Mark Ward
Dublin Mid-West · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“The second largest part of the subvention is the €4.1 billion that relates to public debt. Ireland would have no legal liability to pay any part of this. The cost of defence and international relations is approximately €2.7 billion and almost none of this expenditure relates to activity taking place in the North.”
“It has not allowed us, as a nation, to reach our full potential. I also think it is important that we take the current financial situation in the North seriously. It is always disappointing when Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael use the North as a stick to beat Sinn Féin. Even the Labour Party used this tactic this week.”
“It has been a long-standing policy of Sinn Féin to bring waste management back to public control. Privatisation has failed ordinary people. Bin companies act like a cartel in how they raise their prices. When one company increases its price, the rest follow.”
“The total subvention includes central British Government costs allocated to the North that would not be relevant to a united Ireland and here is why. The subvention from the British Exchequer to the North was €16 billion in 2023.”
“I thank Deputy Sherlock for bringing forward this legislation to bring bin collections back to public control. I am disappointed but not surprised that the Government is opposing this legislation. Fine Gael has a long history and policy of privatising public services.”
“We have a situation that allows multiple bin trucks to operate on the same street. On my road there could be three different companies coming down the road, sometimes at the same time. This goes against everything we are trying to achieve to make waste collection more environmentally friendly.”
The complete record
Every one of 625 lines we hold for Mark Ward, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 4 of 13.
“I move amendment No. 23: In page 12, between lines 4 and 5, to insert the following: “(5) Without prejudice to subsection (4) , the Chairman and counsel to the Inquiry shall be entitled to make submissions or representations to the nominated judge concerning the scope, relevance and permissible extent of questioning under section 9 or 10 .”. This amendment confirms that the chair and counsel may make submissions to the nominated judge on the scope and relevance of questioning. It reinforces judicial oversight while ensuring the inquiry's leadership can guide how evidence is tested, help and maintain fairness, focus and consistency during examinations conducted under sections 9 and 10.”
“This amendment strengthens participation rights by allowing certain affected parties to propose questions or topics, make submissions on the evidence and even apply to put questions directly to a witness. It ensures their concerns are formally considered by the chair, counsel or judge, enhancing fairness and transparency in how evidence is tested.”
“I move amendment No. 22: In page 12, between lines 4 and 5, to insert the following: “(5) A person referred to in subsection (3)(f), (g) or (h) may— (a) propose to the Chairman, to counsel to the Inquiry, or to the nominated judge any questions or topics that the person considers relevant to the evidence being taken under section 9 or 10 , (b) make submissions or representations to the Chairman, to counsel to the Inquiry, or to the nominated judge in relation to the evidence being taken, and (c) apply to the nominated judge for permission to put questions directly to the designated person giving evidence, and the Chairman, counsel to the Inquiry, or the nominated judge, as the case may be, shall consider any such proposal, submission, representation or application.”.”
“(3) For the purposes of subsection (2), the Chairman, or counsel to the Inquiry on his or her behalf, may— (a) put documents or records to the designated person, (b) pursue supplementary or follow-up questions, and (c) probe any matter that reasonably arises from the evidence, provided that the examination remains within the scope of the topics, areas of inquiry or matters specified in the relevant decision under section 5 or 6. (4) Nothing in this section shall require the Chairman, or counsel to the Inquiry on his or her behalf, to confine questioning to clarification of answers given under section 9 .”.”
“(2) The Chairman, or counsel to the Inquiry on his or her behalf, may ask questions for the purpose of examining the designated person on any matters arising from the evidence, including— (a) matters arising from answers given to the nominated judge, (b) matters arising from any written statement provided under section 5(5)(a) , (c) matters arising from any document, record or information relevant to the topics, areas of inquiry or matters specified in the relevant decision under section 5 or section 6 , and (d) any inconsistencies, omissions or issues reasonably requiring further exploration for the purposes of the Inquiry.”
“I move amendment No. 21: In page 11, to delete lines 1 to 9 and substitute the following: “Questioning of designated person by or on behalf of Chairman 10. (1) Upon completion of the examination of a designated person by the nominated judge under section 9 , the Chairman, or counsel to the Inquiry on his or her behalf, may ask questions of the designated person.”
“The amendment will ensure examinations are fair, thorough and not restricted to preset questions, allowing the judge to pursue relevant documents, follow-up queries and full evidence for the inquiry's work. The amendment gives the nominated judge explicit authority to present relevant documents and pursue follow-up questions within the defined topic. The purpose of the amendment is to enable effective and responsive examinations, which representatives of the families want to see. Amendment No. 21 will allow the chair, or counsel on their behalf, to question a witness after the judge's examinations, probing any matters arising from the evidence. It permits follow-up questions, use of documents and exploration of inconsistencies, while keeping all questions within the defined scope of the inquiry's authorised topics.”
“(2) Nothing in this section shall require the nominated judge to confine the examination to any predetermined or pre-approved list of questions, provided that the examination remains within the scope of the topics, areas of inquiry or matters specified in the relevant decision under section 5 or 6 . (3) The nominated judge shall conduct the examination in such manner as he or she considers necessary to ensure that the evidence taken is full, accurate and capable of assisting the Inquiry in the performance of its functions.”. As it stands, this section overly tightly restricts questioning to the exact questions authorised in advance. It creates a narrow, predetermined scope that limits flexibility and prevents broader or exploratory lines of inquiry needed to get to the truth.”
“I move amendment No. 20: In page 10, to delete lines 21 to 36 and substitute the following: “Questioning of designated person by nominated judge 9. (1) For the purpose of taking the evidence specified in a decision under section 5(3) to which subsection (6)(c)(i) of that section applies, or specified in a decision under section 6(3) to which subsection (6)(c)(i) of that section applies— (a) no person other than the nominated judge shall ask questions of the designated person, and (b) the nominated judge shall examine the designated person on the topics, areas of inquiry or matters specified in the relevant decision, and may, for that purpose— (i) put to the designated person any document, record or information relevant to those topics or areas of inquiry, (ii) ask any questions that arise reasonably from the designated person’s answers, from any written statement provided under section 5(5)(a) , or from any relevant document, and (iii) pursue such supplementary or follow-up questions as the nominated judge considers necessary and appropriate for the effective and fair examination of the designated person.”
“I move amendment No. 19: In page 8, to delete lines 31 to 33 and substitute the following: “(5) The Minister shall notify the former holder of ministerial office of the request. The consent in writing of the former holder of ministerial office shall be required only where that person demonstrates that acceding to the request would give rise to a substantial and objectively reasonable risk of prejudice to their legal rights or to the lawful performance of functions exercised during their tenure. Any refusal to consent shall— (a) be provided in writing, (b) set out the specific grounds relied upon, and (c) be subject to review by the Chairman for adequacy and reasonableness.”.”
“(7) Nothing in this section shall prejudice the power of the Chairman to request further written information or clarification from an office holder or former office holder where necessary for the purposes of the Inquiry.”. This amendment reintroduces a requirement for witnesses to provide a signed, truthful written statement before giving any oral evidence. It establishes a clear baseline account and ensures that key issues and documents are addressed in advance, and allows the chair to dispense with oral testimony where the written material is sufficient. Where oral evidence is still needed, questions can focus on clarifying gaps, inconsistencies or outstanding matters. The inquiry and draft memorandum of understanding both support this approach, which strengthens the clarity and overall effectiveness of the co-operation process.”
“(5) Where the Chairman, having considered a written statement provided under this section, is satisfied that the statement adequately addresses the matters for which evidence was sought, the Chairman may notify the relevant head in writing that oral evidence from the office holder or former office holder is not required. (6) Where the Chairman determines that oral evidence remains necessary, the written statement shall form the baseline account for the purposes of any subsequent examination, and the oral evidence shall be confined, insofar as is practicable, to— (a) clarification of matters contained in the written statement, (b) examination of inconsistencies or omissions, and (c) any further matters reasonably arising from the written statement or relevant documents.”
“(3) A written statement provided under subsection (2) shall— (a) be signed by the office holder or former office holder, (b) contain a declaration that it is true to the best of his or her knowledge and belief, and (c) be furnished within such period as the relevant head may specify, having regard to the efficient conduct of the Inquiry. (4) Upon receipt of a written statement under this section, the designated persons shall provide it to the Chairman as soon as practicable, subject to the condition referred to in section 11(8) .”
“(2) Before any oral evidence is taken in accordance with sections 9 , 10 and 11 , the relevant head shall ensure that the office holder or former office holder concerned provides to the designated persons a written statement addressing— (a) the topics, areas of inquiry or matters specified in the request for assistance, (b) any documents, records or categories of documents identified as relevant under section 5(2)(b) , and (c) any additional matters on which the designated persons consider that a written account is reasonably required for the purposes of the Inquiry.”
“I move amendment No. 18: In page 8, between lines 9 and 10, to insert the following: “Written statements from office holders and former office holders 6. (1) This section applies where a relevant head has, under section 5 , acceded in whole or in part to a request for assistance for the taking of evidence from an office holder or former office holder of a designated State body.”
“The amendment provides that a former Minister’s consent is only required where they can show a substantial objective, reasonable risk to their legal rights or past lawful functions. Any refusal must be written, set out on specific grounds and may be reviewed by the inquiry chair for adequacy and reasonableness.”
“It clarifies that a former officeholder may withhold consent only when they can show a substantial, objective, reasonable risk to their legal rights or past lawful functions. Any refusal must be written, specify the grounds relied upon and can be reviewed by the inquiry chair for adequacy and reasonableness. This safeguard is important because it limits refusals to genuine demonstrable risks, requires written justification and ensures the inquiry chair can review decisions, strengthen transparency and prevent unjustified barriers to providing evidence. Amendment No. 19 seeks to strengthen the effectiveness of this legislation in helping the families of victims and survivors of the Omagh bombing to get to the truth.”
“I move amendment No. 9: In page 7, to delete lines 7 to 11 and substitute the following: “(5) A relevant head to whom a request for assistance is made shall notify the former office holder of the request. The consent in writing of the former office holder shall be required only where the former office holder demonstrates that answering the specified question would give rise to a substantial and objectively reasonable risk of prejudice to their legal rights or to the performance of functions lawfully exercised during their tenure. A refusal to consent shall— (a) be provided in writing, (b) set out the specific grounds relied upon, and (c) be subject to review by the Chairman for adequacy and reasonableness.”. Amendment No. 9 is about ensuring that the process delivers truth for families.”
“I move amendment No. 8: In page 7, between lines 6 and 7, to insert the following: “(iv) for the purposes of paragraph (i) , a refusal may not be based on a general, speculative, or unparticularised assertion of harm to State security or essential interests. The relevant head shall record in writing the precise nature of the risk relied upon and the reasons why less restrictive measures would not adequately protect that interest.”.”
“The purpose of this amendment is to support truth and recovery, provide clarity for those affected, and guarantee that legitimate security considerations cannot be used to prevent the inquiry from receiving relevant evidence. Amendment No. 8 is designed to ensure no misuse of national security as a rationale for not providing information to the inquiry. This amendment would ensure that refusals of co-operation could not rely on vague or speculative claims of security risks. It would require officials to set out clearly the specific harms they allege and to explain why less restrictive options would not suffice, strengthening transparency and accountability within the inquiry process.”
“I move amendment No. 7: In page 7, to delete lines 1 and 2 and substitute the following: “(i) be likely to cause a specific, identifiable and substantial risk of prejudice to the sovereignty or security of the State, and only where such risk cannot reasonably be mitigated through redaction, protective measures, or partial disclosure,”. Sinn Féin has repeatedly highlighted how national security has frequently been cited in Britain to restrict disclosure in legacy investigations, often leaving families without full access to information about past events. This amendment reinforces that such an approach cannot apply here. It would ensure that co-operation with the Omagh inquiry was not undermined by broad or undefined national security claims and that designated individuals could be questioned in a structured, transparent process.”
“All of our amendments were drafted in consultation with the Omagh families and their representatives. That is where we are coming from. They should be at the heart of this legislation. It is disappointing that the Minister did not take the time to meet them before this Bill was drafted. Under this amendment, the procedure would preserve fair notice for the witness and give him or her the fair notice that he or she needs. It stops rehearsed or scripted answers and allows for a flow of conversation, which is more transparent and gets to the truth of things. That is one of the reasons for this amendment.”
“That is despite the concerns of some judges who have ordered that children would not be placed into these unregulated settings. Last month Judge Conor Fottrell severely criticised profiteering by private operators providing unregulated placements for the most vulnerable children. He described it as "wrong" and "shameful". I wholeheartedly agree. The Government is paying millions to these private operators to keep the system going. It is time the Government took full responsibility for its actions.”
“These arrangements mean that children are accommodated in care facilities provided by private operators, including rented apartments, bed and breakfast accommodation, hotels and houses. These are unregulated and they are not open to independent inspection. I worked with vulnerable children in a previous job. I have constantly raised concerns about unregulated settings, in particular the fact that they are not investigated and looked into. Max's story is not unique. Last year 1,100 children in Tusla's care were placed in unregulated special emergency arrangements. This is an increase of 675 children on the number who were placed in these settings in 2023. Last year, 56 children under the age of 12 were placed in unregulated special emergency arrangements. I do not know this has been allowed to happen.”
“I thank Deputy Gogarty for the opportunity to talk about child welfare, in particular in relation to Tusla. We all saw the harrowing documentary from "RTÉ Investigates" last week in relation to the failures of Tusla to protect some of our most vulnerable children. I commend the makers of this programme for an excellent piece of journalism. We got to meet Max in this documentary. He was sleeping in an underground car park at a Tusla premises in Naas, County Kildare. He left the care system last October after spending almost his entire life in Tusla's care. Now he is sleeping in one of its underground car parks. This is not right. Max is a product of a failed care system. When Tusla has no beds available it outsources the placement of children to private companies under what are known as special emergency arrangements, SEAs.”
“Sinn Féin is open to limiting it to less than that if that is what the Minister of State wants, but we cannot just go into this legislation focused on tobacco only. I am glad that the Government included Sinn Féin's suggestion to prohibit the sale of nicotine consumption products, such as pouches, to those under 18. It is something that we have raised numerous times. We also have to make sure that this legislation is robust enough so that any other new tobacco product that comes online can be included in it. I also ask the Minister of State to reconsider the reduction of flavours for vapes.”
“As I would say if they were here in front of me, if I had a choice, I would rather they did neither, but they are adults and are able to make their own decisions. To limit the flavours to tobacco only simply will not work. It risks pushing adults back into smoking. It could also create an illegal black market that organised criminals will exploit for their own gain. It has not worked in other jurisdictions. As I have said, I do not have an issue with restricting the fancy names of flavours but banning flavours is a step too far. The range of flavours should be limited to a small number of standard flavours, which should purely fit under descriptive names. As was said by Deputy Cullinane, this was done in New Zealand where the government limited it to seven flavours.”
“I will point out that there is a difference between these mixed retail units that are selling vapes and the vape-only shops. At least the vape-only shops self-regulate and have experience in age verification. I can see in my own area that there is no age verification in these mixed retail units. As I have said, young kids in school uniforms are able to get vapes. At least those shops you see in the bottom of Tesco or in booths operate some sort of self-regulation. According to research I have here, there are 8,500 adult vapers in Dublin Mid-West. Of those, 7,000 were previously smokers. That is 7,000 fewer smokers than there were before. This legislation on flavours will only push those 7,000 vapers back into smoking. There are people in my own circle of friends and family who no longer smoke but vape.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on this legislation on vapes. For too long, we have allowed a wild west situation to arise because of a simple lack of regulation. We all want to see a reduction in smoking rates but we also want to see proper and real regulations on vaping. For too long, mixed retail units selling vapes have been popping up in every town and village across our State. As I have said in the House before, if you walk through Clondalkin village, you will see kids in their school uniforms going into these shops and buying vapes. Kids are attracted to the bright advertising and the fancy lights and go in as they walk by. I welcome the fact that the legislation before us today seeks to address advertising. This Bill should also regulate the names of flavours. There is no argument about that at all.”
“Will the likes of Lucan Community College, Gaelscoil na Camóige, Gaelscoil Chulain Dolcáin, St. Kevin’s Community College, Holy Family National School and Sacred Heart School be supported on foot of the memo?”
“One of its asks is that the agreed and much-needed special needs unit be provided. This would allow the school to open four special classes and it could be delivered on time if there were political will. St. Kevin's Community College is earmarked to become a 1,000-pupil school but it is not being supported with the appropriate infrastructure. It is still waiting on a much-needed second ASD class and an upgrade to the current one. Several parents of children attending Holy Family National School in Rathcoole have contacted me. Like many schools in my area, it does not receive the appropriate SNA supports. I am really concerned that Sacred Heart School, Sruleen, did not receive a home-school community liaison officer despite demonstrating the need, so I must ask again when we can expect the details of the memo to be published.”
“I am aware that the Taoiseach said this morning a memo is going to Cabinet that will call for additional supports for special education. When will we see the details of this proposal? Many schools in my area are waiting for special education supports. Gaelscoil na Camóige, as I have mentioned a few times, has been operating out of prefabs for over 30 years. Currently, the building of the new school alongside the new school for Gaelscoil Chluain Dolcáin is progressing; however, the schools were notified that the ASD classes will not now be built. The ASD expansion was agreed and given the go-ahead in 2024. It is simply common sense for it to go ahead. As we speak, Lucan Community College is holding a meeting. I cannot attend because I am here advocating on its behalf.”
“The latest figures on child poverty are showing exactly what we feared. Over a quarter of children aged under 16 are growing up in poverty. The Government has received warning after warning and it did not listen. I want to talk about the Clondalkin Equine Centre in my own area. It is a wonderful place. It is in an area of high deprivation as the Pobal index will tell us. It is like an oasis of calm in a really disadvantaged area. Last Thursday, we had a wonderful visit from President Catherine Connolly to the equine centre. It was fantastic. The kids were absolutely brilliant in showing the President around the area. The equine centre does not receive any core funding. It has 20 stables and it is not able to be self-sufficient. It is in danger of closing.”
“It is the first time in over a decade that we will see kids playing football in that park and the club needs to be commended. However, like all grassroots soccer clubs, it needs to be supported as well.”
“As a season ticket holder for Ireland matches, I will not be attending this match. We should not play ball with genocide. Grassroots soccer is something I have been involved in since I was a kid. I have been involved in it all my life. Grassroots clubs in my area are the mainstay of our communities. They keep our young people on the right road and they do not get enough credit or support. In my area the Coldcut land was recently bought by a speculator who is hoping to develop that and get the land rezoned. I am again calling on South Dublin County Council to compulsorily purchase this amenity so clubs like Collinstown FC and Palmerstown FC can have a place to call home and grow. Finally, I congratulate Quarryvale FC for starting an under-sevens' academy in Quarryvale Park.”
“This is true in the GAA, in rugby and in any other sports. I want to contribute my thoughts on what my colleague, Deputy Joanna Byrne, talked about. The handful of bad actors - bad Drogheda United supporters in Dundalk - were rightly condemned and nobody condemned them more than my friend, Joanna Byrne. However, the response of the Minister, Deputy O'Donovan, response was absolutely disproportionate. In fact, it was snobbery towards soccer fans. It was like putting a plague on all our houses. Threatening to stop the funding for a whole league because of the action of a few is collective punishment. How dare he? As a League of Ireland fan, I find this totally unacceptable. I also want to stand in solidarity with Deputy Joanna Byrne on her principled and moral response to Ireland playing Israel.”
“There is only one stadium in the whole country in the League of Ireland that has a 10,000-plus capacity. When I was mayor of South Dublin County Council I had the honour of cutting the ribbon on Tallaght Stadium. It was a bit of a bittersweet moment for me as a St. Pat's supporter cutting the ribbon on a ground for Shamrock Rovers but it goes to show that, with the vision of a local authority like South Dublin County Council and the necessary backing, something like that can be achieved. All stadiums right across the country should be like that. We could have funded this through a simple 1% increase in the betting levy tax. The fact that the Government did not access the Brexit equalisation fund for League of Ireland clubs was a missed opportunity. Like all sports, we have some bad supporters.”
“Croatia has 190 full-time academy staff. Ireland has ten. There is a message in there somewhere. The Government has allocated €3 million for League of Ireland academies. That is welcome but it does not go far enough, particularly with the onset of the new national league, which will be the third tier of the League of Ireland. I want to congratulate Lucan United and St. Francis FC from my own area for achieving this status. I believe Letterkenny Rovers FC, in the Minister of State's neck of the woods, has achieved this status. Clubs like that will need assistance. I am a passionate League of Ireland fan. I am at my happiest in Richmond Park cheering on St. Pat's. I travel to games up and down the country. However, the FAI has branded the stadiums in the League of Ireland as archaic, and I have to agree with it.”
“We only have to look at how we got behind Rory McIlroy at the weekend and his back-to-back Masters win to know the Irish people are sports mad. It was an absolutely tremendous achievement but I would argue that nothing lifts the nation like a successful Irish soccer team. It lifts the mood. I congratulate the Irish women's soccer team last night for a wonderful result away in Poland. We also saw how Troy Parrott and his team lifted the mood of the nation over the last couple of months and how the mood dropped after the agonising penalty shoot-out in Czechia. The Government is very quick to take photo opportunities with the national team but you need to put your money where your mouth is. Population-wise, Ireland is very similar to Croatia. Croatia regularly qualifies for major tournaments and goes far in them. Ireland does not.”
“Last night, Sinn Féin proposed an alternative, fairer solution to tackle rising energy costs, but again, the Government chose half measures. This Government is out of touch and running out of time.”
“All they wanted was dialogue, but the Government threatened ordinary citizens with the Army. Yes, the protests were about fuel and the Government's mismanagement of the cost-of-living crisis, but the cost-of-living crisis is only the tip of the iceberg. When the cost of living is put on top of the multitude of Government failures, it was the straw that broke the camel's back. We have record homelessness, rents and house prices are going through the roof, and people with disabilities are €1,400 worse off this year than they were last year. Children are waiting on life-changing interventions like scoliosis surgery, assessments of need and mental health supports in CAMHS. The Government promised €200 per month for childcare. Where is it? I only have a couple of minutes to speak today, but I could go on and on about Government failures.”
“I make no apologies for voting no confidence in this Government last night. It was the right thing to do. There is never a wrong time to do the right thing. It is a pity that some Independent TDs put their own political ambitions before the needs of ordinary workers and families. Ordinary workers and families have lost confidence in the Government. The Government is not listening. It still has not taken the necessary steps to make fuel affordable at the pumps. It did nothing on home heating oil. The ordinary workers did not want to protest over the last couple of weeks. They did not want to take to the streets. They wanted to be able to get to work, but the Government left them with no choice. It did not listen. It refused to engage. Instead of de-escalating the situation, it made things worse.”
“The Department might save €2 million today, but it is going to cost a hell of lot more in years to come. No doubt, I will be back here and arguing the same case. I ask that a common-sense solution is found so that our most vulnerable children can have their educational needs met.”
“Gaelscoil na Camóige has been operating out of prefabs for over 30 years. It is a school I know very well as my three children attended it. The building of the school building, alongside the new school for Gaelscoil Chluain Dolcáin, is progressing, and that is welcome. However, the schools were notified that the autism spectrum disorder, ASD, classes will not now be built. The ASD expansion was agreed and given the go-ahead in 2024. Planning permission was in place. In January, the schools were informed by the Department that they had broken their agreement on the ASD classes. The school is due to open in September. This is unacceptable. Gaelscoil na Camóige is moving to a two-stream intake this year. It projects that it will be up to full capacity in three years' time.”
“The prices are, as I said, some of the highest in Europe. The Government, in its wisdom, decided to do away with the energy credits which would have helped hundreds of thousands of people across the State. There are 320,000 people at this very moment who cannot afford to keep up with their energy bills. Two thirds of people in this country have less than €5,000 in savings. Talking to the people whom I represent on a daily basis, that little nest egg they have of less than €5,000 has been eaten away. If something comes up with an unintended price, they are unable to deal with it, such as a medical bill. People have contacted me in relation to bills for their vets. They are unable to deal with the things that they would have been able to deal with over the last number of years.”
“They were not reduced this morning when I came into work. They were not down at all. This is on the watch of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. I will use my time to discuss the fuel allowance. The criteria have to be looked at. The extension does not go far enough, but the criteria for the fuel allowance need to be looked at. A number of people have contacted me recently in relation to fuel allowance, who, as a consequence of the housing crisis, are no longer eligible. Their adult children may have got an eviction notice and had to move back into the family home. Where their parents would have been previously eligible for fuel allowance, they are no longer eligible for that because a working adult has re-entered the home. That is something that needs to be looked at. As I said already, gas and electricity prices have gone through the roof.”
“Even before the conflict in the Middle East began, Ireland was top of the charts. We had the highest prices of petrol and diesel in Europe. We are top of the league. We had one of the highest prices of petrol and diesel in Europe, and we are top of the league in electricity and gas prices. This is a league nobody wants to be top of. Last week, Sinn Féin gift-wrapped the Government the solution to bring down the cost of petrol and diesel. We handed it to the Government on a plate. It dithered while the prices at the pumps went up and up. Right when people needed the Government, it let them down. It allowed companies to price-gouge and increase prices at the pumps. What amazes me is how quickly garages can put up the prices of petrol and diesel. Straight away, up it goes. It also amazes me how slow they are to reduce them.”
“I will start by giving my two cents, because 2 cent is all the Government believes people who use home heating oil are worth. A scabby cut of 2 cent on home heating oil is insulting. It will save a person €20 on a fill of a tank, a fill that now costs around €1,700. Not only is it scabby; it is also underhanded. Very soon, the greedy hands of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael will yank this measly 2 cent back off ordinary people by hiking up the carbon tax. They give with one hand and will take back with the other. It is smoke-and-mirror tactics. The Government voted down Sinn Féin's proposals to completely remove the excise duty on home heating oil. This would have provided real, meaningful relief. Government measures are nowhere near good enough. Half measures avail us of nothing.”
“I know this does not address the underlying issues that cause all this behaviour in the first place, but it allowed my community to get on with daily life. I thank the Garda, including the superintendent, and most of all the members of my community who contacted me about this matter. The four-garda team was just a temporary measure, however. The gardaí are due to be redeployed very soon for another operation, so I imagine I will be contacting the Minister again and calling for the retention of the team in the area.”
“They feared for their safety and that of their children. The area was under siege. Gangs had repeatedly committed violent acts of intimidation and had done criminal damage. I received countless emails and phone calls and many people visited my constituency office in fear. Residents told me they were receiving death threats. They were crying out for additional Garda resources. At the time, I raised this directly with the Minister and the Garda Commissioner, and I raised it at the justice committee. Because of the pressure put on me by members of my community, the superintendent was able to allocate a four-garda team for the area. It was like someone had turned off a switch. Overnight I stopped getting as many phone calls to my office. Residents were able to get on with their lives, start living in safety again and breathe.”