Ivana Bacik
Dublin Bay South · Labour Party · Ireland
“Just today I and other local representatives got an email from the owner of two restaurants in Dublin city centre about this issue. The Minister of State’s brief includes not only the circular economy but also small business.”
“The Bill Deputy Sherlock and the Labour Party are proposing is not one we suggest is a silver bullet or a panacea but it offers one small, constructive mechanism to address the dysfunction in waste services.”
“In Dublin Bay South we have superb Tidy Towns organisations that I am proud to work with from Ringsend and Sandymount across to Portobello in my area to Rathgar, Rathmines, Terenure, Donnybrook and Ballsbridge. We see really important work being done by Tidy Towns organisations.”
“The owner says he no longer has space to accommodate additional recycling bins, cannot leave recyclable waste out for collection and cannot leave flattened cardboard outside for collection. Private waste companies must send a vehicle to collect this directly from premises. This is costly, inefficient and unnecessary.”
“I do not mean just in Dublin, though Deputy Sherlock and I are focusing on Dublin and most of the TDs present are Dublin ones, as clearly this has ramifications across the country and the dissatisfaction and the concerns Deputy Sherlock’s constituents and mine are expressing are ones felt across the board.”
“We want to see a move, as Deputy Sherlock has it in the Bill, from competition in the market to competition for the market and this Bill would represent an important positive step on that journey to quality public services provided by the State and to remunicipalisation. Deputy Sherlock has set out the detailed provisions in the Bill.”
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“I also reference others such as women who are locked out of many workplaces due to lack of access to affordable childcare and early years education, women who disproportionately bear the burden of care at home and who are, therefore, in particular difficulty when it comes to being forced back into workplaces where they do not have to be physically present in order to be productive. If people are spending two, three or four hours a day in a car, which many people who contacted me and my colleagues are doing currently, commuting to their workplace when they know they do not have to be present in the office to be productive, they are not only contributing to climate emissions and having a very poor work-life balance, they are also not delivering for a Government that is talking about productivity and enterprise.”
“One way the Government could help to deliver on reaching climate targets is through enabling workers to work from home where it is reasonably practical to do so. That is another core part of this Bill. This Bill is also about accessible workplaces. It is about ensuring greater access to work and to working life for those who, in many cases, are locked out of workplaces. I am thinking in particular of people with disabilities. In Ireland, we know disabled people are very poorly represented in our workplaces and we should be doing a great deal more to facilitate working careers for people with disabilities and disabled persons. One key way to do that is to facilitate flexible and remote working.”
“We are proud to be the party of the trade union movement that has delivered on workers' rights. We have delivered on rights for workers on low pay through mechanisms like the Low Pay Commission and on rights for freelancers through our successful legislation on collective bargaining for freelancers. However, at its core, this Bill is not just about workers' rights. It is also about tackling climate emissions. As Deputy Lawlor said, all of those currently sitting in cars in gridlock trying to get into offices where they do not need to be to be productive are contributing to increased carbon emissions. They are contributing to our failure to reach our climate targets. The Government has been shameful on delivering on public transport and on cycling and active travel infrastructure.”
“I commend Deputy Lawlor and my other Labour Party colleagues, in particular Deputies Sherlock and Wall, on bringing forward this important Bill, which I am glad to second. At its core, this Bill is about something very simple. It is about supporting people to work - to work to live not just to live to work. It is about quality of life. Despite what Government spokespersons might imply, workers in Ireland currently have no right to flexible or remote work. They have only a right to ask and a right to be refused. Many employers are very generous. Many workplaces have very sustainable accommodations made with hybrid and remote working but some have been unreasonable. We in the Labour movement are proud to stand for workers' rights; not workers' incentives, not employers' philanthropy or leniency but rights for workers.”
“Some 60 years on, everyone agrees there must be a resolution to the State’s scandalous handling of thalidomide. What is needed now is a fair and full resolution for the survivors, for their families and for their mothers, many of whom are now in failing health. As the Irish Thalidomide Association has warned, the clock is ticking for this small group of just 40 survivors. They have had too many false dawns. There was renewed hope in December when the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste committed to taking personal charge, which was very welcome. The Taoiseach must maintain that momentum now. Will he confirm that the February meeting he scheduled with thalidomide survivors will proceed? Survivors seek justice, the provision of a State apology and appropriate redress. They have waited six decades; they should not have to wait any longer.”
“I have heard from them their extreme frustration at the lack of space and the constraints in the facilities. Anyone who has been in there as a patient or who has visited people will know exactly the constraints the Rotunda is under. It is up to the Taoiseach to do something about it. He is in government and he is not a bystander.”
“As I have said, and I hope I get more time, it is not good enough for the Taoiseach to govern as a bystander because he is in government and, indeed, he was in the previous Government. The planning process was established by Government. It is now up to the Government to do something about this decision. What I did not hear from the Taoiseach was any clarity about the long-term plans for the Rotunda. An Coimisiún Pleanála referred to a prospective move of the Rotunda. That has not been ruled out by either the Taoiseach or the health Minister. Women and their families deserve clarity on what the plan for the Rotunda is. Is it going to stay on site? The Taoiseach referred to Holles Street hospital. Holles Street hospital has not moved yet either. We have seen very little progress on that. I have stood in the Rotunda and met the staff.”
“I listened carefully to the Taoiseach's response and it is more of the same. It is Government as bystander and that is not good enough. It is not good enough for the Taoiseach or for the health Minister to say how disappointed they are with a decision of an entity created by the Government. It is simply not good enough either for the Taoiseach or the health Minister-----”
“It is causing flaws and inadequacies in care and the Government carries the responsibility for closing the gaps. It is not good enough to give out about An Taisce or Dublin Civic Trust or anyone else on the radio, especially not with this continued equivocation. The Government is not a bystander. Its Ministers are not bystanders. What is going to happen now with the Rotunda? What will the Taoiseach do to ensure women and babies get the medical care they deserve?”
“As Deputy Sherlock has asked, if that is the case, why did the Minister for Health not spend €50 to let An Coimisiún Pleanála know that as part of the appeal in the planning process? I remind the Taoiseach that the Government introduced the very planning procedures now blocking this development. The Minister spent the interview this morning on RTÉ lamenting a planning process the Government helped to create. It speaks to a long-standing lack of vision and lack of ambition for critical infrastructure. The Government is legislating around planning constraints for gas reserves and airport capacity because of ineffective planning laws. Now, a €100 million investment in neonatal care is stalled. As a Government, we are cash rich but as a people, we know we are asset poor. Creaking infrastructure is causing suffering.”
“In its decision, An Coimisiún Pleanála referenced a decade-old proposal to move the Rotunda to Connolly hospital, a plan that has not proceeded to date and, sensibly, as we know, the Rotunda has instead built clinical links with the Mater. As recently as last year, however, the Government was continuing to suggest that the move could still go ahead. It was entirely foreseeable that unless Government clearly ruled out relocation plans, such plans could be used as a stick to beat maternity care with in the planning process. That is the reality, no matter how much the Minister for Health tried to downplay it on the radio this morning. Therefore, can the Taoiseach say with clarity if, in fact, the Government has abandoned plans to move the Rotunda?”
“Even since 2018, women still face patronising delays and unnecessary restrictions when accessing abortion services. Now, Victorian infrastructure and, indeed, Georgian architecture, it seems, are impeding the provision of decent maternity care. I respect An Coimisiún Pleanála, of course, but we need to build critical healthcare capacity. It is welcome that the Dublin Civic Trust has said it will not go to court if a judicial review is sought against the decision. However, it is really disappointing and frustrating for all those working in and relying on the Rotunda that so-called heritage concerns have outweighed the urgent need for decent healthcare facilities.”
“The decision to overturn planning permission for a new critical care wing at the Rotunda Maternity Hospital is deeply disappointing. The staff there provide exceptional care to women and babies. However, the building is failing them. The Rotunda is the busiest maternity hospital in Ireland and one of the busiest in Europe. Yet, vulnerable premature babies are being treated in facilities that are simply not fit for purpose and healthcare workers tell us that space constraints are already impacting on care. We all know we have a shameful history in this country on women’s healthcare. The legacy of the draconian eighth amendment, the bans on contraception and the barbaric practice of symphysiotomy all cast a shadow over our recent memories. The fight for better healthcare is not over for women, however.”
“Survivors have talked about arbitrary and narrow eligibility criteria and an unwieldy nine-step application process. Patricia Carey has called for the expansion of the scheme. Will the Tánaiste indicate whether this matter will be addressed and whether they scheme will be amended?”
“Last week, on 5 February, the first annual report of the mother and baby institutions payment scheme was quietly released. It had been completed in June 2025 and relates to the year 2024. It had gathered dust on the desk of the Minister, Deputy Foley, for seven months. I had asked the Minister a number of times in parliamentary questions why the report had been delayed. The special advocate, Patricia Carey, expressed strong criticism last week when the report was released. She said that the scheme is not achieving its goal of speedy, easy and trauma-informed access to redress for survivors and affected persons. She also pointed to the many failures of the redress scheme since its launch in March 2024. She further pointed to the fact that the redress scheme has spent less than 10% of its budget.”
“Because of the uncertainty and the enormous number of changes there have been. The reality, again, is that we need to have significant State intervention here. The Tánaiste acknowledged that the Labour Party put forward very strong proposals in the last election campaign in order to see the State deliver at scale and ramp up the Land Development Agency to create a State construction company. Only that will enable delivery at the scale that is required to deliver the homes people need.”
“There is no doubt about that. I have certainly welcomed, as have my Labour colleagues, positive aspects of the legislation. However, the unfortunate truth is that these are undermined by the provisions that enable rent hikes, which incentivise rent hikes and incentivise evictions for the purpose of rent hikes. That is the problem, and it is a problem that renters across the country are experiencing. The real truth also, which nobody in Government is willing to admit, is that there is no evidence that this will work. The Tánaiste says the Government is doing this in order to ramp up supply, but there is no evidence that will work. Indeed, I am hearing from landlords in my constituency who are telling me they are leaving rental properties. They are not going to rent out any more. Why?”
“It has been a bad week for Government housing policy, but renters, families and children in homelessness are the ones living with the consequences. What is the Tánaiste doing to address this?”
“Our Labour Party housing spokesperson, Deputy Sheehan, has acknowledged, as we all do, the flawed nature of HAP, but it is supposed to get people out of homelessness. I am glad that the Government is reviewing HAP limits, but what good is that when there is literally nowhere to rent? What are people who are contacting my office, and all our offices, with news of eviction notices supposed to do? What are they to do? I am working with one woman, a civil servant, who is being evicted from her home now. She tells me of her grave distress and constant worry and anxiety. She said the property has been her home for the last 14 years, but she now has nowhere to go. Some 5,000 children are homeless and 17,000 people are in emergency accommodation. Where are they to go?”
“I know the Tánaiste wants to deal with this but this week, the Government again watered down its own proposals. Instead of towns with a population exceeding 10,000, the Government's regulations, whenever they eventually come into effect, will only apply to populations of more than 20,000. This is clearly a concession to the Lowry-Healy-Rae Independents. How curious it is that the population of Killarney is 14,000. We know what the results are. The Simon Communities’ Locked Out of the Market report, published this week, which the Tánaiste mentioned earlier, found zero properties available to rent within standard HAP limits across all 16 areas surveyed. Just 31 properties were available even at the higher discretionary rates, which is a pathetic 3% of all listings.”
“It is a nifty trick to avoid accountability and avoid light being shed on just how daft these housing plans are. Last year, debate on every single Bill from the Minister's Department was guillotined. Not one full Report Stage was taken in the Dáil. This new year, the term has kicked off with the same thing again on highly controversial legislation. It is bad governance from a bad Government, and this is a bad week for housing policy. It is one year since stroke politics delivered us this regressive tripartite coalition with the Lowry-Healy-Rae Independents. In truth, we are seeing the impact of this arrangement and their influence across housing policy. Let us take short-term lets. We all know they are cannibalising housing supply across the country.”
“As we all know, it has been raining solidly since what feels like forever and communities across the country continue to deal with the fallout of flooding. In that time, my office has also been flooded - with pleas for help from terrified renters who are starting the new year with eviction notices. Things were already bad enough for tenants, but the Government's appalling new rent law has given landlords an effective amnesty on rent hikes; an incentive to evict. It passed the Dáil last night by a small majority. People know they will now be forced to pay even higher rents for new tenancies. That is guaranteed. Perhaps that is the reason the debate was guillotined by the Government last night. It was forced through by Government after reaching only the ninth of 69 amendments. That is the signature move of the Minister, Deputy Browne.”
“To victims and survivors of the Troubles, I say this: the Labour Party is committed to dealing fairly with the past, to truth - not selective truth or partial truth - to accountability and to justice and to legacy mechanisms which meet standards under the European Convention on Human Rights. No individual can be placed beyond the reach of the courts. This is about people who have been hurt, who have suffered and who have been bereaved. Their right to truth and justice is absolute, not partial or selective. The Kenova report tells us how we can honour the rights of victims to truth and justice. We in this House have a duty to abide by that and learn from the principles of and the recommendations contained in this report.”
“We must work to ensure that we can build a consensus across the island to deliver the shared island that most of us in this House aspire to. As stated, on Tuesday next I will host a briefing in the Oireachtas on the legacy legislation. I would be glad to welcome the Minister, other Ministers and colleagues from across the House to come and hear from the SDLP, the ICCL, the CAJ and Amnesty International as to what the legacy framework can and must mean. In seeking to secure a shared future on this island, we cannot miss the opportunity to deal properly and robustly with our past.”
“We can see the possible and real consequences that would result from a Farage premiership in Britain in the future for our island, for the peace process and for the Good Friday Agreement. Failure to implement the Kenova report's recommendations will erode trust further. Failure to implement a truly honest and robust legacy framework will do the same. Dealing with our past is not limited to any one piece of legislation or to the outworkings of the joint framework. It must permeate the tone of our politics and how our communities interact across the island. As a Connollyite republican, I aspire to see a united Ireland, as the Labour Party does, but I enunciate that position from a place of understanding that there are those who do not agree.”
“Ultimately, the Kenova report is about ensuring there is confidence in the rule of law, because the activities of the British state and the activities of paramilitary organisations undermined the rule of law and human rights protections. We need to look at the impact of that undermining. We see the consequences, which are evident in the absence of faith in institutions now. Three decades on from the ceasefire, 25 years since its establishment and nearly 30 years since the Good Friday Agreement, Catholic recruitment to the PSNI has not reached 30%. Recruitment levels in some Border countries are in the low single figures. In that vacuum, suspicion and division are entrenched.”
“Operation Kenova made real testimony central to its work. The Minister recognises the importance of the family reports delivered by Operation Kenova. Will the Garda legacy unit adopt the same methods? Indeed, Operation Kenova saw real accountability. In that context, will the Minister make a statement on the Government's position regarding further protection of veterans, as signalled by Hilary Benn as part of the Northern Ireland Troubles Bill? The Kenova report tells a story about the worst of a state that signally breached the rule of law and engaged in appalling collusion and cover-up. The British state was meant to protect individuals. However, we saw instead the loss of lives that the state was meant to guarantee.”
“I would welcome the Minister's support in respect of that call. What next? There are many learnings to be had from the Operation Kenova investigation. John Boutcher created new structures for how we can inquire into the past and investigate harms, injustices and murders committed in the past. Operation Kenova demonstrated an admirable rigour. We must ensure now that other tragedies such as the Omagh and the Dublin-Monaghan bombings are investigated with the same rigour. I agree that it is deeply regrettable that the Denton report has not been published in full. We need to ensure that independence is at the heart of all investigative work. I have submitted parliamentary questions on issues around the operation of the Garda legacy unit. Can the Minister outline what independent oversight will be put in place with its operation?”
“Operation Kenova did a lot to expose farcical, blanket application of the neither-confirm-nor-deny, NCND, policy adopted by the British Government in legacy-related cases. It is a tool that should be used to ensure confidence in intelligence policing, but it has been used to conceal collusion. We know it has be waived in the past. I commend the Chief Constable on his efforts in seeking a policy that is victim centred and transparent. Does the Irish Government believe that the British Government should review the policy of NCND in all legacy-related cases? On accountability, 29 files were sent by Operation Kenova to the Public Prosecution Service in Northern Ireland but not a single prosecution has followed. I support the SDLP's call for independent counsel to review the files concerned.”
“On Tuesday next, I will be hosting Claire Hanna of the SDLP and a range of other speakers for a briefing on legacy issues and the legislation the Minister stated that we are going to be bringing through this House. I would welcome attendance by Members across the House. If the national security veto is used to conceal evidence of collusion or double standards, the Northern Ireland Troubles Bill will fail. Does the Minister accept that the legacy commission should be liberated from the Northern Ireland Secretary of State's national security veto? Will the Government push for a public inquiry into the murder of Sean Brown and the restoration of all inquests? Can the Minister clarify the position regarding the managed late disclosure of files by MI5 to Operation Kenova?”
“I reiterate my call for a cross-Border public inquiry into his killing. The Minister should advocate for the investigation of Mr. Donaldson's case and other cases that were barred by the Legacy Commission, notwithstanding that some incidents occurred outside of the timeline chosen. I want to move next to issues around MI5 and to its failure to disclose several files to Operation Kenova until after the investigative process had taken place. The absence of full disclosure has failed victims and their families, including those of Sean Brown and the disappeared. This clearly has a bearing, not just on the investigation that is reported, but on the legacy processes under construction today.”
“It should be a clear and meaningful apology, specifically to the victims of the Provisional IRA's campaign and those killed as a result of Freddie Scappaticci's actions. This is not about partial truths; it is about full truth and honesty. I listened to the Sinn Féin leader. We need to hear full truth and honesty in this House when we are having a debate on a report as important as the Kenova report. This has a bearing on other cases too, as I think we are all aware. I raise by way of example the case of Denis Donaldson, which I have raised before in this House. While Scappaticci was shepherded to safety, by both his British and republican handlers, Donaldson was exposed and, of course, was murdered in Donegal in 2006. While his killing took place after the Good Friday Agreement came into place, it was clearly a Troubles-related incident.”
“The reality is that for them directing terrorism had nothing to do with political ideals, but everything to do with power, self-enrichment and the exercise of dominion over communities they claimed to defend. To this day, as the report makes clear, neither the IRA nor the republican leadership have issued an apology to the many victims of Freddie Scappaticci and the IRA's internal security unit. Operation Kenova recommended that the republican leadership apologise for the provisional IRA's abduction, torture and murder of those accused or suspected of being agents and that it acknowledge the harm and intimidation suffered by victims and bereaved families. The Taoiseach earlier called for Sinn Féin to make an apology in this vein. I support that call. Will the Government make time in the Dáil for such a statement to be made?”
“He was resettled, financially rewarded, shielded from justice and protected to the end and beyond, extraordinarily to the same level as the British royal family in some instances, with even the publication of his will blocked, as the report makes clear. The handling of Stakeknife is a glaring example of British security elites' treatment of the Troubles as a conflict without rules, one where innocent lives did not matter and where the rule of law was breached. Operation Kenova did not just examine the collusion by the British state. The report also makes clear that the republican movement protected Freddie Scappaticci. His victims were silenced to protect the movement.”
“Instead, we have heard vague regret, a blame game and an unspoken pact of silence that has left victims with half truths and justice denied. I welcome the fact that each of Government spokesperson has named Stakeknife as Freddie Scappaticci. We all know that he killed, abducted, tortured and maimed. He was, in effect, a serial killer who was protected and even paid by the British state to terrorise and murder within his own community. This was all done under the direction of the self-appointed, so-called army council of the Provisional IRA. I welcome the fact that we are naming him in this House. I also welcome the fact we are speaking openly about his activities. It is extraordinary that he was allowed to kill with impunity.”
“I wish to offer the condolences of the Labour Party to all those injured, bereaved and affected by the atrocities committed during the Troubles. This is the report of victims and survivors. Their decades of pain must remain at the heart of this debate. Nothing can undo the suffering they have endured as a result of the bloodshed. Fully implementing the Kenova report's recommendations can, of course, help and begin to address the suffering. In exposing the activities of Freddie Scappaticci, or Stakeknife, the Kenova report offers clear evidence of collusion and cover-up by the British state, resulting, as the report says, in more lives being lost than saved. Yet, we know that the British state has not fully accepted responsibility.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on the recently published Kenova report. I pay tribute to Jon Boutcher, Iain Livingstone and the Operation Kenova team. Their work was victim-centred and groundbreaking. They have proven that an ECHR-compliant investigation into a Troubles-related incident is possible, despite decades of denial and obstruction by successive British Governments. I will speak to various issues raised by Kenova and will raise several questions for the Minister and the Taoiseach throughout my contribution. I will follow up in writing on those. Any discussion of the Kenova report and its operation must begin, as the report itself does, with the interests of victims, survivors and their families.”
“It is absolutely shameful to see them facing deportation. Former professional athlete David Gillick has sought help on their behalf. Five thousand people have signed a petition noting the immense positive contribution this family has already made to their community in Dublin. I appeal to the Taoiseach to enable them to stay here in Ireland, which is the country they have made their home and which they have already made such an important and positive contribution to.”
“Just two days from now, 14-year-old Joseph Oyekanmi, his two brothers and his mother face deportation from their Dublin home. There is enormous concern in my constituency and in the area of Sandyford, Dundrum and Kilternan, where they have been living, where they have been integrating with the local community and where there has been a huge groundswell of support. Councillor Lettie McCarthy and I have been engaging on this matter. I have already made representations on behalf of the family to the justice Minister. Joseph is a pupil in Gonzaga, which is a school in my constituency. His brother Samuel also attends school there. They are involved with local sports clubs and are both talented athletes. Samuel is doing the leaving certificate. This is a family that are so well integrated.”
“What I have not heard from the Taoiseach are any words that will offer comfort to families here of Irish citizens in the US, to Seamus’s family or, indeed, to others. The Taoiseach is saying that the Government is going to continue using fairly limited diplomatic levers. He is still going to go to the US. Would it not be more appropriate to go to the US on St. Patrick’s Day to offer condolences to the mayor of Minneapolis? Because we are seeing ICE killing US citizens on the streets and detaining Irish citizens in breach of due process and in inhumane conditions.”
“If I may say, that is a most unsatisfactory response. The Taoiseach has conflated, wrongly in my view, quite a number of issues. Of course countries have migration laws. Of course, the successive Irish Governments have for many years been trying to regularise undocumented Irish citizens in the US. However, we are talking about an Irish citizen who has been detained in inhumane conditions for five months in the US in breach of international law. That is the issue here. What I have not heard from the Taoiseach is any sense of urgency about securing his release or ensuring that no other Irish citizens are being held in the same conditions. Some may be, but we do not know. There could be as many as 12 apparently.”
“Patrick's Day last year when he snubbed the Taoiseach in favour of a photo op with Conor McGregor. The Taoiseach knows the expression, "With friends like these". What will he do today to ensure the release of Seamus Culleton and to ensure the safety of other Irish citizens being detained by ICE or in fear of being detained by it?”
“Parliamentary questions from my Labour Party colleague Deputy Duncan Smith reveal that the number of deportations of Irish citizens from the US has quadrupled in a year. We have all read articles about the detention of innocent people like Donna Hughes-Brown, a grandmother who has lived in the US legally since she was 11 years old. Immigration lawyers in America tell us Irish citizens are watching the news and fearing for their own futures. We do not know if any more Irish citizens have been detained in the same manner as Mr. Culleton. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, says it is fewer than 12. Is it ten? Is it 11? In five, weeks, the Taoiseach plans to hand a bowl of shamrock to the man responsible for all this. He plans to offer a symbol of friendship to the man who humiliated Ireland on St.”
“On his way to Cabinet today, the Taoiseach told the media his officials had contacted Washington. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, has said that consular assistance is being offered, yet I understand that no Government Minister has contacted the family directly. This is an Irish citizen about whose plight the Government has known for some time. Reports of his treatment hit the press days ago with Karlin Lillington's piece in The Irish Times . The Taoiseach must commit now, on the floor of the Dáil, to pulling out every stop and using every diplomatic lever at his disposal to secure Mr. Culleton's release. There can be no delays and no waiting for St. Patrick's Day. Unfortunately, Mr. Culleton's is not an isolated case.”
“Seamus is a man who has lived in the US for 17 years. He runs a successful business in Boston and married his American wife, Tiffany Smyth, last April. However, he has now spent more than half of his married life behind barbed wire in this camp. Why? Because he was lifted off the streets by ICE on his way to the shops after he had been kept waiting for his green card following long delays. As Caroline said, it is deeply ironic that one arm of the US Government is processing him for permanent residency while the other has locked him in a cage. To describe his testimony as shocking would be an understatement. It appears beyond doubt to breach American commitments under the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. What is the Irish Government doing about this?”
“I raise the case of Seamus Culleton, the Irish citizen and Kilkenny man who has now spent five months imprisoned in an ICE detention camp in Texas. Yesterday, the country was silenced, listening in as Seamus phoned "Liveline" to speak about his ordeal. Last night, I spoke directly to Seamus's sister Caroline and heard more details about the appalling conditions in which he is detained. There are 72 men packed into a single tent, with filth everywhere and a lack of sanitation, violent guards, alleged strangling, three men dead already, and conditions so brutal that detainees are gambling on who will be the next person to take their own life. They are deprived of fresh air. Seamus has seen the sun only a handful of times in his five months there. He calls it a hell and a concentration camp and he fears for his life.”
“I stress that it is very welcome that we see the Supreme Court decision in the Karshan, or Domino’s Pizza, case. For most people in a scenario where it is not clear, particularly in the gig economy, it is very welcome to see their employment status designated as that of an employee. However, there is concern about this unforeseen consequence, specifically in the media.”
“The decision is welcome, particularly for workers exploited through the gig economy, but recently it has been brought to my attention that unforeseen consequences may follow for a small number of low-earning sole traders, such as journalists who need to contribute to multiple media outlets. There are concerns that a one-size-fits-all approach may not take into account the legitimate practices of genuine freelance contributors who are tax-compliant as sole traders. I am raising this with the Tánaiste to see if it has been brought to his attention. I am happy to correspond with him further on it. I have engaged with the NUJ on it. There are concerns that a blanket ruling from Revenue might inadvertently have the impact of restricting a diversity of voices in our media.”
“Some years ago, working with Deputy Ged Nash, we steered the Competition (Amendment) Act 2017 into law to protect freelance actors, musicians and writers in bogus self-employment. These were people who should have been designated as employees. A recent Supreme Court decision clarified the test for determining employment status under the Taxes Consolidation Act. The Supreme Court ruled that Domino's Pizza delivery drivers were employees and not independent contractors. Responding to that recent decision, Revenue is updating its code of practice in determining employment status.”
“It is now 18 months since the Labour Party brought forward a Dáil motion raising the need for consistency in sentencing for violent offences, inspired by the bravery of Natasha O'Brien, now reinspired by Sharon and her family. I would ask the Taoiseach to look again at the calls in our motion to improve sentencing practice, in particular to ensure clearer sentencing guidelines for judges and a comprehensive database. We owe it to victims and survivors of crime.”