Paul Nicholas Gogarty
Dublin Mid-West · Independent · Ireland
“As I have mentioned in the House before, if a border poll passes by 52% to 48%, the legal threshold of the Good Friday Agreement is met but the social consensus is not and moving 800,000 citizens into a new state against their explicit, democratic will does risk causing civil unrest.”
“We also have other gaps that are much smaller, like a ten-year phased transition, reducing the net annual cost to between €2.5 billion and €3 billion. We then had the middle figure of about €11 billion. We actually do not know how much it is going to cost but we do know it is going to cost something.”
“For example, adopting a single currency, getting rid of the exchange rate volatility and the transaction costs for cross-Border businesses are all advantages.”
“I would be loath to call a border poll right now because of the risks associated with that, but if a border poll did occur, the State would have to be prepared for the huge structural disruptions that would follow, so we have to start working now - that is why this debate is welcome - without arrogantly presuming it is going to become a r…”
“I have been listening to this debate in my office since Deputy Currie started her contribution. I always follow these debates on Irish unity with interest as someone who wants to see a united Ireland by consent.”
“Some have been mentioned in this House, such as a devolved regional assembly in Stormont to preserve local governance for the unionist community, a shared bill of rights protecting the dual Irish-British citizenship, and re-evaluating our relationship with the Commonwealth.”
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“I urge the Minister of State to be as firm, blunt and forceful as possible and, as I have said, put a few noses out of joint if needs be and we can repair the collateral damage afterwards.”
“I take it from the Government's statement that we will not, but I just want to say anyway that we must not hinder the closer defensive co-operation of those other states which want to get involved. We know all too well, especially those in eastern Europe, Poland and the Baltic states, the dangers of being unprepared. On the wider delivery front, the Government has to focus on getting agreement across the line. Rather than just talking, let us see what agreements will be passed during these six months and what EU legislation will be further advanced and ready to sign off. It should not be a holding Presidency or just a thematic Presidency; it should be a tangible and transformative Presidency. I know this is a big ask in six months but we only get it every now and again and we have to use this time.”
“We have to show true leadership in this context and maybe put a few noses out of joint among our partners because that is what you do when you are showing leadership - you tell it as it is. We are no longer trying to play the national card for the next six months; we are trying to play the European and the global card. On security, we again have a constructive role to play in strengthening EU co-operation on all sorts of security - energy security, which relates to the conflict in Ukraine; and cybersecurity, because again there are many malicious elements out there trying to attack European member states, be it from Russia, troll farms or other as yet unmentioned terrorist organisations or countries. We can lead without compromising on our long-standing policy of military neutrality.”
“We are only talking the talk unless we use our leadership over the next while to put more pressure on Germany, Denmark and the likes of Cyprus to get tougher with Israel. We can still be friends, but we have to draw the line at some stage, just like we have in many ways drawn the line and risked the ire of the Trump Administration with our fairly modest occupied territories Bill. It would be great to see the occupied territories Bill passed during this term, and also for the Government to try to stretch it out to services. Let the legal eagles come in and show why it cannot be done, but let us push the boat rather than saying we are not even going to try it.”
“We need to have energy self-sufficiency, which will have to be renewable, but also interchangeable across the grid between the French nuclear, the Irish wind and wave, and the solar, especially coming from the Mediterranean states. We have to show real leadership on this, and not just kind of keep things ticking over. On the values side, Ireland has to prioritise concrete action. We can talk about supporting the rule-of-law mechanisms, humanitarian leadership and maintaining a clear and principled stance in Ukraine, Gaza and other global conflicts like Sudan but what President Costa said today is only lip service when other EU member states refuse to stand up to the Israeli genocide because of their historic guilt or their geographic proximity.”
“On competitiveness, we have to focus on practical outcomes. That means focusing on cutting the barriers for SMEs, reducing energy costs and supporting innovation. It is about getting the balance right between regulation and enterprise. In terms of AI and social media companies, while the EU is quite strong in some ways, I notice a little bit of a dilution. I also notice a dilution on the measures to tackle climate change. Maybe there will be a redoubling during this Presidency. I hope there will be because we still have the naysayers saying that this is just a repeat of the summer of 1976. Our continental cousins are being absolutely devastated by the record global temperatures.”
“On a related note, I mentioned at the EU affairs committee of which I am a member the need to really get involved with our young people and young people across Europe and to engage with them. It is great to see that this will form a good part of the local engagement and interaction process over the coming six months. That is all well and good - tús maith, mar a dúirt mé - but Ireland is only going to be judged on tangible achievements. It can be a steady-as-she-goes Presidency where we just keep it ticking over until the next country takes over, or we can try to get some tangible achievements. Obviously any country has to be realistic, especially a small country like us on the periphery, in terms of what we can do in six months given the real need for continuity, but it would be nice to see little bit of progress.”
“I will reference the themes which have been referenced already: competitiveness in terms of strengthening Europe's economy, boosting innovation and productivity in the Single Market and supporting prosperity and jobs across the EU; values in terms of upholding democracy, human rights and the rule of law and defending these values not just in the European context but also globally; maintaining the foundational principles of the EU going back before we joined the European Economic Community in 1973; and security in terms of protecting EU citizens, strengthening stability and addressing the geopolitical challenges such as the aforementioned war in Ukraine and other global conflicts, and in terms of building resilience and defence capacity, which President Costa mentioned as well.”
“He pointed to Ukraine's future as part of the European Union and sounded further warnings about continued Russian aggression and how Putin is not going to stop unless strength and unity are shown. That is the theme of the Irish Presidency - ní neart go cur le chéile.”
“In fairness, the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste were very strong in outlining our vision both in terms of Ireland's role within the EU and also the direction of the EU, as were all the Ministers. Everyone batted very well for the team. It was good to see the European Council President, António Costa, make reference to Palestine, Lebanon, the Strait of Hormuz and the war in Ukraine. It was great - I also thought it was touching - that the Ukrainian President, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, was able to visit these shores so soon after his official State visit when he addressed Dáil Éireann. This again afforded him the opportunity to call on the EU to keep its promises. That is what I took out of his contribution.”
“As someone who likes to sing and has written songs, I was blown away by the depth and variety of all the talent on display - from The Gloaming to the sean-nós, Iarla Ó Lionáird and the ensemble, Francesco Turrisi and Séamus Ong. Cormac Begley performing "O'Neill's March" with Stephanie Keane doing the sean-nós style dancing was absolutely amazing. Ruth Negga did a great reading of Seamus Heaney's "Beacons at Bealtaine". Tolü Makay did a fantastic rendition of The Cranberries' "Dreams". I noticed that a lot of the diplomatic corps from other EU member states were swaying to it. They knew the song and it really got them going. All in all, it was a great start and as Deputy Barry Ward just said, Carrie Crowley did a fantastic and very dignified job as master of ceremonies. Then we had the politicians.”
“Mar a déarfá, tús maith leath na hoibre. Even if it is only the start rather than half the work done, today's launch of the Presidency of the EU Council in Dublin Castle was, if Members can pardon the pun, a real "Ode to Joy" - from the band of the Defence Forces and the National Youth Choir who heralded the hanging of the Irish, EU and then the Ukrainian flags, to all the other performers, it was indeed a hugely positive occasion from an artistic and cultural perspective. "Samhradh Samhradh" was performed by a collection of musicians, including Laoise Kelly on the harp, Cormac Begley and Christina Polycarpou on the lyra, which segued nicely from the Cypriot Presidency.”
“It is great that the Government has brought in some social welfare updates to help people but we also need real enforcement to tackle the shysters abusing their children in this way, such as automatic deductions at source tied directly to personal public service numbers, PPSNs, Revenue refunds and even assessing inheritance payments, because people get big payouts and no one knows about them. When is the Taoiseach going to bring in the tough enforcement legislation that is needed to make sure people pay up?”
“Each week, thousands of mothers face the worry of not knowing when court-ordered child maintenance payments are going to arrive, or if they will arrive at all. Their ex-partners can drive their flashy cars, go on loads of holidays, sometimes gamble the money away and often live extravagant lifestyles while the women are forced to take out multiple loans just to pay the mortgage, buy food and pay for fuel. This deliberate non-compliance is basically a malicious form of coercive control and financial abuse but the courts system tends to largely ignore it, especially if you are broke.”
“The review required under existing legislation is not the solution but a delaying tactic. We had years of weak oversight and a regulatory system that did not police the standards. Others have mentioned the cosy relationship between the State, sectors of industry and developers, which allowed the defective blocks to enter the market unchecked. We cannot put the burden on families when the coffers were filled for the companies and businesses, some of which have gone bankrupt. That money has long since been spent. The Government failed to enforce its own rules. This motion demands tangible action, an independent review and full transparency and that homeowners be allowed to choose the foundation replacement where uncertainty exists.”
“The motion references the lack of redress, but also specifically focuses on the scientific gaps in IS 465:2026, such as the lack of long-term evidence on sulphide-related deterioration and the impossible decision this places on homeowners when they are asked to make what are going to be irreversible decisions about the nature of their foundations and the works required when they have no way of knowing. The Government amendment attempts to pass the buck or put it down the road. It does not address the issues. It lists the spending commitments and the process reviews, but is still placing the burden on the families to carry the long-term risk of failures that they clearly did not cause. This has, as we know, nothing to do with snag lists or anything like that. It is about woeful incompetence that was not monitored by the Government.”
“I thank Deputy Charles Ward for tabling this latest motion on behalf of families who are living in defective homes and who have waited years for help. They have got some assistance but not anything near what is needed. As I have said previously, the Deputy is meeting his mandate 1 million times over and I am happy to support him. This motion is important for families on the western and north-western seaboards but also for those in other counties, as we have increasingly found out.”
“If we have to recruit internationally, we have to do it properly and effectively. HSE campaigns, for whatever reason, whether it is pay, the number of adverts or the targeting of people, have been largely unsuccessful, with many posts remaining unfilled and some regions receiving no applicants. This does not only apply to dental services, but it is relevant to this debate. There are persistent vacancies year on year, but we have not run a serious recruitment strategy. We need more tied scholarships that would assist people doing these courses, while getting them to work in the public sector for a period of time. We need more large-scale recruitment campaigns to beat the Australians at their own game and expanded training places. Again, we need to tie this to people who will work in this country.”
“Participation fell from 1,600 dentists to 600. Different parliamentary question replies have confirmed that some areas have had periods in which no dentists were available. At the same time, we have rapidly growing areas in my constituency, including Adamstown strategic development zone, SDZ, and Clonburris SDZ. It is one of Ireland's fastest growing urban areas, with tens of thousands of new homes and new residents. There has been no corresponding increase in public dental staff, if only to keep up with the low levels we already had. Again, I am repeating points that others who spoke before me made. Of the children needing dental surgery under general anaesthetic, 3,500 are waiting nationally, of whom 40% have been waiting more than a year. As others noted, there are solutions. It is about training more people who are going work here.”
“I am not the first to say it, but more than 11,000 children are on HSE dental and orthodontist waiting lists. Over 8,000 have been waiting more than a year. Half of all primary school children now finish school without ever receiving even a screening appointment. In some areas, the waiting time is four and a half years. This is not acceptable. In CHO 7, which covers Lucan, Palmerstown, Clondalkin, Saggart, Rathcoole, Citywest, Newcastle, Brittas and Adamstown, it is one of the bottlenecks. The Irish Dental Association told the Committee on Health that dental services are in severe shortage, with multi-year delays for school screenings, and there are chronic vacancies that it was the HSE's job to fill, but it did not do so. The dental treatment service scheme has collapsed in many places, including my constituency.”
“Equally, however, we cannot have a legislative vacuum and questions asked about which group is a peace-loving group and which group is a terrorist organisation. This annual event basically brings a sticking plaster in, with renewal under the emergency offences against the State legislation on an ongoing basis. I do support keeping security checks going while pointing out that the current cycle of these extensions is not a sustainable way to run a modern democracy. We need a credible alternative. The independent review group provided a roadmap. If that roadmap is flawed in some way, we can add to it but we need a draconian approach to those who pose a real danger. At the same time, however, we need a system that protects ordinary citizens and their civil liberties and the right to protest.”
“Obviously, there are also fundamentalists of various persuasions, some of whom are individuals with a propensity to violence. If they want to raise money for their cause through getting involved in robberies or if they want to maim and kill people because of their beliefs, these are individuals the Garda has its eyes on in this country and they are also a danger. They are not just people who want to have their voice heard in a peaceful protest. They are people who have shown time and time again that they are willing to intimidate witnesses and compromise juries. An Garda Síochána is often trying to deal with these groups with one hand tied behind its back, so we do need this kind of support in terms of the types of courts and the Offences against the State Act.”
“I will not use all the time. This is a mixed bag because we want to protect the citizens of this State from the wrong kind of people but, equally, we want to allow those who are not happy with the State to protest in a meaningful way without being lumped in with them. I support the motion if it is taken in isolation, in the absence of the real reform that others have been calling for, but I want to be entirely clear. As others have said, I do not agree that dragging it on year on year is right. I am very torn - there is no harm in saying you can be torn on weighing up legislation - because there is still a major threat to public safety, whether it is the gangland cartels or lingering dissident groups, some of which could be reactivated depending on how things are going.”
“In terms of the sovereignty argument, there is always an element of trade-off. There is an aspect of swings and roundabouts. Other people fear that it might affect people who use firearms responsibly for sport or farming. We should discuss it more because the short period is not desirable. In general, I think this is essential legislation and I will be supporting it because it strengthens An Garda Síochána's work.”
“Like previous speakers, I do not like the short notice given for this debate but I otherwise broadly welcome the Government motion on Ireland opting in to the proposed EU directive on combating firearms trafficking under Protocol 21. It makes sense because it aligns us with newer EU-wide rules on tracing, information and data sharing and penalties. The directive is focused on tackling the illegal movement of firearms, which is an activity that crosses all sorts of national borders in different jurisdictions with different rules. The criminal networks exploit those differences between legal systems across Europe. By joining this measure, Ireland strengthens its ability to work with other member states. It will improve information sharing and, we hope, will strengthen penalties. Some people have concerns about the directive.”
“It will cost us money and we may even have to borrow money but the returns would be infinitesimal and we have to do it. Otherwise we will not meet our climate change targets and we will put our people in jeopardy.”
“As I have said in multiple debates, we are not investing in getting the offshore wind we already have up and running, we are not investing in tidal energy, and we are not investing in solar energy or wave technology as countries such as Denmark are. We could be leaders. We could have the deep-sea ports preplanned. We could be exporting twice our own requirements and have all of this extra spare capacity, through converted hydrogen and battery storage, to operate the data centres and make good revenue to pay for a good social system and a good education system in this country. We have to put the medium-term investment in now. We have to put our surplus into a short-term, what I would call wartime, effort. We have to ramp up massively over the next ten years.”
“In its countermotion the Government mentions that tit is close to meeting the first carbon budget, according to EPA projections. There are several issues raised, including that any emissions that exceed this budget have to be deducted from the second budget. There is also the fact that, as others have mentioned, the five-year budget will not be anywhere near being reached. It will be exceeded in all major sectors, tracking well above the legal limits by 2030 targets. It will be at just half of the required 51% national reduction target going past 2030. This is absolutely inadequate. We are the laggards of Europe. We are trying to push data centres. We will have huge revenue potential down the line from data centres. We are an ideal location but only if we have surplus capacity.”
“As one put it "the drafting needs to be precise. The failures of section 19A cannot be repeated". The Bill also gives survivors no agency in decisions about their own counselling notes. They have no right to be heard. It is their notes and their life being discussed, yet they have absolutely no input. The waiver should stay in place as it provides autonomy. That loss of control is not addressed. Those are a couple of the points they have raised. I hope they will be taken on board.”
“I was contacted by survivors and that is why I am emphasising them in particular. I know the Bill covers a whole lot of other areas in terms of historical convictions, the Department of Defence, etc. As others have said, the one point I want to emphasise is that, as far as I can see, the stated intention relating to the presumption of non-disclosure does not appear in the text. If the law does not operate as it is intended, it is not going to work. We must have an explicit presumption, not an implied one. Second, the Bill does not set out what survivors describe as a clear statutory test in terms of relevance, necessity and proportionality in a way that ensures consistency in practice and in case law. Survivors told me about the failure of section 19A and vague drafting about broad intrusive requests.”
“It is a shift away from informal or administrative disclosures. Survivors recognise this as a necessary safeguard. Amendments that introduce a presumption of non-disclosure, create a form of statutory privilege and extend protection to other sensitive records such as medical or child protection files are important steps. The Bill does take cognisance of the fact that counselling notes are very intimate information given in a context that does not have a court in mind. They are reflections of trauma. They are supposed to help people to heal from that trauma rather than prepare them for a court date. I welcome some moves in that respect, as do survivors. The Bill reinforces the justification clause for disclosure and that there would be some form of judicial oversight.”
“I am just here in the nick of time. I welcome the opportunity to speak on this legislation. As others have said, it is a mishmash, and probably worse for that fact. I want to focus on the section dealing with access to counselling records in sexual offence trials. Last week, Beyond Surviving conducted a focused consultation with survivors - 52 individuals who engaged between 6 and 9 June. These are people who know the harsh reality of the courtroom and understand the consequences of how legislation is drafted in a way that does not respect their needs and wishes. The message from survivors is that the Bill is welcome but it does not give them full protection. Section 13 strengthens the existing framework by requiring that all applications for counselling records must go before a judge. That is welcome.”
“If others can prove there are holes in it, let them come back after and refer it to the President to see if it is constitutional or not. That is something we should do. We should make the legislation as strong as we believe it can be. If we have a 70:30 or 30:70 uncertainty on the services aspect, let us put that to the test. Otherwise, it will be a watered down Bill. I urge the Minister, even at this stage, to try to strengthen it.”
“I ask the Minister, on Committee Stage, to maybe explore and support Opposition proposals to include some level of services in the legislation. As it stands, this legislation is one third effective because two thirds of the on-the-ground impact relates to services. We can hold our hands up and say Kumbaya, we have done our little bit and we are all great. We have to remember that it has taken years to get to this point. It has taken years to get to a watered down Bill. That is shocking in its own right. While I welcome the legislation and will vote for whatever finally comes through the Houses because it sends a message, until that point we have a moral obligation to put the international legal argument, as well as the moral argument, that this should be the strongest legislation possible.”
“They are making a political argument rather than one that is intrinsically talking about how their bottom line will be impacted by our unilateral move. If, as the Minister says, it is not legally possible to do what the Opposition is arguing for by expanding the Bill to cover services, then I go back to the point I made a few minutes ago that we will be found out through some form of legal action that I do not believe it is possible to take. There is the argument about moral and sinister threats not to annoy our big cousins in the United States. I think we are bigger than that. We have stood up for ourselves before without major clawback. The Israelis will kick and scream. We will be called antisemites even more. However, we will basically be living up to our principles as an independent state.”
“That did not happen. We did not support the illegal invasion of Iraq which led to a lot more people being killed than there were lives saved. If you look at the Realpolitik , the current President of the US is a bit of a lame duck. The mid-term elections will provide a massive kick in the face for his administration's policies. While there is a strong Israeli lobby in the US, the bottom line for the companies operating here is profit. What the collective Opposition is requesting in terms of services is not impacting in any major way on US companies' operations globally. That argument does not hold up to scrutiny. The political threat is that it will impact us economically, but the threat being made does not have any economic impact on the US companies.”
“I did some research, and I found out that the US already restricts imports from illegal settlements. A 2016 directive from US Customs and Border Protection stated that products from Western Sahara must be marked to indicate their origin. That is similar to what we are looking at. The US, when it suits it, will create its own types of laws. We have seen that in international law. The Trump administration basically says that what it says goes, rather than trying to take a multipolar approach where everyone has input and basic international law is respected. We have taken independent positions before and been criticised. One was the recognition of Palestine. You could argue even that could have angered the Americans to the point where we would not be their best buddies any more and they would impose some sort of sanction on us.”
“That needs to be looked at in more detail as we get to Committee and Report Stages. I focus specifically on the argument about how we might annoy the USA and put ourselves in great peril. Some Members on the other benches have argued that strengthening the Bill will irreparably damage our relationship with the US. We know how tied up the current US Administration is with the Israeli regime. We have seen it with the war on the admittedly despotic and murderous Iranian regime. However, it is an unjust and illegal war and Netanyahu's atrocities in Lebanon have basically been sanctioned by the Trump administration. If it stopped supplying weapons, they would dry up soon enough. The argument is put that this will have a chilling effect on the relationship between Ireland and the US.”
“The former UN special rapporteur told a Chatham House briefing that states are required to take unilateral measures to avoid contributing to internationally wrongful acts. I also want to reference the former Attorney General and now Senator Michael McDowell, who knows not just a little about the law. He said that nothing in EU law prevents Ireland from acting where international law imposes obligations. We have a legal and moral obligation. To make the Bill robust we have to reference the ICJ ruling in the preamble and we have to try to target the corporations in the occupied territories and not ordinary people. It is a fair point that we have not gone into the nuances of the legislation and how this law might impact on ordinary people in the occupied territories.”
“If we take the business argument about how it might impact on businesses in Ireland, we could phase in the services aspect of it. The ICJ 2024 ruling, which others have referred to in relation to our legal obligations, says that governments cannot be prevented by the European Union from acting alone. The advisory opinion states that all states are under an obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by the illegal presence of Israel in the occupied Palestinian territory. That is basically the highest court in the world interpreting international law, which supersedes European law. Even the European Journal of International Law , in its 2024 commentary on the ruling, said that the ICJ opinion removes ambiguity regarding member state competence to restrict trade linked to illegal settlements.”
“Professor Marco Sassòli, one of the world’s leading scholars on occupation law, wrote in the International Review of the Red Cross that state responsibility extends to any economic activity, goods or services, that contributes to maintaining unlawful situations. Dr. Valentina Azarova, in a 2020 legal briefing for the European Parliament, stated service provision is a core component of modern supply chains and cannot be excluded from due diligence obligations. If we want a Bill that actually stops Irish economic activity from supporting the illegal settlements, then we have to include services or at least we have to try to do so. That is what I mean when I say we should push the boat out. Maybe there are barriers, such as those the Government has spoken of before, but let us push it out and see the legal action taken against us.”
“The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, in its 2023 update on companies operating in settlements, stated that digital, financial and logistical services are structural enablers of settlement expansion. That is from its database of business enterprise 2023. Therefore, when we exclude services we are basically excluding the sectors that sustain settlement economies: the cloud hosting, the payment processing, the tourism platforms, the Airbnbs, which have been mentioned before, and property management systems. All the people who know about this, the international legal experts, have been clear on this point.”
“If it comes to a vote on whether to support the Bill, I will certainly vote for it. However, as my colleagues have said, in banning goods alone, the Bill is not even going a fraction of the way because Ireland’s trade with Israel is mostly in services. According to the CSO, between 68% and 72% of Ireland’s exports to Israel in recent years have been in services and not goods. However we look at it, that means the Bill leaves the majority of relevant economic activity untouched. While a lot of the arguments here may be symbolic, they must have some meaning. We are arguing among ourselves as to which is the best body to decide on whether to play the Israeli football team, but this is something that has many times more legal issues. This is not a theoretical debate.”
“Whether it is the guilt of the Germans, the Danish rescue of Jewish citizens during the Second World War, the very close geographic relationship that Cyprus has with Israel, or the Austrian guilt, there are a lot of reasons, including association with the Holocaust, why other countries would not want to be seen to call out Israel for doing exactly the same thing in more recent years. However, countries like Spain and Norway have called out the Israeli state. We have been accused of antisemitism by the Israeli state, we have been put under pressure by the US Administration but we have persisted. This is where I want to praise the Government because we still persisted with our ICJ support and in finally getting to this Bill. I welcome that this Bill has finally come to the House.”
“She can speak for herself - I am not speaking for her – but the feeling I got from her was that she knew there would have to be some level of compromise or discussion on what legally could be and could not be done, but I do not think we have brought the ban as far as we can. Yes, arguably Ireland has done more than any country in the world to call out the Israeli atrocities as a neutral, non-aligned state with a history of brutal colonialism. We have done a fantastic job but at the same time we cannot slap ourselves on the back because it seems, within a European context, we are one of only a handful of countries with any moral compass.”
“I understand he may not be able to turn up. I will speak as long as I am able. Like everyone here, we are appalled at the Israeli state’s absolute dismantling of the West Bank over the years, whether it is allowing settlers to de facto annex parts of it in their own right or whether it is the state policy of dividing it up so as to make the West Bank no longer viable. This has been going on for decades and it is absolutely abysmal and reprehensible. It is on the same level as they have been treating the people of Gaza, although the more recent behaviour and genocide there goes to a totally new level. The West Bank has been subject to a systemic policy over many years. I had conversations with Senator Black when she was trying to get her Bill agreed to by the Government. She was quite optimistic some years ago.”
“If the Spanish, French or the Germans want to go for a hike in the rain, that is their prerogative and we should encourage that and promote it. Equally, when people want to enjoy the other experiences in Ireland they cannot sit outside, especially during the winter months. I note that the strategy references promoting more visits from May to October. Some of those months are dry but some of them are quite wet. We also have the potential in January and February for people with their coats on to sit outside in the fresh air have a cup of tea or coffee or have breakfast, but those coverings need to be in place. In terms of the strategy, maybe the Minister could look at that dry coverage for key tourist destinations.”
“When I was told that I had 90 seconds to talk about tourism, my first thought was "Aw fliuch", because tá sé ag cur baistí i gconaí an t-am ar fad, so we have to make use of the fliuch or the wetness in Ireland. One of the ways to do it would be to promote Ireland as a more climate-friendly destination to people from the likes of Spain and the south of France. They could come here, get a little bit of coolness and have a great experience. To tie in with that, i ndáiríre, we also have to make sure that we have proper canopies for cover, especially in our key tourism heritage sites. I mentioned in previous debates that we should have covered areas, both for markets and for eating, so that all the main streets of our tourist towns would have a canopy. It keeps the sun out, but it also keeps the rain out.”
“This month's Irish Business Against Litter survey found an increase in the number of cigarette butts around our community. Cigarette butts cause damage to the environment in a number of ways. They are microplastics. They leach into the water system. It has been estimated that one butt can contaminate 1,000 litres of water, yet throughout the country, local authorities are doing nothing in their plans to educate or to enforce the law. Even here, in the smoking area just outside, there are butts scattered around. The Taoiseach should see the Department of agriculture building, where there is a massive number. There is significant ignorance and it is damaging our environment. We need to get a little tougher about it. I know it is not the biggest issue in the world but it is for the fish in the ocean and the lakes.”
“That would be a much bigger boon for the Israeli team than knocking them off the pitch. That is a fair argument. I am not going to vote that way but we should get into a situation where we say, "I am more a supporter of Gaza than you" or "Your decision is morally corrupt or bankrupt". People are in a difficult situation. Maybe the Government should take the decision out of the FAI's hands and the FAI should maybe recognise what its members are saying and make the decision. If it does not do so, we should call for the match to be stopped all the way along but we should not criticise people for making a genuine and tough decision. In essence, we are going to lose one way or the other. I do not want to see the Israel team coming over here as competitors in Europe but, at the same time, I cannot stand over the match going ahead.”