Holly Cairns
Cork South-West · Social Democrats · Ireland
“At the end of the day, there are a few things that we know and a few things that we do not know. We know the commission of investigation found that it is highly likely there are babies buried on the grounds. We do not know why it made that recommendation. Why? Because the archives are sealed.”
“He now seems to be using that as an excuse for inaction, when what he should be doing is moving heaven and earth to find these children and 19 women who disappeared. Two weeks ago, the Taoiseach told me that Cork City Council should have placed a compulsory purchase order on the land.”
“It knows the Commission of Investigation into Mother and Baby Homes said it was highly likely that burials had taken place on this land. It has all the evidence of abuse, suspicious deaths, disappeared women and children and likely burial, and the Taoiseach is telling us he is powerless to act because legislation his previous Government d…”
“I want to take up where we left off yesterday. When explaining why the Government was not going to buy Bessborough the Taoiseach said: Excavation without evidence of location is neither feasible nor lawful [because] Under the Institutional Burials Act 2022, the Government can only [start an excavation] where it is satisfied that burials h…”
“The decision by An Coimisiún Pleanála to grant planning permission for apartments at Bessborough is disgusting. This represents yet another failure, a betrayal by the State of the thousands of women and children who were incarcerated and abused there and of the 859 children and 19 women who remain unaccounted for and are presumed dead.”
“I take it from the Taoiseach's reply and his talk about respecting An Bord Pleanála's decision that the answer is that the Government will not be issuing a CPO for the land. The Taoiseach may correct me if I am wrong because I hope the Government is going to make moves to compulsorily purchase the land.”
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“Does the Taoiseach acknowledge that without a public model of childcare, without any actual childcare at all for so many families, we will never reach gender equality and that this stifles women's careers? It blocks them from getting back into the workplace. The Taoiseach lists off his script of things there as if that is progress.”
“He seems to think that plámásing the electorate and promising things is just part of electioneering. It is not. People believed the Taoiseach when he said there would be a reduction in childcare fees. People believed this Government when it promised to roll out a plan for a public model of childcare. I just hope that people watching will judge this Government not on its empty promises in the lead-up to the next election but on its actions now. The Taoiseach says I will not acknowledge progress and is talking about workers in this sector. Does he acknowledge that workers in the childcare sector have the same level of training and qualifications as other teachers but get paid minimum wage and in the summer months have to sign on? Where is the progress for workers in this sector?”
“That is a drop in the ocean of the surpluses available to this Government but the grim reality is that this Government, which is awash with cash, lacks both vision and ambition. The Government is incapable of investing the money wisely and reforming our public services, driving down costs for families, transforming people's lives in the long term for the better. Why will the Taoiseach not commit to reducing childcare fees in the budget and where is the plan to roll out a public model of childcare?”
“It would mean the State treating childcare with the level of seriousness primary and secondary education get, recognising that investment in early years and the first few years of a child's life pays dividends over a lifetime. The Social Democrats was the first party to publish a plan for a public model of childcare. We did that two years ago, detailing how we would set up a public childcare model to acquire private businesses that wanted to sell, because we know there are businesses that want to sell. Just this week, one of Ireland's biggest childcare operators, Tigers Childcare, was acquired by a large UK company, Kids Planet Day Nurseries. That deal was worth €75 million.”
“That is if they are lucky enough to even get a childcare place because it is almost impossible to get one, especially for babies between six and 12 months of age. This means thousands of women all over the country having to take unpaid maternity leave so they can care for their babies. It is stressful, it is a struggle and it is hugely expensive. In an interview with Gavan Reilly on Monday the Taoiseach refused to commit to reducing childcare costs in the next budget. It was extraordinary to witness, given all of the pre-election bluster. The reality is that our childcare system is broken but, instead of reforming it, the Taoiseach wants to continue with business as usual. We have the resources to transform childcare services, rolling out a public model that would be accessible and affordable.”
“In the run-up to the last general election, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael were in panic mode. In an effort to distract voters from the Government's failure to deliver they began splashing the cash, giving nearly everyone in the country a one-off payment which hit bank accounts in the week leading up to the election. Not just that, but a range of cast-iron commitments were made to the electorate. Chief among them was a promise to cap the cost of childcare at €200 a month. We were told that childcare costs were at the top of Fianna Fáil's agenda, while Fine Gael promised to publish a plan to cap costs and deliver a public model of childcare within the first 100 days of office. A full 475 days later, where are we now? Childcare costs have not come down by a single cent. Families with young children are still paying enormous sums for childcare.”
“The question is whether we ensure they can do that safely in Ireland, or whether we continue to force them abroad; whether we listen to women who told us that the law failed them, or whether we choose to ignore them again. I encourage the Minister, if she means what she says, and if she actually wants something to change, to come forward with something concrete on what she would do about that. I would encourage a Committee Stage debate.”
“The public also expects the Oireachtas to respond when flaws in the law become obvious. That is what this Bill seeks to do: to address clear and identifiable legislative gaps. That is why I am asking Members today not to shut down this debate on Second Stage. If Members believe that parts of this legislation can be strengthened, then come forward with amendments. If Members believe that safeguards should be clarified, make those arguments. However, refusing to even engage with reform when we already know the harm being caused is irresponsible. The women directly affected by these laws deserve better than that. They deserve a Dáil that will take this issue seriously because, at the end of the day, women will do what they need to do in order to access a termination.”
“You cannot build a genuinely supportive healthcare system while simultaneously threatening doctors with a 14-year prison sentence. The World Health Organization is clear that it does not agree with this. People who fought for repeal will be stunned at the approach that Sinn Féin is taking. I am stunned too. Putting forward a proposal for the bare minimum - removing the three-day wait - Deputy Cullinane said that this strikes the right balance. I have to ask: for who? It is safe to say it is not the women who are forced to travel for a termination for medical reasons. Deputy Cullinane went as far as to say that our legislation lacks democratic legitimacy. That is an absolutely outrageous thing to say. It is based on an expert review of the law. Irish people expect a healthcare system based on science and compassion, not ideology and shame.”
“The problems with the 28-day rule, the mandatory waiting period and the criminalisation of doctors were all identified years ago but nothing was done. There is a tendency, when abortion is discussed, for there to be an undercurrent of suspicion - suspicion that if barriers are removed, women and doctors simply could not be trusted. I was shocked today that the Minister for Health and Sinn Féin are in favour of criminalisation. When politicians create obstacles in abortion care, it is women who suffer. The continued existence of criminal penalties sends a message that abortion is something morally wrong, something dangerous, something outside the bounds of normal healthcare, and that affects how a service develops. It affects how clinicians feel about providing care. It affects stigma. It affects access.”
“We all know that this law is causing harm, and we have a responsibility to change it. We know women are being hurt by the gaps in our legislation in maternity hospitals, on overnight ferries and in hotel rooms in England, far away from their loved ones. Everyone in this Chamber knows about it, and everyone in this Chamber needs to address that reality. We have heard repeated references today to caution, to limits and to concerns about changing the framework too much. There also needs to be caution about the harm caused by inaction, concern for the women who continue to fall through the cracks in this legislation, and limits to how long that evidence can be ignored, because none of these issues are new.”
“Allow this Bill to move to Committee Stage, because that is where we can do our best work, where we hear from experts and clinicians and where we can test and improve legislation and strengthen it. This Bill is not the final product; it is the start of improving a system we know is failing too many women. The gaps in our law were identified three years ago in the O'Shea review. Women are still living with the consequences of our failure to act. They deserve better.”
“We also need to talk honestly about criminalisation. The World Health Organization is clear that abortion should be fully decriminalised and treated as healthcare, yet healthcare professionals in Ireland can still face up to 14 years' imprisonment. That matters because criminalisation creates a chilling effect whereby doctors must consider legal risk rather than focusing solely on the patient. Decriminalisation does not mean deregulation. There will be safeguards and accountability, and doctors will still be governed by professional standards and medical ethics. Healthcare should be regulated as healthcare as opposed to through the threat of criminal sanction. I ask Members across this House not to close their minds to this legislation before the work has even begun.”
“The mandatory three-day waiting period is another example of a barrier that exists not because of medicine but because of politics. Once again, it is women who pay the price. The World Health Organization has been very explicit that mandatory waiting periods create barriers to care and should be removed because women are capable of making decisions about our own healthcare. We know from IFPA research that 98% of women return after the three days, so what does the law actually achieve? It does not improve healthcare or protect women. In some cases, it is pushing women beyond the 12-week limit entirely, forcing them to travel abroad again. This Bill would make a reflection period available to any woman who wants more time but would no longer force women who have already made up their minds to delay their care.”
“The result of our current legislation is that grieving parents are being made to feel like criminals for wanting to bring their daughter home. That is not what Ireland voted for in 2018. As legislators, we do not get to look away from the reality because it is uncomfortable or complicated. We are the only people in this country with the power to fix laws that are causing harm. Right now, our law only permits a termination where the condition is likely to lead to the death of the foetus before birth or within 28 days of birth. Doctors, families and advocacy groups have repeatedly told us that this threshold is too narrow and too rigid. Doctors are being placed in an impossible position, and women are still travelling as a result.”
“The continued criminalisation of abortion creates fear among clinicians and stigma for patients. These issues were all identified in the Government's expert review of the law three years ago. Three years later, women are still waiting. This is why the Social Democrats are bringing forward this Bill which is based on a very simple principle, namely that women deserve compassionate, timely and evidence-based healthcare not stigma, shame and barriers but healthcare. A few weeks ago on Leaders' Questions, I raised the case of Denise Whitmore who nearly died travelling to England for a termination after receiving a fatal foetal diagnosis. After everything they had already endured, Denise and her husband, Mark, were advised to smuggle their daughter Éadha home in the boot of their car in order that they could bring her home to Ireland.”
“I move: “That the Bill be now read a Second Time.” Eight years ago, Ireland voted overwhelmingly to repeal the eighth amendment. People voted for compassion and to end the cruelty of forcing women onto planes and ferries. They voted because we believe women should be able to access abortion here at home, with their families, doctors and support systems around them. While enormous progress has been made since then, the promise of repeal has not been fully realised. Many women who receive devastating diagnoses of fatal foetal conditions, often after the 20-week scan, are still forced to make that long, lonely journey to the UK. The mandatory three-day waiting period continues to create unnecessary distress and delay despite having absolutely no medical basis.”
“-----that their pay should be representative of that. That is the truth. They are on picket lines because of that. I say to the Taoiseach and the Minister, who is tutting over at me, that paramedics have the same responsibility and amount of training as other medical professionals but are paid significantly less. That is fundamentally unfair. The Taoiseach and Minister must at least recognise that. The paramedics are going into a pay dispute and being told that, in order to get a pay rise, they have to accept a reduction in the number of trained paramedics in a crew and that, due to conditions around overtime, some of their pay might be decreased. It is ridiculous. Will the Government drop the precondition around pay?”
“An independent report published six years ago has set out how that can be done but instead of just implementing the report as recommended by the Labour Court, attempts have been made to introduce preconditions which would see the number of trained paramedics in a crew go from two to one and in some instances actually reduce people's pay. You could not make it up. This is not something that workers can or should agree to. This is now beyond a crisis, and this dispute must be brought to an end. Will the Government commit to dropping those preconditions and adopting the McHugh and Crabtree report?”
“The blame lies squarely with a Government that expects an ambulance service to run on fumes and workers' goodwill. It is outrageous that this Government has allowed things to deteriorate to where we are today. Ambulance workers on strike, with the service running at 46% capacity. What does the Government have to say to those people who have been fighting to resolve these issues for years? The bottom line is that staff in the ambulance service must be fairly paid and recognised for the essential and skilled work that they do.”
“Instead, these workers have been ignored for years. Not only are these essential workers badly paid but they are not adequately resourced. The service is so understaffed that personnel numbers need to be doubled by hiring 1,800 workers. Is it any wonder the service is so stretched on the ground or that this is having very serious consequences for patients? In my constituency of Cork South-West, I have been contacted by people who had to wait four hours for an ambulance. Imagine seeing a loved one in serious medical distress and waiting for hours for an ambulance to arrive. It is horrific and is the result of years of underfunding, and it is something that people in rural Ireland have unfortunately come to expect. This is not the fault of ambulance workers who do their very best.”
“Today workers in the ambulance service are on strike. This is a last resort which has been taken by front-line workers who have been left with no other option. We all know how hard paramedics and emergency medical technicians work and we all know the immense responsibility that comes with that role. I spoke to paramedics today who came off a 12-hour shift and are now on picket lines ready to work another shift in a few hours. These are workers who go above and beyond, who do the most important work and who even volunteer after they finish work to provide that crucial emergency care. They spoke about how much they had to upskill over the years so they can provide better and faster treatment to patients and how the evolving nature of their role has not been recognised by this or any previous Government.”
“We already had hundreds of thousands of people in arrears on their energy bills before this crisis. We already had disabled people out on the street protesting for an emergency disability payment. Even before that, we knew that one in five disabled people is living in poverty but the Taoiseach will not bring in any measures between now and the budget for these people who need help.”
“This is not about ignoring certain measures the Government has introduced but when I ask the Taoiseach about targeted supports for people who cannot pay their bills, in the context of an energy crisis and rising costs of 70% in a month for home heating oil, it is not that I have no regard for the free book scheme. For somebody watching, who is struggling to pay their bills, when the Taoiseach is asked about targeted energy supports for people who cannot pay their bills and he talks about the school book scheme, they despair. In the context of these rising energy costs, the Taoiseach understands there is an energy crisis, understands we have energy costs that are 40% higher than the European average and understands how much people are struggling. How does he expect people to wait until October?”
“These measures are practical and achievable, and would make a real difference, so why is the Government not doing any of this? The Taoiseach says he supports targeted measures and says this is an unprecedented crisis, so why will his Government not act like it and deliver the targeted support people need now?”
“As the Taoiseach knows, disabled people were struggling long before this energy crisis. Disability was meant to be a priority for this Government. What will it take for disabled people to be heard? We need emergency supports today and solutions for tomorrow to protect households from future energy shocks. That is why we have proposed a "solar for all" plan that could be rolled out rapidly and would bring down costs instantly. It includes making solar panels free for the homes most at risk of energy poverty, doubling grants to €3,600, a new grant for battery storage and finally rolling out plug-in solar, which this Government has delayed for far too long. Imagine the difference it would make to people’s lives if they could simply plug in solar panels from their balconies and watch their bills fall.”
“Even when Eurostat tells us that electricity prices here are the highest in the EU, at nearly 40% above the average, the Government is still telling people to wait until the budget in October, or maybe even next January, to get any support. Does the Taoiseach realise how crushing that is to hear if you are already at breaking point? The Government has the resources to act; it is just choosing not to do so. The Social Democrats have a comprehensive plan that could be adopted now, with targeted measures to support low- and middle-income workers who are now under enormous pressure, including a €400 energy credit targeted at households earning up to €70,000, a supplementary mileage scheme for essential workers like nurses and carers, and a €400 emergency cost-of-disability payment.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. There is a constant dread that is now hanging over people’s lives. It is a quiet, growing panic about whether they can make it to the next payday. We have more evidence today of the huge cost-of-living pressures people are under. A new survey in the Irish Independent confirms what we already know, which is that costs have soared again. Households are now spending on average an extra €2,000 per year just to get by. People who could never afford luxuries now cannot afford the basics. Everything they earn is swallowed up by skyrocketing rents, childcare fees, mortgage payments, and energy and grocery bills. As those people desperately tread water, this Government refuses to throw them a lifeline.”
“In his response previously, he spoke of all of these different measures of housing success. Does he include the number of homeless people? In Cork South-West, people are contacting me. They are being evicted and have nowhere to go. That has to be weighed up against the importance of Airbnbs, too.”
“Being from west Cork, I absolutely understand the importance of tourism in the area I grew up working in local cafés and restaurants that rely on the influx of tourists in the summer. What those businesses and local schools, post offices and everything else also rely on is locals - people living in the area and workers in the area. This is about getting the balance right. The balance at the moment is not right. In Cork South-West, there are housing estates with almost nobody living in them full-time any more. The amount of short-term lets is out of control. The Government has been dragging its heels on this legislation for four years. I asked the Taoiseach why but he did not answer that question. Do I recognise the importance of tourism? Absolutely. Does the Taoiseach recognise the importance of people needing a home?”
“Will housing need even be a consideration or is the Government telling every town and village in rural Ireland and every square metre of the Gaeltacht that nothing is going to change? What is the Government's plan for short-term lets in these areas? Will housing need be a consideration for planning? Why has the Government been dragging its heels on regulation for four years? What is the Government's plan? Does the Government even know?”
“Initially, the Government's plan was to restrict short-term lets to towns of 10,000 or more. Then, thanks to lobbying by the Healy-Raes, it abandoned that plan, raising the bar to towns with a population of 20,000-plus. It shafted renters to keep the Healy-Raes happy only for them to walk out of government a few weeks later anyway. Record numbers of people are now homeless, including more than 5,500 children. Meanwhile, in some areas of the country, there are 25 times more homes on Airbnb than homes to rent. A Government that took the housing crisis seriously and wanted to protect renters would do something about that. On top of all this, there is no clarity on what will happen in towns with a population below 20,000.”
“The Government is prioritising proposals that will see renters living in sheds in back gardens with no protections instead of bringing the potentially thousands of homes listed on Airbnb back into the long-term rental market. Does the Taoiseach not see that for what it is? It is an insult to thousands of renters all over the country. This Government would prefer to see them paying thousands of euro every month to live in cabins in back gardens than to regulate Airbnb. Nearly every week, the Taoiseach tells us that housing is the Government’s number one priority. I do not think anyone believes that. Not only has it refused to introduce long-overdue regulation of an out-of-control short-term letting sector, it has gutted the regulations before they have even come into force.”
“When the Government announced plans to regulate short-term lets, nearly everyone welcomed it. The Department of tourism said the measure would lead to 12,000 homes returning to the long-term rental market. The Fáilte Ireland chief executive said the registration system was simple and user friendly. Even Airbnb and the Irish Self-Catering Federation welcomed the introduction of a register. The catch is that was back in 2022 - four years ago – when the Government first announced these plans. Four years of inaction, delay and excuses. This week, we learned of yet another missed deadline. A plan to have the register come into force on 20 May is dead in the water, as is any prospect of homes returning to the long-term rental market any time soon.”
“At its core, it comes down to a fundamental question: do we trust women or not? Do we trust doctors or not? These changes are not radical. They are reasonable, necessary and long overdue. The public voted for a compassionate evidence-based system of care. We have made progress but we are not there yet. This proposed legislation is an opportunity to take another step closer to that goal, not by reopening old arguments, but by addressing clear and identified gaps, and not by asking women to speak louder, but by finally listening to what they have already told us. The time for review has passed and now we need to act. I want to thank my colleague Ellen Casey for her dedicated work on this Bill.”
“Doctors are scared, and rightly so. Anyone would be with their licence and livelihood on the line. There is no other area of healthcare where practitioners are exposed to criminal liability if things go wrong, and it is not fair on doctors. It is deeply unfair on the women who are denied care as a result. One of the most glaring issues in the current legislation is the three-day mandatory waiting period. It pushes women closer to the 12-week limit and puts additional strain on already stretched GP services. No other area of healthcare requires this. It is not grounded in science or any kind of evidence. It is only grounded in a profound mistrust of women. It is paternalistic and patronising and it needs to go. This Bill proposes something far more reasonable, in that the waiting period is optional, not mandatory.”
“Currently, doctors must be certain that a foetus will die within 28 days of birth in order to provide abortion care. That certainty is very difficult to achieve and it leaves doctors with no other choice but to force women to travel abroad. There is no clinical justification for it. It is cruel and inhumane. Women deserve dignity, compassion and a healthcare system that addresses their needs rather than directing them to a ferry port. In the Marie O'Shea report, consultants were very clear on the impact that the continued criminal criminalisation of doctors was having. They have been left to navigate the grey areas of abortion law with the threat of criminal prosecution hanging over them, which results in overly cautious and risk-averse decision making and a tendency towards refusing to provide the care.”
“When I knocked on doors in Cork South-West during the repeal campaign, people told me over and over again how much the stories of women who had been forced to travel impacted them. The Terminations for Medical Reasons group, TFMR, did extraordinary work during the campaign. Its members told their stories and bared their grief and trauma in the hope it would mean no other woman and no other family would have to go through what they went through. Eight years ago, people stood in polling booths all across this country and voted with those women in mind, yet every year, approximately 240 women are still forced to travel to the UK to access abortion care. Many of them are travelling because they received a devastating diagnosis, often after the 20-week scan.”
“That is not what people voted for. There is an argument often made in this House that we must leave the legislation as it stands because it reflects what was put to the public in the referendum. This argument does not stand up to any kind of scrutiny. Ireland voted to take abortion out of the Constitution and into the hands of legislators in these Houses. No legislation is set in stone and no law is beyond improvement. The public know that. The legislation also explicitly included a mandatory review after three years because, of course, gaps could emerge with the new law and would need to be addressed. The Marie O'Shea report clearly identified those gaps and it is now on us to close them. That is what this Bill aims to do.”
“I move: That leave be granted to introduce a Bill entitled an Act to enact recommendations of the Marie O’Shea report into the operation of legislation on the termination of pregnancy, providing clarity on terminations for medical reasons, removal of the 3 day waiting period, and ending the criminalisation of doctors. Next month marks eight years since we voted overwhelmingly to repeal the eighth amendment. It was an incredibly powerful moment for this country but while the eighth amendment is gone, too many of the barriers it created to abortion care remain embedded in our law and our healthcare system. The reality is that women are still travelling, still navigating crisis pregnancies far from home and far from their support networks, and are still being failed by a system that was meant to care for them.”
“I appreciate the Taoiseach's engagement on the issue and that of the Minister for Health and that he has spoken to her about this. It sounds like the Government is willing to constructively engage and that is important, given the trauma that many people are still going through. I appeal to people on all sides of the House to allow the legislation to reach Second Stage, to allow it to at least be debated. An argument is often made in this House and beyond that, because the public voted on particular legislation, it simply cannot be changed. That argument does not stand up to scrutiny. The voting public knows legislation changes and can be improved and it is our job to do that. A review was also baked into the legislation and the public voted on that.”
“Many of those women are travelling because they have received a devastating diagnosis, often after their 20-week scan, such as Denise Whitmore, whose story I raised with the Taoiseach a few weeks ago. We cannot ask women to share their stories over and over again and not take action. We cannot stand over a system that continues to send women abroad at their most vulnerable moment.”
“Eight years ago, Ireland listened to those women and voted to repeal the eighth. Three years ago, the Marie O'Shea report was published - a report which was baked into the initial legislation and commissioned by the Government. This report found that the law is not working as it should. It recommended clear, practical changes, including removing the mandatory three-day waiting period, ending the criminalisation of doctors and providing clarity so that women facing fatal foetal diagnoses can access care here at home, but since then little has changed. Every year, approximately 240 women are still forced to travel to the UK to access abortion care.”
“From my experience canvassing in west Cork, I know the stories from women late-on in pregnancy who were forced to travel abroad to have terminations for medical reasons were the stories that stuck in people's minds and hearts the most - women who, in the midst of grief and trauma, chose to speak publicly to share deeply personal experiences. They spoke about receiving devastating diagnoses. They spoke about being told they could not receive care in their country. They spoke about the loneliness of travelling, leaving behind their families, their support networks and their homes at one of the most painful moments in their life, and they spoke about stigma and shame where there should have been compassion and care. They told their stories for a simple reason: so that what happened to them would not happen again.”
“At the outset, I want to acknowledge the passing of Councillor Joe Carroll on Friday. He was exceptionally helpful and supportive towards me when I first entered into politics. That is the kind of person he was, and the kind of person who will be missed, in Skibbereen and beyond. My thoughts are with Sheila, and Linda and Kieran, and Anna. Eight years ago, Ireland voted to repeal the eighth amendment, to take abortion access out of the Constitution and into the hands of the legislators in this House. It was the culmination of decades of campaigning by committed activists all across the country. Many people across this House, including the Taoiseach, were part of that referendum campaign.”
“Yesterday, the window for submitting observations on the development in Bessborough expired but the window for this Government to act has not. Behind those stone walls, women and children were put through hell and for 76 years the State turned a blind eye. Today, the Government is doing the same, as if the grim legacy of Bessborough can be buried under apartment blocks. It cannot. Eight hundred and fifty-nine babies who died there have never been found and are likely in unmarked graves on the estate. There has never been a comprehensive investigation. Survivors have been consistently retraumatised by the State. The Government has an opportunity to change that legacy and to fulfil not just the legal but moral obligation to find the bodies of these babies and provide a dignified burial and memorial site.”
“When the Taoiseach comes in here week after week and gives this profoundly positive spin about housing, I have to wonder if he even feels convinced by his own words. We do not just have record rents and record house prices; we have record homelessness. We are talking about more than 17,000 homeless people, including more than 5,500 children, and the Taoiseach comes in here and gives this unbelievably positive message. He then says that this Government is not out of touch. It is difficult to even respond to but ultimately, it is evasion, deflection and a way of avoiding the question so I will just ask him again. Does he accept that people renting these cabins, these sheds in people's gardens, will not have any protection or any renters' rights? Is he okay with that? If not, what is he going to do about it?”
“They look at this Government and what it is doing and they just despair. Taoiseach, would you blame them? What exactly is the Taoiseach's vision for young people in this country? Is it for them to be ripped off by landlords, to scrimp and save to live in garden sheds, to be denied their tenancy rights? Unfortunately, that is the legacy the Taoiseach is leaving. For anyone watching today, I want to be clear. There are solutions to the housing crisis, such as establishing a State construction company, modular home factories to dramatically increase the supply of affordable homes, a new State savings scheme to raise billions to fund them, and a ban on no-fault evictions to protect renters instead of treating them like second-class citizens. These are all political choices the Government could make but refuses to.”
“It should not be tolerated but this Government seems to think differently. Today, the Taoiseach is calling it practical and pragmatic to charge market rents for cabins in back gardens. Let us be clear about what that means. It means charging €2,000 to €3,000 a month for a shed in someone's garden with no tenancy rights because they would be rented out using licensing agreements. The same loophole is already being used in Clare Street right now. These renters have no security of tenure, no statutory notice periods, no rent controls and no access to the Residential Tenancies Board, RTB. Renters are being thrown to the wolves and this Government is telling them they should be happy about it. It is outrageous. I know so many young people across the country are angry today but more than that, they are exhausted.”
“Last year the Minister of State, Deputy John Cummins, was clear. Modular units in people's back gardens would not be available for rent on the private market. He said: "I don't see this as a rental measure. I see it as facilitating intergenerational movement." There was broad agreement across the Opposition. These units could help families and they should but opening them up to the private rental market was always going to lead to exploitation. We can already see exactly where that road leads. On Clare Street in Dublin, up to 22 people are crammed into one house, paying up to €890 for a bed. That is in a room with three or four other people, with the landlord raking in almost €20,000 a month. This is not a functional housing system. This is a return to tenement conditions which were rampant in the worst years of this State.”