Neale Richmond
Dublin Rathdown · Fine Gael · Ireland
“I am grateful to Deputy Ó Murchú for raising this once again. I welcome the comments by his party leader this week when she declared that this is a great State and a great place to live in. It makes a welcome change from most other days of the week.”
“Another thing that must be looked at when discussing a united Ireland is that a lot of work has to be done to show example from political representatives on the base level of sectarianism that at least two other colleagues on these benches and I put up with every day.”
“They could not decide among themselves in the "Yes" campaign whether they would have a new form of sterling or a currency pegged to sterling or adopt the euro. That is not an issue for us. We join the European Union and we join the euro. It is simple as.”
“I will make a few concluding remarks to follow on from some of the points made by the Taoiseach in his opening iteration because in his 20 minutes he did not cover them all.”
“Over the coming months, we will act impartially serving as an honest broker among our fellow member states to progress many files in areas that were raised here today. Our work will respond to the overall interests and needs of the union, its member states and citizens across Europe.”
“More pertinently to the Deputy's questions, very real charges have been placed in The Irish Times and by other investigative journalists stating that the amounts of alumina being produced from Aughinish are going indirectly to the Russian war machine. If that is the case, it is completely unacceptable.”
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“I dare say everyone in this House has witnessed at least one passport form in the past week. Certain passport application forms for applicants resident in Ireland, however, are required to be witnessed by a member of An Garda Síochána. For the interest of the House, these applications are post passport, first-time adult online and first-time child online. The witnessing of these application forms is a vital element of the identity verification process as it provides initial assurance to the passport service that the person in the photograph is the same person presenting to submit the form. With applications for a minor, which is particularly important, the witnessing of this form provides evidence guardians have given consent for a passport to be issued to the child.”
“I am delighted to take this question from Deputy Donnelly and I appreciate the constructive manner that it is placed and hopefully I will be able to reply in an equally constructive manner. I will skip over some of the introductory remarks, which he will receive to his place shortly - because the Deputy knows himself the Passport Office is working extremely hard on delivering overall, with 440,000 passports issued so far this year alone. More pertinent to the question the Deputy has raised, passport online was introduced in 2017 and since then, adults renewing their passports through the Passport Office are not required to submit a witnessed identity form. Online child renewal applications can be witnessed by members of many professions, including school teachers, doctors, elected representatives and gardaí.”
“The longer this conflict goes on, the more our energy prices stay up, the more people are being displaced, the more our grocery prices are being put up and the more all the people of Europe, whether they are Hungarian, Irish, Ukrainian or Belgian, are at risk from an aggressive power. We have to go around the system. The EU is being imaginative and Ireland has committed to play its full part with the high representative.”
“This is a key issue when we come to the combined European effort in support of Ukraine. We are being asked to do more for Ukraine by other allies around the world, but not all 27 EU member states are prepared to do that or are pulling their weight. That is why the €250 million allocated to the European PEACE facility is what we want to see developed. It is part of a much wider package. That is why we are reverting to the bilateral method of using €100 million, which we can get to where it needs to be as quickly as possible. I will be quite frank: Hungary is not being a willing partner of the European Union; it is being a direct block to saving lives on the ground in Ukraine and ensuring this conflict comes to a quick end.”
“These bombs are being dropped not just on military targets but also on civilian facilities, particularly, as I mentioned, energy infrastructure, hospitals, schools, playgrounds and everything else in between. It is horrific. As regards being able to access this equipment as quickly as possible, speed is a priority. The vast majority of procurement will take place with local partners in Ukraine, who are able not only to turn it around quickly but to deliver it to the places where it is needed as soon as possible.”
“It is proposed that up to €20 million be provided to the two UDCG coalitions as outlined, both of which Ireland has joined and at which is represented by the Department of Defence. It is proposed €80 million will be allocated to procurement partnerships with other EU member states. As I said, examples of relevant non-lethal supports could include non-lethal elements of air defence such as radar systems and anti-drone jamming devices. The reason I mention those specific things is that these are the request of the Ukrainian Government. They are what the Ukrainians need to stop the bombs falling on cities like Kyiv and on forces on the front line.”
“Ireland is also participating in the EU military assistance mission in support of Ukraine and the Government will continue to consider all options.”
“Through this mechanism, Ireland makes payments to the EPF which are used to fund non-lethal military support. Ireland constructively abstains from all EPF measures designed to deliver lethal force. At an EU level, the release of the majority of funding under the EPF, however, remains blocked by Hungary, meaning Ireland has been able to disburse only a proportion of its commitment to date. In the absence of agreement at EU level, we have stepped up our bilateral support. Since the full-scale invasion, the Department of Defence and the Defence Forces have also provided non-lethal military equipment to the Ukrainian armed forces which include mine clearance flails, vehicles, body armour, ready-to-eat meals and is progressing further donations, including ordnance disposal robots and Giraffe radar systems.”
“Earlier this month, the Government approved €100 million of bilateral non-lethal military support for Ukraine. Work is ongoing towards the allocation and disbursement of this funding via two key channels. The first will be through Ukraine defence contact group, UDCG, coalitions on de-mining and ICT. The second will be through procurement partnerships with EU member states already procuring military support through Ukrainian industry. This will support the provision of non-lethal military equipment in priority areas identified by Ukraine, for example non-lethal elements of air defence such as radar systems and anti-drone jamming devices. Ireland has committed approximately €250 million in non-lethal military support to Ukraine under the European Peace Facility, EPF.”
“I thank Deputy Callaghan for a pertinent question. Needless to say, the Government in its entirety, and most of the House I expect, remain deeply concerned about the situation on the ground in Ukraine where we see Russia is demonstrating a clear desire to continue escalation and conflict. US proposals for a partial ceasefire on energy infrastructure and in the Black Sea, as well as plans for further negotiations, represent a first and indeed, positive step forward. However, while Ukraine has agreed to the ceasefire proposals, Russia is insisting on conditions and has intensified its attacks, targeting Ukraine's towns and cities, its ports and its energy infrastructure. Ukraine is more in need of our support than ever; to defend itself against these continuing attacks and to be in a position of strength for negotiations.”
“I really do not want the Russian Federation to have a veto over our sovereign policy going forward and would like to think the vast majority of people in this House agree with me. In that light, I call on the House to support the Government’s countermotion.”
“I know it is important, therefore, for the Government to set out quite clearly what we are trying to achieve in our countermotion. We do not believe a national plebiscite on this matter is either necessary or appropriate. I recognise Ireland is increasingly spending time in a contested, dynamic and volatile international security environment. This countermotion further notes the systematic challenges facing the UN Security Council obliges us to reconsider our existing legislation to ensure dispatch of Defence Forces personnel overseas is decided solely by the sovereign representatives of the people of Ireland. I am pretty sure the Acting Chair is sanctioned by Russia like I am.”
“I aspire to have an abundance of debates in this Chamber, in the Seanad, in committee and at the pre-legislative stage about why the Government wants to do this, the merits and demerits of it and for us to work at it together. At the end of the day I have no doubt we will disagree but that will be democracy functioning and us having that full and welcome debate and not taking to social media to do it or whittling out some mad conspiracy theories of the sort we have heard from other Deputies, none of whom are present in the Chamber this morning. They whittle it out, put it on social media and then are not even here to hear the response from the Government. I have been around a while in both Houses and am aware how Private Members’ debates work and the importance of them.”
“Certain Deputies in this House questioned the role of the European Union, but I stand proudly to say Ireland is a fully-functioning, committed member of the European Union process and believes in that level of agreement and co-operation with our colleagues. It is important we have a reasoned debate on this issue. We should be able to enter into the spirit of wanting to have that reasoned debate on the basis of fact and actuality without simple political point-scoring. I truly aspire to our having the space for us to be able to have a debate without it descending within 30 seconds into an accusation we are looking to rush to join NATO. I welcome the opportunity to discuss this, and I thank again the Social Democrats for bringing forward this motion. We are talking about Government-proposed changes to the triple lock.”
“We have to be very careful with this when we land this accusation. We are in a world that is ever-evolving, ever-changing and increasingly frightening, where other countries are turning their back on multilateralism, withdrawing their funding and diminishing the role of the UN agencies. In the face of that, despite accusations here, Ireland has increased its involvement in the UN and our agencies. We have brought forward funding to literally keep the lights on and keep people employed. Every other European country has reduced its overseas development aid while we have increased ours, so Deputies should not dare for an instant say we are turning our back on multilateralism. We believe in it wholeheartedly.”
“We were not able to participate in the efforts in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia due to a veto by the People's Republic of China. We had to join Operation Sophia in the Mediterranean a year later than everyone else because the UN would not provide a mandate. We were not able to participate in a UN-backed counter-narcotic mission across the Atlantic based out of Portugal. We were not able to renew for 18 months our participation in EU-led missions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These are all things that were stopped and this notion that somehow the UN Security Council or members of it are not impacting our sovereignty fly in the face of the actualities and the facts. Let me be utterly frank in stressing the importance of Ireland’s continuing involvement in the United Nations, her agencies and our commitment to multilateralism.”
“The proposed changes will allow us to respond to crisis situations with more agility and will not change Ireland's traditional policy of military neutrality, as I have laid out. It is important to be clear on precisely what we are discussing. The mechanism for the deployment of Defence Forces personnel is provided for in section 2 of the Defence (Amendment) (No. 2) Act 1960, predating the Nice and Lisbon treaties. These declarations - I campaigned for both of them - reaffirmed Ireland's right and choice to decide our own defence policy. It is somehow dismissed as inconsequential that there is an abundance of precedents in recent years - there has not been a UN mandated peacekeeping mission in 11 years - where Ireland simply has not been able to participate.”
“The legislation will allow ample opportunity for the Dáil and Seanad to provide scrutiny, both pre-legislative and within the legislative process. There is no rush in this. Any revised legislative framework will continue to require Government and Dáil approval, where appropriate, for the dispatch of Defence Forces personnel to participate in peacekeeping and similar missions. These proposals remain fully consistent with the principles of the UN Charter and international law. The proposed legislative changes will amend provisions relating to the deployment of Defence Forces personnel in non-combatant evacuation operations to support Irish citizens and contribute to the protection of our embassies and close-protection duties overseas.”
“I accept that limit of democracy but I am allowed to have a personal opinion. This proposal the Government is talking about does not change our policy of military neutrality. It is important to put that to the people. This notion that we use "neutrality" as a broad brush term ignores the fact that we are not politically neutral. We are clearly not. We can say that to the people of Ukraine, the 26 other member states of the European Union and an abundance of other sovereign independent countries we have various agreements and memorandums of understanding with. What the Government is proposing, despite the claims that this is being rushed, was planned to be introduced by the Government as per the general scheme of 4 March.”
“The triple lock was devised as a mechanism to offer reassurance. It is not set out in the Constitution. It is not an expression of Ireland's policy of military neutrality but rather the legislative basis to give effect to the obligation of UN membership and how it would operate. I am just stating fact which has been on the record of this House for some time. The Government is seeking to make an alteration to that so we can be more flexible in the deployment of our peacekeepers. Many people have said this is the end of neutrality or of military neutrality. This does not change one iota of our policy of military neutrality. I say that as someone whose personal opinion is that we should end our military neutrality. That is not the opinion of this House, the people of Ireland or of the Government of which I am a member.”
“When we make decisions on a legislative basis we look back at manifestos and the programme for Government. I have been a member of Fine Gael my entire adult life. At every Fine Gael Ard-Fheis, we have committed to seek to abolish the triple lock. The people who voted for me in Dublin Rathdown and for my colleague, Deputy O'Connell, did so while well aware of that. The 35% in that constituency who voted for us knew exactly what they were voting for when they backed us. If we are having this debate, we should have it in the context of how the triple lock came into being, why it exists and what is the footing for it. When the House debated UN membership initially, the concern - probably quite some time before any of us present was born - was that UN membership and its obligations would end Ireland's military neutrality.”
“The notion of holding a plebiscite in advance of any parliamentary or legislative debate or decision for a non-constitutional matter is unprecedented but it is innovative and I commend the innovation, but I do not agree with it. I advise Deputy Ó Laoghaire that it is okay to disagree agreeably, which he and I do regularly, on the basis and without giggles and smirks. The consistent references to referendums on this, beyond the plebiscite, and on neutrality more generally pose some interesting questions. With respect to Deputy O'Donoghue, we do not govern by opinion polls. I can show him 100 opinion polls which would seem to back my argument and he could show me another 100 that would back another argument. We govern by democracy, on the basis of the results of elections and we look at the numbers in the Chamber when we make decisions.”
“I will respond to a few points in the Opposition motion specifically before laying out a few clear opinions of the Government, responses to some of the comments made in the Chamber and the genesis of our countermotion. I welcome the opportunity for this debate. It is a novel and unprecedented suggestion that a plebiscite be held. We live in a parliamentary democracy. We have elections regularly and have had a smooth transition of power in the entire 103 years of our establishment as an independent State and democracy. We regularly have referendums. Probably, apart from Switzerland, we have the most referendums on the continent of Europe. We consult the people.”
“I thank the Social Democrats for bringing forward this motion. As I proceed to completely disagree with them, I say it is a good thing that we were able to have a frank and open debate in the Chamber. I agree with Deputy O'Donoghue's paying credit to the men and women of the Defence Forces and the service they give to the State currently and have given previously. It is with great pride that I see the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and Defence currently visiting the more than 300 Irish troops who are on deployment as peacekeepers in the most perilous of situations. They are doing good and important work and that will continue regardless of the aspirations of the Government or of some of the comments made in the Chamber.”
“They have been hidden, have tried to forget their past and have not told their new families or communities about it. It is our responsibility to reach out to them sensitively, appropriately and efficiently and to make sure the care we failed to provide for them previously is not lacking in these important years. I commit to the Senator that every day I am in this brief, I will make sure that is done.”
“I sincerely thank the Senator and reassure everyone in the House, particularly the Senator, that not a day goes by that our team in Britain does not reach out to prevent people being forgotten and make sure their pain is in some way addressed. This cold State provided no home for them and forced them to get on the ferry or mailboat and leave, wrapped in awful emotional distress. The Ireland of today, the modern Republic the Senator and I love, is not the same place. We will continue with every instinct and at every opportunity to in some way address the great miscarriage of justice and sheer evil carried out in our institutions over such a long period of time. The survivor community in Britain is perhaps the most vulnerable at this stage. Their age profile is growing older and their health is not great.”
“As we look to the future, it is vital that we support our vibrant and diverse diaspora, particularly in Britain. I will continue to ensure that the ESP prioritises projects that place the welfare and care of our citizens at their heart and that deepen our ties with our uniquely rich and dynamic Irish communities. I look forward to engaging further with the Senator.”
“We are working closely with community organisations to make sure relevant UK departments can provide people with access to compensation schemes without negatively affecting other welfare supports they may be entitled to. The ESP provides funding to community organisations in Britain supporting survivors such as the immigrant counselling and psychotherapy organisation known as ICAP, the London Irish Centre, Coventry Irish Society and Fréa in the north of England. Our funding supports eight full-time posts and two part-time posts to ensure dedicated support is provided to the survivor community. These organisations have been centrally involved in assisting survivors in Britain to access the mother and baby institutions payments scheme.”
“An important part of Ireland's diaspora strategy is a commitment to heal the relationship with those who left Ireland in crisis and survivors of institutional abuse. Britain is home to the largest numbers of victims of institutional abuse. It is estimated that 30% of all survivors live in Britain. The Senator spoke of an advertisement he heard on the tube but this is not an issue that is in the news in Britain. It has not had documentaries made about it and is perhaps not in the social consciousness we all live with every day. That is why we are advertising, why people like the ambassador, H.E. Mr. Fraser, whom the Senator rightly commends, are reaching out to those communities and why I met representatives of the survivors.”
“They were the navvies on the building sites and the nurses in the hospitals. They often met hardship, tough economic times and prejudice. They lived hard, tough lives but they thrived in their new homes and did not for one instant lose their sense of Irishness. We should never forget that. In 2025, we will allocate almost €16.5 million to strengthen ties with the diaspora and communities overseas. The funding year runs from 1 July to 30 June each year. The 2025-26 ESP opened for applications on 29 January and closed on 19 February. Applications are now being assessed and details on disbursements of grants will be made available over the coming months. The Senator referred to my next point.”
“We also invested in projects that foster a sense of community, nurture our identity and culture overseas and deepen our trade, business and education links. Last month in England, I saw at first hand the vital work the ESP is funding when I met with community groups in London, Coventry and Birmingham. I visited lunch clubs and sat with our fellow Irish men and women and I heard and discussed their stories. Their story of emigration is in stark contrast to the story of emigration among my generation. My peers, and perhaps those younger again, had no choice. They left Ireland at a different and darker time with few skills or qualifications. Senator Craughwell referred the other week to the dreaded mailboat, which Senator Boyhan and I know well. They took that from Dún Laoghaire to Holyhead and other places.”
“Our engagement today is underpinned by the emigrant support programme, which was launched in 2004. In that time, the programme has granted in excess of €250 million to 900 organisations in 51 countries. Last year, we allocated ESP funding of more than €7.8 million to 112 organisations in Britain alone in respect of 202 projects. This represented just half of the total ESP budget. In addition, Irish-based organisations such as the GAA, Safe Home and Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann receive funding for their work with our community in Britain. More than 75% of the funding was allocated to front-line services for vulnerable and underrepresented groups in Britain. We supported counselling and outreach services and projects which address social isolation and actively improve the well-being of Irish people.”
“I thank the Senator for tabling this timely Commencement matter. I wholeheartedly agree with every point he made. I really appreciate the passion that he brought to this discussion. In line with our current diaspora strategy, the Government is committed to strengthening the ties between Ireland and our communities overseas and ensuring we look after the most vulnerable of our emigrants. Britain remains home to the largest Irish-born community outside Ireland. It continues to be the most popular destination for those emigrating from Ireland. The Government has provided financial support to Irish community organisations in Britain since 1984. This is co-ordinated by the Irish abroad unit of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, working with the Irish Embassy in London and our consulates in Cardiff, Edinburgh and Manchester.”
“As a Government, we commit to working with every single Member of this Oireachtas to make sure we protect our interests in a way that is consistent with our values when it comes to human rights and solidarity.”
“Funnily enough, we might actually pass the EU-Canada trade agreement known as CETA. If anything, events in recent weeks have shown the importance of the full and complete implementation and introduction of that agreement. I look forward to playing my part. On Ireland's role in the world going forward, in terms of dealing with the threats to international security we all see at the moment and indeed the worrying impacts on global trade that have people genuinely frightened in their kitchens every evening about the future of their job or business, our response will have to be a clear declaration that Ireland is an open country. We are open to multilateral agreements. We are open to co-operation and real international trade.”
“Yes, we are facing very difficult times. We know what these sorts of difficult times require from a government. My party was in government when we dealt with the financial crash and the bailout that came after. It was in government throughout the period of dealing with the fallout of the ill-fated Brexit referendum and the fallout, economic and otherwise, of the onslaught of the Covid-19 pandemic. Many Deputies have asked what preparation has taken place. The ongoing analysis by the European Commission has been on the potential impact of tariffs and the engagement that does not happen if you are not in the room. We have been working for years on the diversification of trade in terms of the enhancement of European trade deals whether it is with central America or south-east Asia.”
“When we talk about global conflict and the impacts of climate change and the drivers of mass migration and the effects on our lives and livelihoods, it goes to source. At a time when too many global actors are turning their backs on development programmes and are blindly cutting their aid programmes, Ireland is the only EU member state that has increased its programme in the past year and is the only OECD country that has not cut its aid programme. I will work day and night and fight like a tiger to make sure our aid programme is increased in the forthcoming budget. It is not simply the right thing to do by the most vulnerable and poorest people in the world, as many in the Chamber have recognised, but it is also materially in our interest. In the final two minutes available to me, I will comment on international trade.”
“We are more than happy to have pre-legislative scrutiny to engage with those with whom we agree and disagree. It is a fundamental and long-standing position of my party. With respect to Deputy Paul Murphy, I have been going to Fine Gael Ard-Fheiseanna for more than 20 years - I presume he has not been to any; I really hope he has not – and I have spoken on countless motions that make it quite clear what my party’s position has been and will always be on the triple lock. I will refer to something specific and unique to my current brief which is fundamental to the basis of global security. Deputy Barry Ward from my party and Deputy Seán Crowe made a very eloquent and righteous defence of the work of Irish Aid and our international development programme.”
“I appreciate Deputy Gogarty’s closing intervention when he said, reasonably, that this is something that requires debate. We believe that. We are not rushing anything.”
“On the points about defence spending made by Deputies Duncan Smith and Daly, I agree that now is the time to increase investment in our Defence Forces. Deputy Smith spoke about pay and conditions. He is right, but does that mean we need to have further debate on how we decide the pay of our Defence Forces? Twenty-five years of public partnership has worked very well for the public sector, but is there a pinch point in the Defence Forces on which we might reflect? I agree wholeheartedly with the points made by Deputies Shane Moynihan and Geoghegan about multilateralism. Ireland believes in the work of the United Nations. It has brought forward its payments to United Nations agencies and Ireland believes strongly in multilateralism. However, the proposal to revisit the triple lock is not turning our back on multilateralism.”
“If we are to be truly neutral according to the definition proposed in the referendum what on earth would we say to the people of Gaza who are being bombed day and night at the moment? We are not neutral. We stand on the side of peace in that conflict. Were we to go by that narrow definition proposed by former Deputy Bríd Smith and her colleagues, we would not be able to increase our funding to UNWRA, work with colleagues to make sure Irish citizens got out of Gaza in recent months or be party to court cases at the ICJ. We would not be able to stand up tall in the United Nations and make it clear because we would not be neutral if we did that. Let us treat the people who are watching this debate with an element of respect when we talk about that.”
“Our allies among the member states stood beside us just like there are like-minded countries around the world, Japan, Australia and many others, with which we consistently co-operate and with which we partner through European trade deals. However, in any debate on our neutrality, we hear constant references from certain Opposition Members, including Deputy Conor D. McGuinness and Deputy Gannon, to some sort of plebiscite for which there is no constitutional remit. Deputy McGuinness said let us have a referendum on neutrality. Respectfully, the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach, Deputy Ó Snodaigh raised this eloquently in the House two weeks ago. The last time there was a proposal for a referendum on neutrality here was in the last Dáil from People Before Profit. It was such a binary discussion.”
“That brings me to the constant references to our neutrality. Ireland is a militarily neutral state. I say that from the point of view that I do not believe we should be. That is my conviction, but I accept the will of this Oireachtas and the Government of which I am a proud member that Ireland is militarily neutral. No obfuscation from the Opposition can change that fact but people should not for a moment confuse military neutrality with political neutrality. We have very clear allies. We are part of the European Union, with 26 fellow member states who have stood by us in good times and bad. We have made sure they are our allies and friends. They showed solidarity with us whether during the Brexit years, the bailout years or the times when Ireland was an economic pariah having just joined the European Economic Community.”
“I am often struck by the entitlement of certain Deputies, none of whom are still in the Chamber at this stage of the debate needless to say, when they state there is no fear and nothing happening there and what about X, Y or Z. This is a Government that is increasing domestic spending on healthcare, education and infrastructure and making sure we are bringing waiting times down in our hospitals, reducing class sizes and ensuring the average life expectancy in this country is 82 years. It is not as if we are doing nothing. It is not as if it is a binary choice. We simply do not have the luxury to turn to our friends and allies in other EU states and say “I am sure that is a big problem for you but we are all right here, Jack”. We are not all right here. We are an exposed member state that is fully part of the European Union.”
“On security, I will start with the ongoing brutal attack on the sovereignty of Ukraine and its people by Vladimir Putin’s Russian Federation. I reiterate Ireland’s absolute commitment to support President Zelenskyy and the people of Ukraine and to the fact that there can be nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine. Equally, there can be nothing about Europe without Europe. What we are seeing on Europe’s eastern border is an existential threat which we in this jurisdiction are not immune to. If we allow the Russian Federation and its cohort of ragtag allies continue to advance across the sovereign territory of Ukraine, we must ask who will be next. Deputy Daly pertinently raised the issue of the Baltic states.”
“I greatly appreciate the opportunity to reply to the many points made across what has been an exhaustive and extensive debate on international security and international trade at such a crucial time in geopolitics. We probably could have had two dozen debates on individual streams raised by Deputies. I really appreciate the sincerity and conviction of those who contributed, particularly those who I frankly disagree with. We must have the ability in this Chamber to disagree without being disagreeable. I respect every person who raised their points today. I am happy to continue to engage in my role as Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs. I will rattle through two things and split what I have to say between security and trade.”
“First, Deputy Heneghan raised the case of Cadet Matthew Scully. I do not have the prerogative to make an intervention in the Chamber this afternoon. I will refer this matter to the Minister for Defence, but I cannot give any guarantees because it is important that there is no such thing as ministerial intervention in the operation of or recruitment by the Defence Forces. However, I will make sure the points the Deputy made are passed on. I appreciate its importance.”
“I move: That, notwithstanding anything in the Order of the Dáil of 5th February, 2025, setting out the rota in which Questions to members of the Government are to be asked, Questions for oral answer on 10th July, 2025, shall be taken in the following temporary sequence: Minister for Foreign Affairs Minister for Rural and Community Development whereupon the sequence established by the Order of 5th February, 2025, shall continue with Questions to the Minister for Finance.”
“I thank all the Senators for their contribution. I look forward to engaging with all of them in the coming months and years. They can rest assured that in the time that I hold this office, I will be absolutely committed to developing a new diaspora strategy that is fit for purpose and reflective of the wishes of the people of Ireland, both home and abroad.”
“That will not always be the way. I do not believe people are going to Australia for better jobs. The jobs are here, but we have societal issues we need to address. I will not hide from that. I will use every opportunity to make the following important point. We are a migrant people. We have experience of emigration. In the past decade or two, we have started to experience the absolute wonder that immigration brings to our country. When we frame our domestic policies on inward migration, whether they relate to people seeking asylum, other forms of refuge or better professional lives or people coming for love or family or to study, we must use our shared experience to make sure that the Ireland we have today is open, welcoming, tolerant and allows those who want to come here to feel they are part of every aspect.”