.”
“I welcome the debate and the contributions from all Members of the House, as well as the varying views. As Cathaoirleach of the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, I believe this is exactly the type of debate and discussion that we should be having in this House.”
“The studies make different assumptions about pensions and the UK national debt, and very different assumptions about how quickly the Northern economy could grow and converge with our own. That is the honest position. The true scale of the cost is yet unknown. Anyone who claims certainty on the figure is not being straight with anybody.”
“We should certainly do what we can now, and I am suggesting three things. First, we should build an evidence base. Much reference has been made today to the shared island unit in the Department of the Taoiseach, which has published extensive research on two economies, two labour markets, education, health and other areas.”
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“While An Post is a commercial State body and operational decisions sit with its board and senior management, the public service obligation is clear. We need a network that serves every community, urban and rural alike, and we must do everything possible to protect the services that people feel in their day-to-day lives. Post offices still matter. The social benefit they provide communities matters and the Government must continue to support the network.”
“This year, the Government approved renewed funding of €15 million per annum from 2026 to 2030, building on the €10 million per annum provided from 2023 to 2025 to support the stability of the network. That funding is there to give time and space for An Post to accelerate and transform the network, to broaden services and to keep local offices viable. However, funding alone is not the full answer. The priority must be to retain and protect core services that the public depend on, and chief among them is the daily delivery service. We are seeing daily delivery being reduced or removed in other countries. Ireland is different. Our settlement pattern, rural connectivity challenges and the reality that not everyone can move their lives online mean that daily delivery remains essential and not optional.”
“I welcome the debate. In my constituency of Dún Laoghaire, we have, unfortunately, lost local post office services in Monkstown and Dalkey. As other Members said, post offices are at the heart of our communities in Dublin and across rural Ireland. They are places people rely on, particularly older residents, people with disabilities and small local business owners who need dependable, face-to-face services close to home. I commend the staff and postmasters who have kept these services and offices going, often under huge pressure and with challenging and changing demands. They are, quite simply, part of the social glue of a community. I welcome the Government’s commitment to supporting the national network.”
“There is an appeal process currently under way, but there is real anxiety in the school community, as the Taoiseach can imagine. The redeployment arrangements for affected SNAs have yet to be fully understood or set out. Will the Taoiseach engage with the Minister for Education to clarify the current status of the NCSE's decision to ensure allocations fully reflect the real care needs of those pupils, provide clarity and ensure no school suffers inappropriate cuts?”
“I welcome the Government's record investment in special education, which now stands at €3 billion, up 58% since 2020. The additional SNAs coming into our schools and the extra capacity is making a real and positive difference for many children and their families. However, over the last few days the National Council for Special Education, NCSE, has proposed significant cuts in some schools, like Our Lady of Good Counsel Boys National School in Johnstown in my constituency. The school has been notified of a reduction in its SNAs from nine to 3.83 - a cut of over 57% in a school with 387 kids, including 55 with identified additional care needs. The school has outlined the potential impact on pupil safety, medical supports and inclusive provision.”
“This is about saving lives and preventing life-changing injuries. Locally, I welcome the recent allocation for schools such as St. Kevin's National School in Sallynoggin, which has long awaited road safety improvements on Pearse Street. I thank the Minister and his colleagues for decisively dealing with the issue of scramblers and I look forward to working with them to continue to make progress on road safety.”
“The Minister recently visited Dún Laoghaire, where we met senior gardaí to get an update on a range of issues, including the use of scrambler bikes, antisocial and criminal activity and the need for high-visibility products. Forty new gardaí have been deployed to Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown. These are welcome and are having a meaningful and visible effect. As raised by other Members of the House, enforcement is key to road safety. Risky behaviour like using a phone while driving, speeding, breaking red lights, or cycling without lights at night is unacceptable and we need to see continued enforcement. There must also be a focus on continuing to improve individual behaviour. The RSA, which has been into the House this week, has been proactive in this regard and should continue its work.”
“I welcome the statements on road safety this afternoon. I am conscious of the dreadful accident in the city centre today that many Deputies have mentioned. I know everyone's thoughts and prayers in the House are with those affected, their families and indeed the emergency services that have responded. I welcome the series of decisive actions taken by the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, in response to the death of Grace Lynch. I put on the record my own condolences to the Lynch family. The danger posed by scramblers is an issue that I and my Dublin colleagues, Deputies McAuliffe and Lahart, have raised on numerous occasions in this House. We welcome Grace's law and we want to see it implemented as soon as possible.”
“He is acting decisively to protect tenants while also creating the policy conditions to grow supply. The Bill is balanced, serious and necessary and it deserves the support of everyone in the House.”
“They opposed the establishment of the LDA, which has developed 597 units in my constituency, and they are occupied. They were also opposed to supports for first-time buyers that have seen thousands of people buy their first homes. They were opposed to the rent pressure zones when they initially came in which gave renters the break. They were opposed to every effort to encourage private investment in housing, thus increasing supply. You cannot oppose every measure and then complain the system is not working. I also want to acknowledge the implementation because legislation is only as good as enforcement. The Bill is backed by increased resources for the RTB and the establishment of a rent price register to provide transparency, reduce disputes and strengthen compliance. I welcome the leadership of the Minister, Deputy Browne, on this.”
“The council's own reporting shows the scale of ambition and delivery under way, including the Housing Delivery Action Plan targets of 1,994 social homes and 1,057 affordable homes, with the council now expecting to exceed the social housing target, rising to 2,142 social homes over the period. They are progressing affordable delivery in Woodbrook and unlocking major land and infrastructure opportunities in Lehaunstown with potential for hundreds of homes and local area plan areas with potential for over 1,000 more units. This is where I must make the political point because it needs to be said plainly. Once again, Deputies on the other side of the House oppose to efforts to build more homes and resolve the housing crisis but that is not surprising.”
“It is to provide predictable inflation linkage to support viability and investment in the kind of housing we need most in our cities and large towns. It is also a pro-supply measure, and it is essential. I want to illustrate this Bill in the wider reality of delivery. Nationally, 36,284 new homes were completed last year, up from 30,330 in 2024. That is a 20% increase. Apartment completions reached 12,047 units, up almost 39% and single dwelling completions rose to 5,929, up 12.5%. That is momentum and we need to build on it, not talk it down. The Government needs to pull every lever at its disposal because the answer to housing is supply, supply and more supply. We can see what it looks like on the ground in Dun Laoghaire-Rathdown.”
“Let us now address the question that also comes up and that is supply. We all know that the long-term solution to high rents is more housing. Rent controls help but they cannot conjure more homes into existence. This Bill does something important. It pairs stronger protections with a framework that can retain and attract supply, including by allowing rents to be reset to market rent between different tenancies but only in tightly controlled circumstances and never following a no-fault termination. This is a critical safeguard against economic evictions. The Bill also sends a clear signal on apartment delivery. For new apartments, rent increases will be linked to the CPI without the 2% cap. The policy intent is straightforward.”
“Tenants will have greater ability to put down roots, keep children in the same school and plan their lives without the constant fear a notice will land on their doormat within 12 months. At the same time, the Bill recognises the reality of the sector. It differentiates between smaller and larger landlords in a sensible way. Smaller landlords will have limited flexibility in defined circumstances, such as genuine hardship requiring sale or where a close family member needs to live in the property. Crucially, larger landlords will not be able to terminate for sale, refurbishment, own use or change of use. In other words, we are closing the door on arbitrary terminations while keeping the reasonable grounds where a tenant is not meeting obligations or where the home is no longer suitable for a household's needs.”
“The Housing Agency review made clear that the change is needed and that the Bill is that change. I will start with the tenant protections because they are substantial. From 1 March this year we will move to a national system of rent regulation. That means renter increases will be linked to the Irish consumer price index with a cap of 2% per annum pro rata for existing tenancies applied nationally and not just in certain zones. In plain English, every renter gets the protection, not just the lucky ones who happen to live on the right side of those RPZ boundaries. Second, this Bill introduces rolling tenancies of minimum duration of six years for new tenancies. This is a major step forward in security of tenure. It also significantly restricts so-called no-fault evictions, particularly for larger landlords.”
“I support the Residential Tenancies (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2026. This legislation is about two things that renters and would-be renters need more than anything else, which are security and certainty. It strengthens tenants' protection in a way we have not seen before while creating clearer and more stable conditions for investment so we can grow our rental supply. Put bluntly, a rental system is nothing without the supply. It is not a system. It is a queue. We all know the reality. Too many people are paying too much for too little, with too little confidence about what happens next. The current framework, especially the uneven RPZ map, has not delivered the stability tenants deserve and has not provided the confidence needed to expand the pool of rental homes.”
“I visited Brussels last year to engage with Commissioner Michael McGrath and his officials, underscoring why co-ordination, convergence and enforcement across the EU matter. The Commissioner’s portfolio includes democracy, justice and the rule of law, which are directly relevant to how Europe maintains a system that is both firm and rights compliant. This Bill will not solve every challenge overnight but it is a serious step in the right direction. It creates a faster system which is fairer. It protects those who genuinely need refuge, reduces unnecessary costs, restores confidence and ensures Ireland plays its part, in partnership with Europe and in close co-operation with the common travel area. I welcome the Bill, and I look forward to engaging constructively as it progresses through this House.”
“The open arrangements that benefit millions for work, family and daily life were never designed to be a workaround for asylum. The reality creates added obligations for us, in that we must work closely with EU partners and engage seriously with the United Kingdom so that policy changes on one side do not simply displace pressures onto the other. I note the UK is seeking to access elements of the pact. That, in itself, is proof of its necessity. I welcome the clearer emphasis and communications from the Minister on his appointment. The shift is towards a rules-based system that is efficient, credible and aligned with how many other EU member states operate. I also welcome the Minister’s engagement at European level. We need this treated as an EU issue, not a collection of countries going it alone.”
“These are practical reforms and they go to the heart of what the public expects and what applicants deserve, namely, timely decisions, clearer outcomes and a system that cannot be abused. We also need to be honest about the wider context. Ireland cannot go it alone on migration and asylum. The pressures are European and the response has to be a pan-European one, acting together. This Bill is closely linked to Ireland implementing the EU migration and asylum pact measures we have opted in to. We have a hard deadline to have the new system in place by 12 June 2026. A common approach matters because it reduces the incentive for secondary movement across member states and it supports consistent decision-making. It also matters because Ireland’s position is uniquely complicated by the common travel area.”
“The Bill is, in effect, a reset of our international protection system. It streamlines decisions and the returns process. It introduces a new border procedure, with defined and shorter time limits for decisions, appeals and return orders in appropriate cases. It reforms the appeals architecture through a new second-instance body, the tribunal for asylum and returns appeals, and it reduces reliance on oral hearings when a full and fair examination can be achieved on papers. Importantly, it also establishes a chief inspector of asylum border procedures as an independent rights monitor. I particularly welcome the Minister's remarks on Chapter 3 of Part 3 of the Bill on age determination.”
“I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate. I will be supporting the Bill. In response to previous comments, I suggest we should not conflate inward migration with international protection. I agree with Deputy Kelly that racism should have no place in this debate, this House or public commentary. The right to claim asylum is at the core of international law and Irish values. That said, we owe the public, and applicants themselves, a system that is clear, rules-based and workable. When a process drags on for months or years, nobody wins. Genuine applicants are left in limbo, communities lose confidence and the State ends up paying far more than it should. That is why the central test for this Bill is simple: does it make our system faster, fairer and more effective while protecting rights? In broad terms, I believe it does.”
“That is why, alongside supporting this Bill, I call for a renewed focus on delivery across renewables, particularly wind and solar, and specifically a step-change in momentum on offshore wind off the west coast. The last Minister for energy spent too much time tinkering around the edges and not enough time delivering solutions we need. If we get this right, it is not just about meeting targets. It is about energy security, reducing long-term costs, resilience and jobs, including in coastal communities which can benefit from ports, fabrication and maintenance capacity. I welcome the Bill. I commend the strengthening of the statutory safety regime and CRU enforcement tools. I urge that the same seriousness and urgency we apply to safety and regulation is applied to the delivery of the renewable infrastructure that Ireland needs.”
“The west coast is a huge part of our long-term opportunity. The Atlantic resource is extraordinary but it is not straightforward. It requires planning, ports, grid and consenting systems; critically, it requires progress on floating offshore wind because much of the west coast is in deeper waters. The world is not waiting for Ireland. This week, reporting highlighted the commissioning and installation of 20 MW offshore wind turbines in China. Twenty megawatts per turbine is not a rounding error. It is a clear signal of where the technology and supply chains are going. When other countries are installing facilities that would have looked like science fiction a few years ago, we cannot be stuck in permanent process.”
“I also want to use this debate to make a wider point about energy policy and delivery, which, the Minister will be aware, I have spoken of several times in this House. We can and must do two things at once. We must keep people safe in the energy system we have today while we accelerate the transition to the system we need tomorrow. Gas safety is part of today's system but tomorrow's system must be built at speed, especially on renewables. Ireland has ambitious targets for offshore wind, and Government has repeatedly stated the aim of having 5 GW of offshore wind in development by 2030, with longer range targets beyond that. Industry, meanwhile, has warned that Ireland is at risk of missing the 2030 target and has called for accelerated delivery and clearer timelines. We need to be candid.”
“These are important checks and balances. They are strong powers, clearly defined, with safeguards. Sixth, there are practical operational changes that improve responsiveness. The Bill removes the 21-day waiting period before the CRU may serve a safety improvement notice on NG, LPG or petroleum undertakings. Safety regulation has to be able to move at the pace of risk, not at the pace of paperwork. Finally, I welcome the inclusion of provisions allowing CRU to prescribe near-miss or precursor events that materially increase the risk of a gas incident occurring. Waiting for the big incident before we learn lessons is a very expensive way to run a safety system. A modern regulator needs visibility on the warning lights, not just the crash. For all those reasons, I support the Bill. It is measured, it is practical and it closes real gaps.”
“This is a practical improvement because it creates a direct link between the activity, the safety case and enforcement, and it provides for additional transparency around active safety cases in the public interest. The Bill notes that it aligns gas safety more closely with the existing framework for petroleum safety, which is a useful and familiar model. Fifth, the Bill strengthens the toolkit available to the regulator and officers on the ground. It strengthens the CRU’s powers in relation to gas safety officers and gas emergency officers, including making provision for a court warrant to enter land and dwellings if required, and it clarifies duties and protections around the exercise of those powers. It also provides for reimbursement of reasonable costs where damage occurs during the execution of those duties.”
“That tiering is sensible because it allows regulation to be proportionate while still being robust. Third, and crucially, the Bill introduces a real compliance backbone - a penal offence for failure to conform with a safety case or obligation. The penalties set out are significant: up to a class A fine on summary conviction and up to €3 million on conviction on indictment. If we want compliance, there has to be a credible deterrent for reckless or negligent behaviour. Fourth, the Bill introduces the requirement for natural gas and LPG undertakings to hold a safety permit and an associated safety case for any activity they carry out.”
“In plain English: if households are being supplied through an LPG distribution network, we need clear rules, clear responsibility and effective oversight, regardless of who owns the network. There are several provisions worth highlighting. First, the Bill transitions the existing gas safety framework from a non-statutory, administrative basis to a statutory footing. Importantly, it also grandfathers in existing safety cases, and provides that the Minister and CRU can gradually designate activities into the new regime, in consultation with stakeholders, so that the transition is orderly and workable. Second, it provides a clearer structure for LPG by distinguishing different licence classes: class 1 for undertakings operating ten or more LPG distribution networks and class 2 for those operating fewer than ten.”
“I welcome the opportunity to contribute on Second Stage of the Gas Safety (Amendment) Bill 2026, which I support. While essentially a technical bill, it is important. At its core are public safety, consumer protection and ensuring confidence in our energy system. When it comes to gas, we only notice the rules when they are missing. This Bill matters because it strengthens and modernises the legal framework for both natural gas and liquefied petroleum gas, and does so in a practical way. It amends the Electricity Regulation Act 1999, and it gives the Commission for Regulation of Utilities the powers it needs to enforce compliance with the gas safety framework. The Bill addresses an important gap by providing for safety licensing of previously unregulated third-party domestic LPG networks.”
“We know that most young people do not vape, and we want to keep it that way, but we also know that curiosity, peer pressure and clever marketing can lead to long-term addiction. Our role as legislators is to create an environment where the healthier choice is the easier choice. This is not about punishing individuals or businesses. It is about protecting children, supporting families, reducing addiction and cleaning up our environment. This Bill is a positive and necessary step forward. It reflects our commitment to a tobacco-free Ireland, youth well-being and responsible public health policy. I commend the Minister of State on bringing it forward and I am pleased to support it.”
“For young people, the Quit4Youth programme offers a dedicated seven-week support pathway. Public health is only part of the story, however. Disposable vapes are also an environmental problem. In 2022 alone, an estimated 12.5 million single-use vapes were sold in Ireland. Most were simply thrown away. These devices contain plastic, heavy metals and lithium batteries. When they end up in bins, waterways or on our streets, they pollute the environment and pose fire risks. A ban on single-use vapes is the most effective way to tackle this problem at source. The Bill strikes the right balance. It is grounded in evidence, aligned with EU regulations and focused on prevention. It reflects what parents, teachers, health professionals and communities have been saying for some time, namely, disposable vapes are doing more harm than good.”
“These are practical, evidence-based measures to protect young people from nicotine addiction. The Bill also complements wider public health efforts, such as the HSE’s Take a Deep Breath campaign, which is now providing parents and schools with clear information on the risks of vaping. The new e-liquid tax of 50 cent per millilitre, introduced in last November's budget, is expected to increase the price of typical disposable vapes from €8 to over €9. That matters because young people are more price-sensitive and price measures are often proven to reduce experimentation. The tax is expected to raise around €17 million per year but, more important, it supports the goal of reducing youth uptake. Smoking cessation supports have expanded significantly, with funding for the HSE quit service almost doubling since 2020.”
“Studies show that people who use both cigarettes and e-cigarettes may face even greater health risks than those who use either one. Therefore, while vaping may be less harmful than smoking, it is far from safe. These products are clearly designed to appeal to young people. Bright colours, sweet flavours and packaging that resembles sweets or desserts make vapes look more like treats than tobacco products. Focus groups commissioned by the Irish Cancer Society and Irish Heart Foundation found that students found vapes more appealing than traditional cigarettes, with marketing similar to milkshakes or desserts. This Bill restricts point-of-sale advertising and displays, limits flavour descriptors, bans misleading imagery and prevents devices from resembling toys or games.”
“According to the European School Survey Project on Alcohol and Other Drugs, ESPAD, one in three students has tried vapes, one in six is a current user and one in 13 has tried nicotine pouches. That is a scale of exposure that we cannot ignore. The HSE has found that while most young people do not use vapes, regular use is increasing. Parents report feeling overwhelmed and unsure of how to respond and teachers say many students believe vaping is a healthier alternative to smoking. However, vaping still involves nicotine, a highly addictive substance that raises blood pressure, increases heart rate and affects brain development in young people. Emerging evidence also links vaping to cardiovascular risks, chronic lung disease and asthma.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak in support of the Public Health (Single-Use Vapes) Bill 2025 and the Minister of State’s comments on tackling what has become a serious public health and environmental issue. The Minister of State will know that I have raised in the House previously concerns in regard to the rapid growth of single-use vapes, particularly their impact on younger people. These products are cheap, colourful, very easy to use and heavily marketed. They may look harmless but the evidence tells a different story. Disposable vapes have flooded the Irish market in recent years and youth vaping has risen alongside them. Research shows that experimenting with vapes often begins as soon as students enter secondary school.”
“They are welcome and valued here and we want to work with them in the spirit of partnership. However, as with many other industries, when laws, regulations and codes are ignored, there must be consequences. Striking that balance between openness and safety, innovation and responsibility is how we ensure our young people can enjoy the best of the online world without being exposed to the worst of it.”
“The EU's Digital Services Act adds another layer of protection, especially around illegal content, the recommender systems and the protection of children online but regulation on its own is not enough. We have heard directly from young people spending hours online every day, often with smart phones or, indeed, smart TVs in their bedrooms, and from parents who feel outpaced by technology and worried about harmful content, bullying and disinformation. They need support, not just new laws. In my view, the central challenge is balance. We must uphold freedom of expression and embrace technological innovation while being absolutely clear that children must not be collateral damage in this digital age. The major platforms are now an integral part of Irish society and, indeed, our economy.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak to online safety, an important and pressing issue, and I thank the Minister for being here. For most of us in the House, the Internet arrived in adulthood. For today's children, it has been there since before they could even read or write. That brings extraordinary opportunities for learning, creativity and connection but also very real risks. We have made important progress in recent years. The establishment of Coimisiún na Meán and the online safety code has ended the era of pure self-regulation for the largest platforms. Those codes now require age assurance, parental controls and real reporting tools, backed up by fines of up to 10% of turnover and, where necessary, criminal sanctions.”
“It will allow Ireland to move from provisional application to full ratification, to deepen our ties with Canada, and to signal, once again, that we are a small country that understands one big lesson, namely, that in challenging times, it is open, rules-based co-operation with trusted partners that keeps our people in work and our economy secure.”
“That is a very high bar and an important reassurance. In a world of Brexit, trade wars, sanctions and the weaponisation of economic interdependence, for a small country rules really matter. Being part of a free-trade area with Canada of nearly 500 million people, one that is grounded in law and mutual respect, strengthens Ireland's resilience. This Bill gives us the legal tools we need to ratify CETA and similar arrangements in a way that is fully consistent with constitutional and EU law. For all of these reasons, constitutional, economic and strategic, I support this Bill.”
“Each time, the Irish people chose a different course. Our country has thrived by being open, outward-looking and engaged. CETA sits in that same tradition of rules-based trade with a trusted partner in Ireland's long-term interest. It is important to address the concern that this Bill somehow resurrects the worst aspects of old-style investor state dispute settlement; it does not. The investment court system under CETA is a clear break from ad hoc , opaque investor–state dispute settlement, ISDS. It is a standing two-tier tribunal, with independent adjudicators appointed jointly by the EU and Canada, operating under strict ethical rules, with transparent procedures, published decisions and provision for third-party participation. Awards cannot be enforced here if they cut across our constitutional order or the autonomy of EU law.”
“That kind of language might sound energetic on social media, but it sits uneasily beside the facts that exports are up fourfold, services exports are up by more than 250%, there is over €10 billion in two-way trade, and thousands of high-quality jobs are supported here at home. To look at that record and see a threat rather than an opportunity is to reveal an anti-enterprise mindset that has never really come to terms with Ireland's modern economic model. Of course, it is not a new stance. Sinn Féin is the party that has spent the past 50 years championing anti-enterprise policies, while also opposing virtually every major EU treaty. It opposed joining the EEC in the first place, opposed the Single European Act and the Maastricht, Nice and Lisbon treaties. Each time, we were told disaster was around the corner.”
“Equally, Canada is exactly the kind of country we want to deepen trade with. It is a mature democracy and strong rule-of-law state, with robust labour protections and high environmental standards. This is not a race to the bottom deal. It is a partnership between like-minded societies that share a belief in fair trade, high standards and multilateralism at a time when all three are under pressure. Against that backdrop, I have to say that the position of some in the Opposition is profoundly disappointing, though not remotely surprising. Only last month, we had a Sinn Féin MEP proclaim that Sinn Féin is determined to fight every step of the ratification process.”
“Dublin-based tech and high-tech firms have used Canada as a springboard market, scaling up employment here on the back of access there. These are not some abstract globalisation stories. They are real jobs, real mortgages and real tax revenues in communities up and down this country. It is worth underlining, for the benefit of some of the commentary outside this House, that CETA is exactly the type of trade agreement Ireland should be championing. It expands markets for our goods and services. It respects and protects our rights to regulate. It contains practical safeguards for agriculture and recognises the sensitivities of that sector. It binds all of this into a legal framework with strong provisions on labour rights, environmental standards and sustainable development.”
“The sectors where CETA delivers most - pharmaceuticals, medical devices, high-value manufacturing, business and ICT services - are exactly those in which Ireland, and Dublin in particular, are strongest. We are not passive spectators; we have built a competitive, export-orientated economy and this agreement plays to our strengths. We can see that clearly in Dublin, and in the area the Minister of State and I represent, Dún Laoghaire–Rathdown. Canadian-backed financial services, insurance and asset management firms employ substantial numbers of people in Sandyford and across the wider Dublin area. Canadian investment underpins activity in our aircraft leasing cluster, including, in my constituency, at the West Pier.”
“Ireland’s bilateral trade in goods and services with Canada has grown from about €3.2 billion in 2016, before CETA, to more than €10 billion in 2023. Goods exported to Canada have risen from roughly €900 million in 2016 to €4.1 billion in 2024, a more than a fourfold increase. Goods imported have more than doubled from almost €0.5 billion to €1.2 billion. Services tell a similar story. Exports are up from €1.5 billion to over €3.7 billion while imports from €300 million to more than €1.7 billion. For a small, open economy, that is a textbook definition of success. Independent evaluation at EU level shows that Ireland is a standout winner from CETA, near the top of the league table in welfare gains. That is not surprising.”
“It matters because CETA is not an abstract legal exercise. It is the backbone of an almost free-trade area between the EU and Canada, linking close to half a billion people in a high-standard, rules-based market. Since 2017, about 95% of CETA has been provisionally applied. That has meant the near elimination of tariffs on goods, real opening of services and procurement markets, and practical, predictable rules for trade. If Ireland cannot ratify CETA, we would put that provisional application at risk, with the very real possibility of tariffs being reimposed and market access rolled back. The gains for Ireland from this agreement are not theoretical. They are already visible in our trade statistics and in jobs on the ground.”
“Crucially, those awards will only be enforceable under this new section and only where doing so does not compromise the constitutional order of the State or the autonomy of the EU legal order. That is a significant constitutional safeguard. The Bill also provides for a leap-frog appeal so that any serious constitutional issue can go directly from the High Court to the Supreme Court, if the court so permits. It allows further EU investment agreements, such as those with Vietnam, Singapore and Mexico, to be added by ministerial order, while still operating within the clear limits set by the Supreme Court. In other words, this Bill does not give away sovereignty; it copper-fastens it and it also gives us a lawful, transparent way to meet our international obligations. Why does this matter?”
“I am pleased to speak in support of the Arbitration (Amendment) Bill 2025. I thank the Minister, Deputy McEntee, and her officials for bring it forward. It has long been debated in this House. This Bill is a direct and careful response to the Supreme Court’s judgment in the Costello case, which held that, legislative change would be necessary before the Canada-EU Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement could be fully ratified. The core issue identified by the court was the automatic enforcement in Ireland of awards of a CETA investment tribunal. The Bill before us deals exactly with that point. It inserts a new section 25A into the Arbitration Act 2010 to create a bespoke, tightly framed regime for enforcing awards under EU agreements that contain modern investment protection provisions, including CETA and the EU–Chile agreement.”
“We are also sending a clear message, which is that Ireland is open to investment and collaboration and committed to supporting our creative industries. I welcome the Bill and commend the Minister of State and the officials on introducing it. This necessary and practical step will allow Screen Ireland to keep backing Irish stories, Irish talent and Irish jobs. I welcome the Minister of State's commitment to expanding the funding, particularly for digital gaming. I want to be associated with the remarks of colleagues on the need to support workers' pay and conditions. Everyone must have fair, decent working arrangements. I am happy to support the Bill. I look forward to the next chapter of Irish film and screen production.”