Cormac Devlin
Dún Laoghaire · Fianna Fáil · Ireland
“That brings me to the fiscal implications. Members will have noticed that the estimates vary enormously. In 2025, researchers at Dublin City University and Ulster University published the first peer-reviewed study of the cost of unity over its first ten years. They put the cost in year one at approximately €3 billion.”
“There are also gaps that we can start closing now through greater co-operation and engagement. Second, we should build prosperity in the meantime. The Government has announced €377 million in new shared island investment across 12 cross-Border projects.”
“It benefits communities North and South today, irrespective of the constitutional future people choose tomorrow. It is important that we recognise the success of that co-operation today. The third point is that we must keep asking the right questions.”
“I welcome the debate and the contributions from all Members of the House, as well as the varying views. As Cathaoirleach of the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, I believe this is exactly the type of debate and discussion that we should be having in this House.”
“The studies make different assumptions about pensions and the UK national debt, and very different assumptions about how quickly the Northern economy could grow and converge with our own. That is the honest position. The true scale of the cost is yet unknown. Anyone who claims certainty on the figure is not being straight with anybody.”
“We should certainly do what we can now, and I am suggesting three things. First, we should build an evidence base. Much reference has been made today to the shared island unit in the Department of the Taoiseach, which has published extensive research on two economies, two labour markets, education, health and other areas.”
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“Second, it makes sure that time lost due to judicial reviews does not count against the duration of that said planning permission. It is a commonsense intervention. In too many cases, we have seen planning permissions run out, not because the builder failed to act but because legal proceedings delayed progress. At the end of 2024, over 40,000 residential units in Dublin sat uncommenced across 265 inactive sites. Approximately 15,000 of those are at real risk of expiry in the next two years. We simply cannot allow viable homes to lapse on a technicality. That is not in the interest of young families, renters or, indeed, local communities who come to all of us across the House crying and giving out that there is not enough housing.”
“I welcome the publication of the Planning and Development (Amendment) Bill 2025. I have listened to some of the Opposition speakers about it and wanting a longer time to discuss it but, in essence, this Bill is about extending the existing permissions and we should not want to take longer to do such a thing because if those permissions expire, it will be the same people who are objecting to the amendment Bill who will also condemn the Government. It is important for us to keep a focus on that. This is a practical and timely piece of legislation focused on one objective; getting homes built. It does two key things. First, it allows the holders of planning permissions for housing developments with less than two years left and not yet commenced to apply for an extension of up to three years.”
“Until that happens, as violence continues, suffering will deepen and the prospect of peace will fade further. That is why we in this House and those across the EU and the international community must keep the pressure on for an immediate ceasefire, the release of hostages, full humanitarian access and a return to diplomacy. The stakes and the continued impact on civilians could not be higher. The time to act is now.”
“I commend the Tánaiste and his counterparts who wrote to the High Representative calling for a full review of the EU-Israel association agreement under Article 2. That review is now under way and I hope it leads to real accountability. Ireland’s role in the world has always been rooted in our own experience. We know what conflict looks like and we know how difficult peace can be. We also know that it is possible, if people are willing to engage, to compromise and to put human lives above political gain. There is no military solution to this conflict. Only a negotiated settlement can deliver peace and security for Israelis and Palestinians alike. That settlement must be based on a two-state solution, with full respect for international law and the right of both peoples to live in dignity and security.”
“That is why I support the Government’s decision to advance the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill. This is not about boycotts; it is about the alignment of our trade policy with international law. The ICJ’s advisory opinion has made it clear: states have a duty not to aid or recognise illegal situations. The Bill gives that principle legal force. It is modest, practical and principled, and I hope colleagues from across the House will support it as it proceeds through the pre-legislative scrutiny stage. We are not acting alone. Many other EU states share Ireland’s view that the EU’s trade relationship with Israel must be consistent with its own humanitarian rights commitment.”
“Let us be honest: the long-term viability of a two-state solution is hanging by a thread. The continued expansion of illegal settlements in the West Bank, the deepening occupation and the violent displacement of communities are not just violations of international law. They are actions that make a future Palestinian state less and less feasible. The recent announcement by the Israeli Government of 22 new settlements in the West Bank is particularly alarming, and we are now seeing the single longest Israeli military operation in the West Bank in two decades. Combined with record levels of settler violence and movement restrictions, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that facts are being created on the ground to block any return to meaningful negotiations.”
“I am proud that Ireland is one of the few countries to have backed up our words with concrete action. Since January 2023, we have provided over €88 million in support to the Palestinian people, including core funding to UNRWA and emergency evacuations of sick children from Gaza for care in Irish hospitals. This is solidarity in action. I also strongly support the Government’s decision on the recognition of the Palestinian state in May. Recognition matters. It reaffirms our belief that peace must be built on the equal dignity of both peoples. However, recognition is not enough on its own. It must be part of a broader, co-ordinated effort to revive and implement the two-state solution, a vision that is being eroded every day by the current reality on the ground.”
“It is a breach of international humanitarian law and is causing immeasurable suffering. Over 500 people have been killed while trying to access food. Hospitals and UN facilities have been bombed and children are starving. The Red Cross and Médecins sans Frontières speak of total collapse. The UN has described the situation as “weaponised hunger”. Pope Leo XIV echoed this, decrying the “weaponisation of food” in our time, describing it as a moral outrage and a betrayal of basic human decency. I welcome the clear stance taken by the Government in calling for full and unimpeded humanitarian access. The Tánaiste has rightly insisted that the role of UN agencies, including UNRWA, must be protected and respected. This is not just a humanitarian issue; it is a test of whether international law means anything.”
“Like many colleagues in the House, I rise today with a heavy heart. The situation in the Middle East, particularly in Gaza and the West Bank, is an ongoing humanitarian disaster that demands our attention, our compassion and, critically, our action. Let me begin by recalling the horrific events of 7 October, the appalling attacks and murders of innocent people. I reiterate what the Taoiseach and Tánaiste have said: all hostages must be released unconditionally and without delay. Their prolonged captivity serves only to deepen suffering and delay peace but we must also recognise what has followed in the months since. The military response in Gaza has gone far beyond self-defence. What we are witnessing now, day after day, is the collective punishment of a civilian population.”
“In the face of those who seek to do harm, the State must stand on the side of its citizens. That is what this legislation does, and that is why I support its renewal.”
“However, it certainly needs to be expanded to ensure there are sufficient places to allow judges remand and sentence individuals when appropriate and necessary, which of course is always a last resort. It goes without saying that we will all press for additional resources to be provided for young people in budget 2026, as has been a hallmark of this Government. This motion is not about giving the State carte blanche powers; it is about recognising the world as it is, not as we wish it to be. It is about equipping our justice system to deal with threats that are real, present and persistent. It is about ensuring that criminals do not succeed in intimidating our courts, our communities or our country. In the face of intimidation, the State must be resolute. In the face of violence, the State must uphold the rule of law.”
“However, we now see young people who have been charged with serious offences being released on bail regularly as there are not sufficient places available in the youth justice service facility at Oberstown. Many of these individuals are going on to commit what can only be described as crime sprees. This is completely unacceptable. Clearly, there are issues at Oberstown; staff are facing very significant challenges and risks. Our thoughts are with the staff working at Oberstown, particularly those injured recently. It may be that the service needs to returned from the management of the Department of children under the auspices of the Department of justice.”
“We also know that the nature of the threat is changing. Violent extremism, radicalisation and international terrorism do not respect borders. Ireland is not immune to this. Whether from lone actors radicalised online or groups acting under ideological banners, the threat of politically motivated violence remains. While we have been spared the worst of such attacks in recent years, the risks have not gone away. Complacency is no option. It is sometimes argued that the ordinary courts should be sufficient for all cases. That may be a desirable aspiration in theory, but in practice we know that in some trials, particularly those involving organised crime, intimidation of jurors and witnesses is not just a possibility but a probability. I welcome the Minister's commitment to increasing Garda numbers and the number of prison spaces.”
“My party, Fianna Fáil, welcomes that direction of travel, but reform takes time. In the meantime, the threat is real, and we must act accordingly. Let me say a word about the reality on the ground. From June 2024 to May 2025, An Garda Síochána carried out dozens of intelligence-led operations targeting both subversive activity and organised crime. These are not theoretical threats; these are live investigations. They involve arrests, seizures of firearms and explosives, and the prevention of planned acts of violence. The reports laid before the House outline the extent to which these provisions are being used and the challenges they are designed to address. The Garda faces a dangerous and evolving enemy. We owe it to its members and to the public they serve to ensure that they are not fighting with one hand behind their backs.”
“Section 8 also allows for certain trials to be heard in the Special Criminal Court, where there is no jury, eliminating the risk of jury intimidation and ensuring that justice can be done and can be seen to be done. These powers are not taken lightly. Non-jury trials are, by their very nature, exceptional. They should be used sparingly and they must be subject to review. That is why each year we come before the House to seek democratic approval for their continuance. This is why we welcome the work of the independent review group and the Minister's commitment to implementing its recommendations in a careful and considered manner. The review group has called for the eventual repeal and replacement of the Offences against the State Acts with a new framework that retains necessary protections while strengthening oversight and transparency.”
“It is also a critical pillar in our response to the ongoing and deeply corrosive influence of organised crime. Section 8 of the Criminal Justice (Amendment) Act 2009, also being considered today, was introduced to address the serious risk posed by criminal gangs. These gangs are not petty criminals; they are transnational operations engaged in trafficking of drugs and firearms, kidnapping, extortion, robbery and murder. They are sophisticated, well resourced and utterly ruthless. These organisations operate in the shadows and their power lies in intimidation. They terrorise communities, they bribe or threaten witnesses and, crucially, they seek to undermine the very justice system that stands against them. This is why section 8 is so important. I have spoken about this before in this House and I felt it important to speak again today.”
“The Offences Against the State (Amendment) Act 1998 was enacted in the aftermath of one of the darkest days in our recent history, the Omagh bombing, which claimed 31 innocent lives, including two unborn twins, and injured hundreds more. The atrocity was a grim reminder that the peace is hard won and that the work of protecting the peace is never finished. This legislation remains necessary in 2025 because, regrettably, the threat has not vanished. While we have made significant progress in reducing paramilitary activity on this island, dissident groups remain active. The threat level in Northern Ireland is currently "substantial". That means an attack is likely. These groups continue to target members of the security forces and they do so with intent and capability. However, this legislation is not solely about dissident republicanism.”
“I welcome the opportunity to support the motion before us to renew the provisions of the Offences Against the State (Amendment) Act 1998 and section 8 of the Criminal Justice (Amendment) Act 2009 for a further 12 months. These are exceptional measures but also necessary measures designed not to restrict freedoms but to protect lives. The core purpose of this legislation is to give An Garda Síochána and the justice system the tools necessary to deal with a persistent and evolving threat: the threat of terrorism and the threat posed by highly organised, well-resourced and often ruthless criminal gangs. Let us be clear about the context in which this legislation was born.”
“We need a full statutory framework that gives older persons explicit legal protections in the community, in hospitals and in nursing homes alike. Our population is an ageing one and the ageing population is also growing, which is a success story in itself. However, it also demands that we act not only to regulate but to care.”
“If we are serious about ageing with dignity, we need to invest in the whole spectrum of care from supports to live at home longer to high-quality residential options when needed. That includes delivering on the statutory home care scheme, properly staffing our community nursing units and ensuring that the fair deal scheme remains sustainable and fair. Crucially, we must also recognise the need for more geriatric social workers. These professionals play a key and unique role in safeguarding older people, especially those living alone or in complex situations, yet their numbers are far too low. We need a national strategy to recruit, train and retain more of them. Finally, while I echo the Government’s commitment to the forthcoming adult safeguarding legislation, we cannot delay.”
“In recent weeks, distressing footage from "RTÉ Investigates" and "Prime Time" has brought into stark relief the vulnerability of many older people in residential care. What we saw was not just a breach of trust; it was a breach of decency. We must acknowledge that the vast majority of front-line staff in our nursing homes and community services do remarkable work. They care for our parents, grandparents and neighbours with compassion and dignity, often under huge pressure and without sufficient resources. However, the system around them and above them must do better. We need to be clear: mistreatment or neglect of any older person in care is unacceptable and must be met with accountability. HIQA plays a vital role here. I support its work but regulation alone is not enough.”
“I thank the Minister for not only having the Housing Agency review the report of the commission in May 2024 but also for his work in this area.”
“Instead, the Government must act decisively and responsibly to bring clarity, certainty and fairness to Ireland's rental sector. These changes will introduce a degree of predictability to the rental market, thereby encouraging much-needed investment in new housing units. To those struggling to afford rent, the answer is supply and continued support from the State. We have seen the rental tax credit and HAP be increased in the past few years, and now the rent controls are being extended to the entire country. The Government is moving forward to provide certainty that will improve supply. This Bill is the first step in that strategy, with more legislation to follow. I hope it will be supported by TDs from across this House.”
“It protects tenants in the short term through nationwide RPZ coverage. It gives certainty to landlords and investors by signalling future changes will be indexed to inflation and capped. It gives renters peace of mind to know their tenancies are secure and sudden sharp increases will no longer be the norm. From 1 March 2026, the reforms will go even further. No-fault evictions will end for the majority of new tenancies, tenancies will be guaranteed for six years and rents will be linked to inflation, providing long-term stability. These are not just technical changes, but changes that will impact thousands of households, including people planning their family's future, saving for a home or just trying to get by. We acknowledge these are complex reforms but complexity can never be an excuse for inaction.”
“This Bill will extend the RPZ rules to every corner of the country, applying the 2% rent cap nationally until 28 February 2026. That means renters in counties like Leitrim, Roscommon, Donegal, Clare and Mayo, areas not previously covered, will now benefit from the same safeguards as those in urban centres. That is fair and it is a necessary step. Whether you rent in Blackrock or Ballaghaderreen, your right to affordable and predictable rents should be the same. We know these reforms are needed. The Housing Agency's review shows that tighter rent controls have helped to moderate price growth, but also that supply has been impacted, particularly following the 2021 restrictions. The challenge we face is how to protect renters without discouraging badly needed investment in our housing supply. This Bill strikes that balance.”
“I welcome the opportunity to examine the Residential Tenancies (Amendment) Bill 2025. I thank the Minister for bringing it before the House. This is a decisive Bill that extends rent pressure zones to every county, something that Members from all sides of the House sought. It reflects the Government's commitment to renters, to stability and fairness and to delivering real protections in an often volatile housing market. At its core, the Bill will ensure that all tenants in Ireland, whether in Donegal, Dublin, Dún Laoghaire or Drumshanbo, will be protected from excessive rent increases. Until now, rent pressure zones covered around 83% of tenancies nationwide. That still left one in five tenants outside the reach of these protections, exposed to the full force of market rent inflation. That changes now.”
“I thank the Taoiseach for his personal intervention to help to secure up to 800 homes at the Leopardstown Racecourse, a site that can deliver at scale and which is close to transport links and jobs. This is work that makes a real difference. It is not about sound bites but delivery. In that regard, I acknowledge the Minister's own role in this. I met with him recently and was impressed by his focus on solutions, openness to ideas and commitment to progress. That stands in sharp contrast to what some in the Opposition have offered today. There was little beyond criticism and a failure to bring any serious, costed proposals. What we need now is momentum in this sector, across all levels of government, with local authorities, developers and communities working together to deliver homes for our people.”
“These include the extension of the rent pressure zones to all existing tenancies, a cap on rent increases at 2% or the rate of inflation and a ban on no-fault evictions by large landlords. At the same time, rents in new homes will be linked to inflation, which is essential to attract investment in apartments and increase rental supply. Urban development zones, replacing strategic development zones, SDZs, will fast-track large-scale housing projects with State-backed infrastructure. The housing activation office will break through delays. These are practical, targeted reforms, not empty promises. Locally, the housing pipeline in Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown is strong. Just this month, the council approved three Part 8 schemes, including 124 homes at the Blackglen Road in Sandyford and 70 affordable purchase units at Leopardstown Road.”
“The Shanganagh development, of which I have spoken previously in the Chamber, delivered 597 homes, including 200 social, 305 cost-rental and 91 affordable homes, which are almost complete. Families are moving in as we speak. St. Lauence Park in Stillorgan, Ballyogan Rise and Wood Park are also in progress, as is Dundrum Central, which will include 900 homes. Supply has increased and we are determined to drive it further. There are still challenges, however. The reality is that we need more homes faster, especially in urban areas and for renters. Striking a balance between supply and protection is at the core of the Government's new housing plan. Today the Minister, Deputy Browne, has brought forward a suite of reforms that directly address the concerns of renters while supporting new supply.”
“Housing remains one of the defining issues of our generation. If we are serious about solving it, we must deal in facts, not sound bites as some in the Opposition have done and are focused on. Let us start with where we are now. Housing supply has increased significantly since Fianna Fáil re-entered government in 2020. In 2022, 2023 and 2024, completions were 29,644, 32,525 and 30,330 units, respectively. Almost 92,500 homes have been built for people in the past three years, the highest level since 2008. Over 5,900 homes were completed in quarter 1 of this year alone and commencements in 2023 and 2024 totalled nearly 102,000 units, representing a strong pipeline. In my area, Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown, we are seeing real delivery.”
“To Lucia, Jim and the entire O’Farrell family, we are truly sorry for your loss. We are sorry for the failures you have endured and we are grateful for your strength in continuing to seek the justice Shane deserves.”
“The measures introduced in recent years, including reforms to bail and sentencing law, are welcome, but reform must be ongoing. It must be grounded in compassion, accountability and a willingness to listen. That includes listening to the families of victims. It includes respecting their experience even, and especially, when it challenges official narratives. The O’Farrells have done this State a service by refusing to remain silent. Their advocacy has already led to change. It will continue to shape how we deliver justice in this country. As we reflect today on Shane’s life and on all that has been lost, let us resolve to build a justice system that is not only more efficient, but one that is more humane, where errors are admitted, failings are corrected and the lives of victims and their families are treated with dignity and respect.”
“We need to acknowledge what the O’Farrell family have said, namely that no report, however detailed, can heal the damage done when the State fails in its most basic duty to protect the innocent from known danger. Alas, it is often said that justice must not only be done, but must be seen to be done. In this case, for too long, justice was obscured. The O’Farrell family were left to navigate a maze of bureaucracy, evasion and delay. That must never be repeated. We owe it to them and to Shane’s memory to ensure no other family find themselves in such a position. Let me be clear: this is not about one tragic case alone; it is about the integrity of our justice system. It is about whether the safeguards we believe are in place are actually functioning and about how the State responds when things go wrong.”
“Each process shed further light on the gaps and dysfunctions within our criminal justice system. While some of these inquiries concluded that no single failure directly caused Shane’s death, what is absolutely clear is this: had the system functioned properly, Gridziuska would not have been on the road that day and Shane would still be alive. The circumstances of this case raise serious concerns around the bail laws, suspended sentences and interagency communication. These are areas where the system’s failings were starkly exposed. I welcome confirmation by the Minister that work has begun on implementing reforms. That must continue at pace.”
“The grief and heartbreak endured by the O'Farrell family have been compounded by the State’s slow, inadequate and often defensive responses. In the face of extraordinary personal loss, the family have shown immense courage and dignity. Their campaign for truth, for justice and for reform has been tireless. They have never sought vengeance. What they have sought is accountability, and through their persistence, they have forced the State to confront uncomfortable truths. I pay tribute to colleagues from across the House who stuck with the family and their campaign for justice over the years, particularly the Leas-Cheann Comhairle, Deputy John McGuinness, who consistently raised the issue during the term of the previous Dáil. As recited earlier, there have been multiple investigations and inquiries.”
“He was on bail for multiple offences, had breached his bail conditions and was the subject of suspended sentences that should have been activated, as outlined by the Minister earlier. Yet, inexplicably and unforgivably, no action was taken to bring him before the courts. The system failed at every turn. An hour before Shane’s death, gardaí stopped the car in which Mr. Gridziuska was travelling. The car was uninsured and lacked a valid NCT. The driver was replaced by Gridziuska himself and the car was allowed to continue on its way. That encounter could and should have led to his arrest. It could have prevented the collision that claimed Shane’s life. Instead, the opportunity was missed. The system once again looked away. A young man full of promise was lost.”
“I begin by welcoming the apology offered by the Minister for Justice, Deputy Jim O’Callaghan, to the family of Shane O’Farrell. It is a necessary and appropriate step, an acknowledgement of the profound and preventable failures that led to Shane’s death and of the deep hurt and sense of injustice his family have carried for over a decade. I echo the apology and send my heartfelt sympathies to the O’Farrell family on the tragic and avoidable loss of their beloved son and brother, Shane. What happened to Shane should never have happened. Zigimantas Gridziuska, the man responsible for the hit-and-run incident in which Shane was killed in August 2011, had no right to be at liberty. He had more than 40 previous convictions.”
“We have also expanded wetland restoration in the midlands, supported peatland rehabilitation through Bord na Móna and rolled out biodiversity duties for all public bodies, embedding nature into how we plan, build and manage public services. There is more to do, of course. We must build on the fourth national biodiversity action plan for the period 2023 to 2030. The Minister of State worked on that with me when he was a member of the climate action committee during the previous Dáil. We must increase research funding and strengthen enforcement to combat wildlife crime. We must continue to bring nature into our towns and cities - into our schools, our greenways and our housing schemes. Restoring nature is not just an environmental duty; it is a national project that binds community, culture and care for the land.”
“Crucially, this will not entail top-down diktat; the process will be shaped by farmers, fishers, foresters, scientists and, indeed, citizens. Fianna Fáil in government believes in a just transition. That means voluntary, well-supported measures, not punishment. Our agri-environment schemes are a clear example. ACRES now supports over 55,000 farmers and has seen €490 million paid to date for habitat restoration, tree planting and the protection of nearly 9,000 km of watercourses. Some 21,000 nest boxes have been built for barn owls and kestrels. This is biodiversity in action, led by our farming community.”
“We also established the Environmental Protection Agency under the Environmental Protection Agency Act 1992, giving Ireland an independent environmental watchdog at a time when few countries had one. Today, that legacy continues. However, beyond celebration, this week is also about responsibility. We are in the middle of a global biodiversity crisis. The extinction of species, degradation of ecosystems and impact on water and soil health all threaten our food security, climate goals and the well-being of future generations. That is why we now have a legally binding EU nature restoration regulation and why Ireland is developing a national nature restoration plan. The first leaders' forum met in March and community conversations will follow.”
“It began with Éamon de Valera's strong commitment to reforestation and nature, culminating in the Forestry Act 1946, which laid the groundwork for modern woodland restoration. The Ceann Comhairle will be aware of the creation of the 620-acre John F. Kennedy Arboretum, officially opened in 1968 in New Ross, Wexford, by the then President Éamon de Valera. It is a living monument to biodiversity that was well ahead of its time in promoting education, conservation and commemoration. That legacy of action continued. It was a Fianna Fáil in government that introduced the first ban on smoky coal in 1990, a pioneering move that dramatically improved air quality and reduced premature deaths in our cities.”
“In my constituency, Dún Laoghaire, I warmly welcomed the recent allocation of funding for Loughlinstown forest, which will enhance a valued local amenity and protect a vital green lung for our community. Dún Laoghaire is a proud maritime constituency, home to our outstanding harbours and the seafront. It is part of the Dublin Bay UNESCO Biosphere. It is one of only a handful of such areas in the world that combines a capital city with a protected marine environment. Our coast, harbours and marine habitats are not just scenic treasures; they are also rich in biodiversity and critical to climate resilience. Of course, Fianna Fáil's record on the environment stretches back generations.”
“We are also seeing the results of our investment, including the creation of Ireland's first maritime national park. Two national parks have been established since 2020. Over €2.9 million has been committed this year alone to local biodiversity projects in every county. In this regard acknowledge the work done on biodiversity in my constituency by the Monkstown Tidy Towns group. Tidy Towns groups up and down the country are making a huge effort for Biodiversity Week, as the Minister of State will be aware. In fact, there are 350 different events celebrating Biodiversity Week and engaging communities up and down the country – from whale watching and woodland walks to bat-box building and biodiversity cycles.”
“I join my colleague in formally congratulating the Minister of State, Deputy O'Sullivan, on his new portfolio. Deputy Crowe failed to mention the waterways to which the Minister of State takes in his spare time. Biodiversity Week gives us a moment to reflect not only on the wonder of Ireland's natural heritage but also on the scale of the challenge we face in restoring and protecting it. I acknowledge the tremendous progress made in recent years. Since 2020, we have increased National Parks and Wildlife Service funding from €28.7 million to €78 million. We have grown the service's team by two thirds, from 349 staff to 577. That represents real investment and, indeed, real ambition. I have spoken about this previously in the House.”
“It is about access, delivery and outcomes, and that is where our focus must stay. We are also investing in school places and specialist support. Budget 2025 provided for up to 2,700 new special education placements and nearly 400 new special classes. We are on track to deliver five new special schools and to expand existing ones too. In conclusion, the scale of this crisis is acknowledged. The focus must be on investing in services and reforming and restructuring services to deliver a better, faster and more equitable system, which meets the needs of every child not just in law but also in practice.”
“The Minister prioritised special education in her time with the Department of Education with regard to the SENs. I acknowledge the leadership of the Taoiseach, who from his first days in office ensured that disability had a full voice at Cabinet and created the first disability unit in the Department of the Taoiseach. The Cabinet Committee on Disability, which he chairs, continues to drive co-ordinated action across Departments. As with her progress on the SENs, I want to highlight the work of the Minister, Deputy Foley, in placing a sharper focus on delivering therapies directly in our schools, starting with special schools and ultimately extending across the system. The funding for disability services in 2025 stands at over €3.2 billion, up €1.2 billion since 2020, but I and families know that funding alone is not enough.”
“No family should be forced to seek legal redress to access a right they are entitled to under the Disability Act 2005. It is deeply concerning that €7.9 million has been spent on litigation since 2021, money that should have gone to services, not to lawyers. The reality is that too much of our current system is still shaped by bureaucracy, not by the best interests of children. We have therapists spending a third of their time conducting lengthy assessments instead of delivering therapies. This needs to change. We need a model that responds quickly to identified needs, whether that is speech and language therapy, occupational therapy or mental health supports, without unnecessary delays. Where legislation needs to change to support that, I know the Minister, Deputy Foley, will act.”
“In fact, we all share many of its objectives. They are shared priorities but real, lasting solutions require more than emergency funding; they require structural reform, workforce expansion and smarter delivery. I welcome the Government's allocation of an additional €10 million this year to deliver nearly 3,000 additional assessments and to expand our capacity with new specialist teams, including senior therapists, health and social care assistants, as well as clinical trainees. We are already seeing progress on that front. Last year, we saw a 30% increase in the number of completed assessments, thanks in part to the targeted waiting list initiative. Over 2,400 assessments were procured through private providers, targeting families who have waited the longest. That said, it is clear that it is not enough.”
“At the outset, I welcome this debate and thank colleagues across the House for their contributions. It is clear we are united by a common concern for children with additional needs and their families, who deserve timely assessments and tailored supports. Far too many people are waiting far too long. No one here today can ignore the facts. There are over 15,290 overdue assessments, a figure that represents children, families and futures being left in limbo. Applications have more than doubled since 2020, rising to over 10,600 last year. These delays are unacceptable and must be addressed head-on. It is also important to be honest with the public about the complexity of the challenges and the work that is already under way. I note the Opposition has tabled a motion on this issue this evening, which the Government is not opposing.”
“I thank the Taoiseach for his reply. I look forward to chairing the Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. The committee will begin its work shortly and I look forward to working with the Taoiseach and with colleagues from across the House in advancing the spirit and the commitments of the agreement. Will the Taoiseach elaborate on how the Cabinet committee is progressing cross-Border ministerial co-operation? I am particularly interested in hearing about recent or planned work on cross-Border projects on healthcare co-ordination, enterprise and tourism promotion. These are areas where practical co-operation can deliver real benefits for communities on both sides of the Border. I thank the Taoiseach and commend the work of the Cabinet in establishing this committee on Northern Ireland.”