Neale Richmond
Dublin Rathdown · Fine Gael · Ireland
“I am grateful to Deputy Ó Murchú for raising this once again. I welcome the comments by his party leader this week when she declared that this is a great State and a great place to live in. It makes a welcome change from most other days of the week.”
“Another thing that must be looked at when discussing a united Ireland is that a lot of work has to be done to show example from political representatives on the base level of sectarianism that at least two other colleagues on these benches and I put up with every day.”
“They could not decide among themselves in the "Yes" campaign whether they would have a new form of sterling or a currency pegged to sterling or adopt the euro. That is not an issue for us. We join the European Union and we join the euro. It is simple as.”
“I will make a few concluding remarks to follow on from some of the points made by the Taoiseach in his opening iteration because in his 20 minutes he did not cover them all.”
“Over the coming months, we will act impartially serving as an honest broker among our fellow member states to progress many files in areas that were raised here today. Our work will respond to the overall interests and needs of the union, its member states and citizens across Europe.”
“More pertinently to the Deputy's questions, very real charges have been placed in The Irish Times and by other investigative journalists stating that the amounts of alumina being produced from Aughinish are going indirectly to the Russian war machine. If that is the case, it is completely unacceptable.”
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“It must also be said that of all EU member states, Ireland comes top of the charts when it comes to adherence to and enforcement of these sanctions.”
“Another figure that the Ukrainian ambassador cited was that 1,000 drones are being built every day in Russia. Those drones are not being used for delivering a cup of coffee or medicine, we all know that, stark as it is. The sanctions package is very interesting. An Irishman, David O'Sullivan, has the EU responsibility of monitoring sanctions and seeing how they impact. I attended a Foreign Affairs Council meeting in May when he provided his report which showed that yes, the sanctions are having an effect, not only on the oligarchs who prop up Putin's regime but also on the critical economic infrastructure of Russia. They are having an effect but it must be said that there are certain EU member states who restrict the ability for these sanctions to go as far as Ireland and like-minded countries would like.”
“In March, the Tánaiste announced the allocation of €100 million in non-lethal military assistance to Ukraine, the majority of which will be used to fund non-lethal elements of air defence.”
“For our part, we are working closely with our EU partners to secure the best outcome for Ukraine and for Europe. This topic featured heavily at the Foreign Affairs Council this week and will feature heavily at the European Council later this week. Ireland reiterates its commitment to support all efforts to hold Russia accountable, including for the forcible transfer and deportation of Ukrainian children, and the need to maintain pressure on Russia by quickly reaching agreement on the 19th sanctions package. The ongoing escalation in Russian attacks also highlights the critical importance of ensuring that Ukraine gets the support it needs to defend itself.”
“The targeting of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure is especially cruel ahead of winter, when temperatures often drop below minus 10°C. The deprivation of heat, light, electricity and water are attacks on Ukrainian civilians. We have made the point multiple times that the attacks on energy infrastructure and the utilisation of food as a tool of war are, of course, war crimes. Moreover, Ireland strongly condemns the repeated violations of EU airspace and other hybrid attacks by Russia. These actions constitute a reckless and unprecedented threat to regional security. In response, the Tánaiste directed his officials to make our condemnation clear to the Russian chargé in Dublin. These actions demonstrate yet again that Russia is intent on escalating rather than de-escalating its war of aggression.”
“I am grateful to Deputies O'Meara and Lahart for raising this very timely issue. Ireland condemns Russia’s escalation of large-scale aerial attacks on Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities. In recent weeks, Russia has launched thousands of drone and missile attacks into Ukraine, some of which have been the largest aerial attacks since the start of the war, resulting in high numbers of civilian casualties and large-scale destruction of civilian infrastructure. According to President Zelenskyy, on Thursday, 16 October, Russia launched more than 300 drones and 37 missiles to target infrastructure across Ukraine. The President commented that this autumn, the Russians have been using every single day and night to strike at Ukraine's energy infrastructure.”
“At the May 2025 meeting of the EU-Gulf Co-operation Council political committee, Ireland spoke on behalf of the EU and stressed the need to use every influence to prevent external actors providing arms to combatants and to unite in favour of peace. This is a conflict and a situation which requires far more attention. I am particularly grateful to the Deputy for raising it in this forum and hopefully we can continue to push on.”
“Ireland is gravely concerned by reports that arms continue to reach parties to conflict in Sudan despite existing UN and EU embargoes and sanctions. Specific allegations of embargo and sanction violations are primarily pursued through the appropriate multilateral forums, including the UN Security Council, the European Union and the relevant UN sanction committees. Through these channels, Ireland continues to call on all parties to comply fully with their obligations and to refrain from any action that could fuel further violence. Ireland initially had discussions on EU sanctions in 2023 which led to the establishment and implementation of EU sanctions targeting both parties to the conflict and, crucially, their backers.”
“It is the worst humanitarian disaster happening in the world today. The outlook is considerably bleak as it stands. From an Irish point of view, we will of course continue to fund and work every avenue possible to bring peace to the area, but also to increase and add volume to humanitarian aid and, crucially, access.”
“To be frank, the two main parties to this conflict - the Sudanese Armed Forces, SAF, and the RSF - show absolutely no signs of willingness to negotiate a ceasefire, let alone a peace agreement. The conflict is becoming increasingly internationalised with external actors involved, refugee displacement and spillover risks, including in neighbouring Chad and South Sudan. Since the beginning of 2025, the SAF has made significant military gains and ousted the RSF from Khartoum. The RSF holds most of Darfur and has been laying siege, as the Deputy said, to El Fasher, the last stronghold, for over 500 days. Frankly, there has been very limited humanitarian access to El Fasher. The conditions described and borne witness to by Declan Walsh are as bad as can be imagined. I do not in any way underestimate this.”
“This brings our commitment this year to €14.3 million to support communities in Sudan and those displaced in neighbouring countries. We are gravely concerned by reports that arms continue to reach parties to the conflict, despite existing UN and EU embargoes and sanctions. Along with our EU and other like-minded partners, we have called on all external actors directly or indirectly supplying arms and funds to the parties to cease their support immediately. Progress towards the resolution of the conflict will require significant political will from the warring parties and the international community in order to find a peaceful way forward. Ireland stands ready to lend its support to these efforts.”
“Ireland has consistently emphasised the need to maintain humanitarian access. Both parties to the conflict are responsible for obstructing aid and conducting attacks on aid convoys, resulting in untold suffering for the civilian population. As Minister of State with responsibility for international development and the diaspora, I signed a joint statement by 30 countries condemning an attack on a convoy in El Fasher in June, as well as the ongoing attacks against civilians and humanitarian workers across Sudan. While representing Ireland at the United Nations General Assembly, I signed an Australian-led declaration for the protection of humanitarian workers. More generally, Ireland continues to provide substantial humanitarian assistance. We recently announced a further package of €3 million in humanitarian assistance.”
“I thank Deputy Ó Laoghaire for this pertinent question. The Government remains deeply concerned by the devastating conflict in Sudan, which has led to the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. More than 150,000 people have been killed and some 12 million people have been forcibly displaced. The conflict continues to have a catastrophic impact on civilians. Despite reports of better access in some areas in recent months, an already dire humanitarian situation is worsening due to large-scale displacement, with millions continuing to face acute hunger and famine. Of particular concern is the devastating impact the war continues to have on women and girls. As alluded to by the Deputy, the situation in El Fasher where the Rapid Support Forces group, known as the RSF, has been laying siege to the city for over 500 days is particularly alarming.”
“That is a stain and it needs to be called out. It means building a truly shared Ireland in every meaning of the definition.”
“It means making the agreement’s institutions work and deliver for people in meaningful ways that they can feel in their day-to-day lives. We need to move beyond debates about symbolism, flags and anthems. When we talk about the reality, as Deputy Mac Lochlainn says, what matters is the future of the health system and how we get our health systems working better. Crucially, it is about the exchanges that we said we would prioritise, not exchanges between politicians, but between schoolchildren, third level institutions and sporting groups, or by bringing down Free Presbyterians from Belfast to meet with Roman Catholic parishes in west Cork, and making it so seamless that people consider this Ireland truly one before we even start talking about the political questions. It means we have to consistently address the legacy of the past.”
“As my Government colleagues have stated at other fora more than once, if there is a future referendum within the consent provisions of the Good Friday Agreement - I say if but, of course, I really hope it is when - we will make all necessary preparations in accordance with the terms of the Constitution and the principles and procedures of the agreement. It is regrettable but a fact that no one in this House can set the date for a border poll. We are guided by the terms of that agreement and that decision of another entity. However, we have to play our part in moving towards that in a constructive, shared and reconciled manner. For now, our priority is delivering for all the people of Ireland. That means continuing to promote reconciliation in Northern Ireland and on a North-South and an east-west basis.”
“It is indispensable work under all constitutional scenarios. If we hold the sincere ambition to achieve reunification, as is our right as a constitutional position, this needs to be achieved through real reconciliation and real material gains. The programme for Government clearly states that we will continue to prioritise the essential work of building understanding and reconciliation in order that we can address the fundamental causes of conflict and division. The word “prioritise” is important.”
“I, too, acknowledge the presence of Michelle O'Neill in her capacity as the first nationalist and republican to take on the position of First Minister. It should be acknowledged and recognised. Under the €2 billion shared island fund, we are driving strategic all-island co-operation that benefits people, North and South. Deputy Mac Lochlainn eloquently referred to the issues under way. He and I had a lovely evening in Buncrana with politicians from all backgrounds and, more importantly, people who did not want to talk about politics at all, despite our best efforts. There is simply too much work under way in the areas of healthcare, transport, sport and education to list all that work in my remaining time. I could also talk about the Ulster Canal and the Narrow Water bridge. What is happening is real, however, and it really matters.”
“The UK-Ireland joint statement makes clear that the reset in our relations will only be meaningful if it includes and delivers for the people of Northern Ireland as well. That goes into all areas, including the economic, but also the areas of legacy in respect of which we have finally seen some progress in recent weeks. It is part of our mission to create a shared and reconciled future for all communities on this island. That means learning to better live and work together. It is why we are committed to deepening North-South co-operation, including through the Government’s flagship shared island initiative. The restoration of the devolved institutions in Stormont has meant the return of the North-South Ministerial Council. The Government and the Northern Ireland Executive had a productive plenary meeting last Friday.”
“Again, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland has stated unambiguously and consistently that, in his opinion, there is no evidence that the necessary conditions have been met to date. The motion before the House calls on the Government to plan for Irish unity. Let me be clear. When I talk about reconciliation or about the work that is ongoing across this island, we are hard at work preparing for the future of this island, whatever shape it takes, as well as building a better Ireland across it. We have an ambitious agenda that is delivering tangible results for the people of this island. We are capitalising on the window of opportunity offered to us by the reset in Ireland-UK relations. The UK-Ireland summit in Liverpool in March, and the joint statement we agreed on that occasion, set out an ambitious roadmap for east-west relations.”
“Some may point to different indications of how the Secretary of State might arrive at this assessment, be it election results, demographic change or polling. I reassure the House that the Government is not blind to these things or to the growing debate on these issues across our island. The opposite is true: we follow them very closely. Some of us have very deliberately involved ourselves in the debate. Deputy MacDonald and I have shared platforms many times, thanks to the grace of organisations like Ireland's Future. However, it comes to the question of when there will be a border poll. As it stands, it is not in prospect in the lifetime of this Government, which has just over four more years to go. That is not my preference. Time merely dictates this when we talk about preparations for any referendum.”
“-----but in east Belfast we were called much else. We were Lundys. We were Free Staters. We were Fenian scum. That was the language too many of us know in this House. I fear it is creeping back in. We need to take the responsibility, all of us who believe in a truly united Ireland, to call it out from all angles. It is important to acknowledge that we support the Good Friday Agreement in full. When we speak about the future of this island, we need to take great care with the words we choose and how we speak about the Good Friday Agreement. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland must call a referendum if it appears likely to him that there is a majority in favour of a united Ireland.”
“I remember going up to play rugby in the 1990s in east Belfast and in Ards, which had a very different atmosphere than Deputy Gould perhaps enjoyed. Some of the language has really brought me back to the era when I would walk down the street and be called “Orange scum” or a “West Brit”.”
“In the text, all parties to the agreement firmly dedicated themselves to the achievement of reconciliation. That requires work. It requires leadership from every part of society, from politicians like us, but also from educators and civic, church and sporting leaders. It requires generosity of spirit in dealing with those from different backgrounds than ourselves. To be frank, I have seen a lot of this in my life because I come from the minority tradition in this jurisdiction and am the grandson of an Orangeman. I do not hide it. It is part of my identity. I must state on the record of this House that some of the language in recent weeks has been deeply troubling, particularly online from posters. Deputy Gould very eloquently talked about travelling to the North to play GAA in places like Crossmaglen.”
“The agreement recognises the legitimacy of whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern Ireland, whether that is to remain in the union or unify the island. If there is to be a Border poll, the constitutional future of the island will be decided by a majority vote, 50% plus one. That was part of the agreement of 1998: the promise of an end to violence, replaced by a commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means to answer the constitutional question. A perfectly reconciled society or island is not a precondition to constitutional change. However, we must do better than we have done in the 27 years since 1998 in achieving this. I fear to say that communities remain further apart than we hoped when the agreement was signed. The agreement did not pluck the goal of reconciliation out of the air.”
“Its implementation is the core of the Government’s policy across all three of its strands, namely our engagement with communities in Northern Ireland, the relationship between North and South and our relationship with Britain. The programme for Government states our position clearly. We are committed to the unity of the Irish people, and we believe that we will only achieve this through a sustained focus on and investment in reconciliation. There have been criticisms of this Government, from the Opposition benches and elsewhere, because we have made reconciliation a precondition to a united Ireland. I want to be clear on this. When we say we are committed to the Good Friday Agreement, we mean just that.”
“Article 3, however, demands more than just following the shortest distance between two points and racing toward constitutional change. The spirit of harmony and friendship that the Constitution speaks about, and its commitment to a unity that respects the diversity of the people of this island, are descriptions of our destination. They are also signposts for how we get there and they are not optional. Twenty-seven years have passed, and the Good Friday Agreement remains absolutely central. It would be remiss of me not to take a moment to remember former Senator, Deputy and Minister of State, Martin Mansergh, who played a critical role in the negotiations relating to the Good Friday Agreement. The agreement absolutely is the blueprint for unlocking the full potential of our island and nation.”
“I thank the Opposition for tabling this motion. Commitment to the reunification of the country is a founding principle of the Government. The Government holds an aspiration for a united Ireland in common with the Opposition and, in the spirit of this debate, I underline the fact that we are not opposing this motion. Every Irish Government must be guided by Article 3 of the Constitution, which states: It is the firm will of the Irish nation, in harmony and friendship, to unite all the people who share the territory of the island of Ireland, in all the diversity of their identities and traditions, recognising that a united Ireland shall be brought about only by peaceful means with the consent of a majority of the people, democratically expressed, in both jurisdictions in the island.”
“While the current challenges may seem unsurmountable, we must not falter in our resolve. Our continued support for Ukraine is a necessity, not a choice. It is why Ireland stands with Ukraine now and however long it takes.”
“It is also vital that Ukraine’s security be protected in the long term. That means strong, credible guarantees that ensure Ukraine can defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity to avoid a repetition of the past. Ireland’s position remains clear. It is for Russia to now show through its actions a willingness to achieve peace by halting its brutal attacks and agreeing to a full and unconditional ceasefire. It can do so at any time. Ukraine and President Zelenskyy have clearly done their part. Ireland believes that, ultimately, the greatest security guarantee that we can offer to Ukraine is membership of the European Union, the greatest peace project that the world has known. We strongly support Ukraine’s path towards EU membership and are determined to advance it under our EU Presidency, which begins next year.”
“Ireland supports the continued investigations of the International Criminal Court in Ukraine and welcomes the historic progress made towards establishing the special tribunal for the crime of aggression. At the Council of Europe, Ireland has been a founding member of the register of damage. We welcome the finalisation of a draft convention establishing an international claims commission. These are all important steps towards redressing internationally wrongful acts committed by the Russian Federation in or against Ukraine. We all want Russia’s war of aggression to end, but it must end on the basis of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, one that respects Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the principles of the UN Charter and international law.”
“Ireland’s commitment to international law is steadfast, as is our commitment to the fundamental principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity outlined in the UN Charter. Russia’s actions have undermined the foundations of the international rules-based system on which the United Nations is based. The principle that borders cannot be changed by force protects us all, yet a permanent member of the UN Security Council has cast this vital principle aside. This should concern us all. Universal principles, including the right to territorial integrity, must apply to each nation equally and in full. Any credible future for multilateralism depends on this.”
“We continue also to be open to considering contributions to any EU packages containing non-lethal elements of military support. Senator Ahearn raised the issue of reconstruction. I was delighted to attend a reconstruction conference in Rome this year on behalf of the Government. He raised the issue of an envoy in relation to trade. I can confirm that Enterprise Ireland has appointed a Ukrainian pathfinder to help Irish companies engage more with the Ukrainian market, particularly SMEs, given the already existing role of companies such as CRH and Kingspan. Senator Stephenson rightly raised the issue of not just supporting civic society but also journalists currently and in the future in Ukraine. Ireland has made that commitment and is already in the process of working with a range of different organisations as well as individuals.”
“At EU level, the release of the majority of remaining committed funding under the EPF is currently blocked. The Tánaiste therefore sought agreement to provide €100 million, outside of the EPF, in non-lethal military support to Ukraine in March. The Tánaiste is firmly committed to continuing this strong support for Ukraine and I expect that a further substantial package of non-lethal support will be announced shortly. In July, €10 million was provided to each of the Ukraine defence contact group coalitions on de-mining and IT support, led by Lithuania and Iceland and by Estonia and Luxembourg, respectively. The remaining €80 million is being disbursed to EU member states with whom Ireland has agreed procurement partnerships, primarily for the procurement of non-lethal elements of air defence.”
“Three Reacher bomb disposal robots were delivered to the Ukraine defence contact group, UDCG, de-mining coalition in mid-September. Over the coming weeks, the Defence Forces will deliver a further training module of basic training to Ukrainian armed forces personnel via the European Union military assistance mission, EUMAM, Ukraine. This will take to 22 the total number of modules delivered by Irish personnel. Through the framework of the European Defence Agency’s EU SatCom market project, we provided support to Ukraine in respect to provision of satellite communications equipment at a value of €1.36 million. Ireland has contributed approximately €66 million to the European Peace Facility, EPF, for non-lethal military support to Ukraine.”
“For now, though, they are here, and they are consistently welcomed here and that will not change. As I have outlined in great detail, Ireland is militarily neutral, but we have never been politically neutral, and certainly not in the face of Russia’s unprovoked aggression against a sovereign state. Ireland recognises that its continued support for Ukraine is a necessity, not a choice. We are playing our part by providing non-lethal military support to Ukraine. Through the Department of Defence, we continue to provide direct military support-in-kind. In June, five air defence radar systems and a fire tender were delivered to Ukraine. A further donation of 34 vehicles, including ambulances were delivered in two convoys in early September.”
“We talk a lot, rightly and genuinely, about solidarity in this Chamber, but what does solidarity mean and how do you count it? Since February 2022, Ireland has committed €138 million in stabilisation and humanitarian supports. In addition to this, a further funding package of €33.5 million, announced last month, is currently in the process of being disbursed. Ireland has also welcomed more than 118,000 Ukrainians who were forced to leave their homeland and who sought sanctuary here. Many of them have remained. They have integrated well into Irish society, and they have also brought the joys of their own culture to our community. I have no doubt that, in time, they will play a crucial role in rebuilding their own country when it is once again safe to do so.”
“We are therefore supportive of exploring options for the further use of Russian sovereign assets to support Ukraine. Ireland has been steadfast in its support for Ukraine since day one of this war. The impact of this war is felt by every household across the country, materially as well as emotionally. Members of this House have visited Ukraine to not just convey our solidarity but also to bear witness to the brutal consequences of Russia's full-scale invasion at first hand. In September of last year, then Taoiseach, Simon Harris, travelled to Kyiv for a meeting with President Zelenskyy and to sign a comprehensive bilateral agreement on support and co-operation between Ireland and Ukraine. In May, I visited Lviv to attend an informal European Council meeting and endorse the draft legal framework for a special tribunal.”
“Measures in this regard include the adoption of unprecedented sanctions. The latter include a broad range of sectoral sanctions, including measures targeting Russia's military, technology, transport and energy sectors. These sanctions are having an impact by limiting access to battlefield goods and reducing Russia's access. It is with pride that Ireland's David O'Sullivan is the main European official who monitors the effectiveness of these sanctions. Ireland welcomes proposals for a 19th package of sanctions, and we will work with our European partners to ensure that these can be agreed quickly. We also firmly believe that Russia should be held accountable for its actions and should have to pay for the destruction it has caused.”
“The message is clear: Russia has to understand that Ukraine's partners, including its European partners, have the will and the means to continue supporting it until a just and lasting peace is achieved. Ireland will be part of a coalition of the willing. We will ensure, Senator Stephenson, that our participation is fully aligned with our policy of military neutrality, but at this time we have to show that we are willing to stand not just by the people of Ukraine in our words but also in our actions. The EU's continuing commitment to Ukraine will also be a key focus when European leaders meet again formally on 23 and 24 October. This will be an important moment for the EU to reiterate its commitment to stay the course in support of Ukraine and to maintain pressure on Russia to halt its war of aggression and engage in real negotiations.”
“Such measures include a substantial increase in investment in the National Cyber Security Centre, the publication of a national counter disinformation strategy and legislation to enhance election security through the Electoral Commission, the commencement of legislation on third-country investment screening and the control of exports. The Department of Defence will publish Ireland's first national maritime security strategy by the end of the year. We are also building up Ireland's national capability to identify, mitigate and counter hybrid threats through our membership of the European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats in Helsinki. The European Union has been steadfast in its solidarity with Ukraine since the first day of this terrible war.”
“I had not intended to visit Moscow any time soon. I certainly do not intend to do so now. I wear that sanction as a badge of pride, as I know my senatorial colleagues do too. The Government takes the risks posed by these activities very seriously, and we are responding. We support the full use of all means available to prevent, deter and respond to Russia's aggressive hybrid activities, including through sanctions. Domestically, the Government is implementing a range of relevant measures at national level to strengthen our resilience and combat hybrid threats from state and non-state actors, including Russia, its proxies and aligned actors.”
“Distance does not protect us from the campaign of hybrid activity that Russia has unleashed against European countries, which has increased in scale and recklessness in the past year. It is our duty and our obligation to take our security and our responsibility towards our like-minded partners more seriously than ever. That obligation and duty in no way contravenes our clear policy of military neutrality. It is merely common sense. Through its sustained pursuit of hybrid campaigns, Russia is a major threat to stability, democracy and social cohesion throughout Europe and beyond. These activities represent an attempt to divide EU member states, particularly in relation to support for Ukraine. The proposer and seconder of these motions, Senators O'Loughlin and Daly, are, like me, sanctioned by the Russian war machine and Vladimir Putin.”
“In the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, all EU member states, including Ireland, have re-examined their foreign, security and defence policies. It is perhaps easy to look eastward and believe that the fires of war burning in Ukraine will never reach our shores, that distance is somehow a protection, but it is an illusion to believe that we are immune from this pattern of growing threats. Our commitment to a values-based foreign policy, to multilateralism and to a policy, clearly, of military neutrality does not insulate us from the impacts of a rapidly changing and volatile international security environment that has become the new reality across Europe.”
“Any peaceful resolution to Russia's war must involve the return of all forcibly transferred persons, particularly children. Such actions may amount to war crimes. We must work to hold those responsible to account. At the same time, Russia's increasingly provocative and reckless behaviour against EU member states is justifiably raising concerns and tensions across Europe. In recent weeks, Russian drones have breached the airspace of fellow EU member states, and fighter planes have violated the skies over Estonia. The Government has strongly condemned these activities. We have seen disruption to critical infrastructure, airports and logistics hubs paralysed by cyberattacks and elections targeted by malign influence campaigns.”
“Russia is escalating its aerial bombardment on Ukrainian cities and civilian infrastructure while its forces continue their offensive along the front line unabated, seeking additional territorial gains. Civilians continue to bear the brunt of Russia's brutal war of aggression. Russia's full-scale invasion triggered the largest displacement crisis in Europe in decades, with millions displaced and in need of continued, lifesaving support. We have heard horrific reports of gross and systematic violations of human rights by Russia. We consistently see reports of the very means of life, namely food and energy supplies, being targeted by Russian forces. One of Russia's most brutal and egregious crimes has been the large-scale forcible kidnapping of Ukrainian children from their homes.”
“The decision to invade Ukraine came from the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. Let us not lose ourselves in conspiracy theories, whataboutery or bringing up concerns about other powers. The issue here lies with Russia. There can be no whataboutery. Since those days over three years ago, indescribable suffering has been inflicted upon the people of Ukraine. Millions have been forced to flee their homeland and millions more have been internally displaced. Hundreds of thousands have been killed, with thousands more, including children, forcibly removed, tortured or arbitrarily imprisoned by Russian forces. We are at a critical moment in the trajectory of Russia's war in Ukraine.”
“I sincerely thank the proposer and seconder for tabling this motion and Senators for engaging constructively with the amendments. I join in the welcome to our dear friend the Ukrainian ambassador, Larysa, and our friends from Tiglin in Greystones and beyond in the Gallery. They are welcome, not just Leinster House, the people's house, but also to Ireland for however long they need to be here. It is over three years since Russia's unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine brought large-scale conflict back to the Continent of Europe. As has been noted, this was not the creation of a new war. It was merely the latest invasion of Ukrainian territory by Russia in modern times. We have to be absolutely unequivocal that the blame for this conflict lies with Russia.”
“However, I would welcome the opportunity to continue engagement, perhaps in writing, with the Senator because some of the technical detailed questions need to be replied to on paper so that both of us have them to hand accurately. I look forward as ever to continuing that discussion with the Senator.”
“It is fair to say that the handling of this matter fell below the standard we would expect across these Houses and within the Government. The late submission of documents by the European Commission so close to the 4 October deadline left member states in a difficult position. I wish to reiterate to the Senator that Ireland's long-standing position on Western Sahara is one of full support for the UN-led process to achieve a political solution to this long-standing dispute and full support of the right of the Sahrawi people to self-determination. We endeavoured at all times to provide accurate information to this House on a complex legal and diplomatic process, including in the Commencement matter. I appreciate that some of detail provided today serves to clarify matters for the House.”