Paul Nicholas Gogarty
Dublin Mid-West · Independent · Ireland
“As I have mentioned in the House before, if a border poll passes by 52% to 48%, the legal threshold of the Good Friday Agreement is met but the social consensus is not and moving 800,000 citizens into a new state against their explicit, democratic will does risk causing civil unrest.”
“We also have other gaps that are much smaller, like a ten-year phased transition, reducing the net annual cost to between €2.5 billion and €3 billion. We then had the middle figure of about €11 billion. We actually do not know how much it is going to cost but we do know it is going to cost something.”
“For example, adopting a single currency, getting rid of the exchange rate volatility and the transaction costs for cross-Border businesses are all advantages.”
“I would be loath to call a border poll right now because of the risks associated with that, but if a border poll did occur, the State would have to be prepared for the huge structural disruptions that would follow, so we have to start working now - that is why this debate is welcome - without arrogantly presuming it is going to become a r…”
“I have been listening to this debate in my office since Deputy Currie started her contribution. I always follow these debates on Irish unity with interest as someone who wants to see a united Ireland by consent.”
“Some have been mentioned in this House, such as a devolved regional assembly in Stormont to preserve local governance for the unionist community, a shared bill of rights protecting the dual Irish-British citizenship, and re-evaluating our relationship with the Commonwealth.”
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“I am thinking of the general, “How are you? How are things?” and the bit of chattiness that people like when they go to the till or the helpfulness they get when asking about something. That built-up life experience can help in a major way. If employees are doing a fantastic job at the age of 66, why should they be told, “Sorry, your time is up now,” when the people themselves may feel they are making a better contribution than their peers? As others have said, the Bill is fine as it stands. I cannot see myself voting against it but I would be interested to hear the views of the Minister of State on what amendments might be possible to what is a very limited Bill or if a commitment be given to look at the wider aspects relating to people who want to work and are capable of working beyond retirement age.”
“People who had no choice in retiring report poorer mental health, life satisfaction, health status, dietary habits, marital satisfaction, self-efficacy, and income adequacy, even years into their retirement. The quote is a little verbose but it lists a lot of meaningful knock-on effects of leaving work. I am often inspired, for want of a better word, when I go into the local Woodie's, for example. One often sees people who have been working all their lives who have gone back to work. They might only take a part-time job. I will make a point that is anecdotal and I am not criticising young people at all - we had a discussion on crime, which I will not get into, where we spoke about how some young people between the ages of 13 and 18 are involved in crime but most of them are model citizens - but they do not have that life experience.”
“At a time when we are at or near full employment and need to import workers in many sectors, there is an argument that we should not set an arbitrary age ban. We know that so many older people lead active and healthy lives way beyond the current retirement age. We know that forcing people to leave something fulfilling and meaningful that provides a social outlet can have many negative consequences for physical and mental health. This is before we look at the damage caused by the financial aspects. To quote Age Action Ireland: Mandatory retirement is based on gross and insulting stereotypes about ageing. It is experienced by workers as a humiliating and dehumanizing injustice. It takes away our autonomy and our control over how and when we retire, which is a major life event.”
“Unless someone is self-employed or is otherwise in a position to make demands by dint of a job shortage or some special skill that makes him or her indispensable, once he or she hits his or her 66th birthday, he or she is deemed surplus to requirements. This is separate from the debate on whether we can pay for future pension needs and whether the retirement age needs to be increased as a result. That is a very controversial debate that we probably need to have again. The deficit I am talking about relates to whether there should be a mandatory retirement age where the person is shown to have continued high performance allied to invaluable professional and lived experience and is contributing in a meaningful way.”
“Insofar as it does not compel employees to keep working up to the age of 66 but allows them to do so if they wish rather than being forced by an employer, it is a worthy piece of legislation. Why then would bodies such as Age Action Ireland call it a weak Bill? They do so because it fails to address many of the fundamental challenges facing older people in the workplace in the modern age. Others who have spoken on this legislation echo my opinion that this Bill fails not because of what is in it but because of what is not in it. That is why some Members may have stretched the leeway in terms of talking about other issues but there are some direct things that are not in the Bill that are relevant.”
“As Ministers have pointed out, this is one of the Government's key responses to the Pensions Commission's recommendations and implementation plan, going back as far as 2021. It allows but in no way compels an employee to stay in employment until the State pension age of 66. It is worth referencing - I am not sure if others referenced it - that it differs from the 2024 Bill in that it clearly enables the prosecution of individuals and bodies corporate. For the purposes of this Act, two employers shall be taken to be associated if one is a body corporate of which the other, whether directly or indirectly, has control or if both are bodies corporate of which a third person, whether directly or indirectly, has control.”
“On one level, this is a very straightforward Bill. I will try to stick to the topic, although the Ceann Comhairle might give me some leeway. I have read that this is an updated version of the earlier touted Employment (Restriction of Certain Mandatory Retirement Ages) Bill 2024, which was here before I was elected in November. The Bill delivers a statutory provision that sets out that an employer may not enforce a contractual retirement age that is below the State pension age if the employee does not consent to retire. It is essentially a way of bridging the income gap for people who are forced to leave work before they reach the age of 66. I apologise if the Minister of State is getting bored because she would have heard a lot of people say that and has probably has it learned off by heart. It is such a simplistic Bill in that sense.”
“There is some demand in that part of Lucan so I would like some more clarity on that if there were any plans. I heard on the grapevine that the NCSE would look at putting a modular building at Scoil Mhuire, Airlie Heights, but that it might not be for another year. Why can that not happen in September, for example? Will the Minister of State communicate back to the Minister for Education the absolute urgency of the need to open that 32-classroom school and get things moving at the Tandy's Lane site which is close to Scoil Mhuire in Adamstown, strategic development zone, SDZ. There is a shortage of primary school places in general as well as an ongoing requirement for autism classes throughout the Lucan area.”
“I thank the Minister of State. Scoil Mhuire is well equipped to provide autism support. For example, two staff members recently completed a master's of education in autism. It is a capable school, which does its best for students of all backgrounds. I am still looking for further clarity, if it pleases the Minister of State, on whether we can say that ten years down the line Wombles Pre-School will still be able to operate from Scoil Mhuire. I am looking for some kind of guarantee in that respect. If the autism class does not open in Scoil Mhuire this year, can we get clarity for any parents looking for a place that they will be offered a place elsewhere in the Lucan area? Can we get a guarantee on how quickly we can put a modular building on the site?”
“As I said, it should not be case of either-or. While I welcome the special school that is being brought into north Lucan, I reiterate that moving Lucan East Educate Together at Easter does not make any sense at all. South Dublin County Council is not prepared for that in respect of its traffic management plans. I ask for whatever information the Minister of State has about the autism classes. Are there any details of discussions held between the Department and the patron of the school regarding Wombles Pre-school? The most recent response I got to my parliamentary question indicated that such conversations were under way.”
“There is no reason for the Department not to push ahead with this, which would also facilitate a number of autism classes and help parents in some of the neighbouring estates who cannot get into Scoil Mhuire because it is already full as regards its catchment area. There is a mixture of issues here. We need to get some of the schools that were promised built. We also need to make sure that the autism classes in Lucan open as quickly as possible because they are not in every school in Lucan and there is a huge demand. Given the fact that quite a number of preschools in the Lucan area have closed down or left the scheme, and it is very hard to find alternative facilities, it is of the utmost importance to ensure that a long-standing and successful preschool should be able to continue to operate.”
“It is a valuable source of income to Scoil Mhuire in employing therapists. Many of the children who go to Wombles have siblings in the primary school at junior or senior level. In that context, it was interesting to hear very recently that the autism class might not be proceeded with this year. That would take away the immediate risk to Wombles, but I would like some clarity on a couple of issues, including in the supplementary response. Will a modular build be put in to facilitate an autism class? If so, will it be in place for this September? I know I am putting the Minister of State on the spot. He is aware of south Dublin from our shared time on the council, but there are plans for a 32-classroom school in the Adamstown strategic development zone, which should be built on a vacant site. It has full planning permission.”
“I have been raising this issue, including through parliamentary questions, for quite some time. It is the matter of Wombles Pre-school at Scoil Mhuire, Airlie Heights. While the Department correctly acknowledges that it has no direct role in the provision of childcare services based in the school, everyone acknowledges that the service is essential. There were 46 early childhood care and education, ECCE, and 54 after-school places but a total of 66 places are at risk of being removed, because a classroom was due to be taken out of the school as the NCSE was looking to get an additional autism class in. I tried to get a win-win situation where some form of modular room could be brought into the grounds of the school, which would mean the autism class would not be taken away while Wombles Pre-school could continue where it is.”
“Due to cutbacks, though, it became just the person himself or herself. It kind of stigmatised people to a degree whereas we are trying to keep them from getting involved in the first place. We need to look at this from an holistic point of view. As I said, I would love to talk about it much longer, but it is about issues of leadership and support in the community and more investment in sports, as others have said. They all make contributions. On the whole, our young people are good, and they need to be encouraged. Mol an óige agus tiocfaidh sí.”
“I do not believe we have those types of consequences for people getting involved in activities under the age of 18 to act as a deterrent and equally, as Deputy O'Flynn mentioned, consequences for the parents involved. We need to take a positive approach, however. Early years investment is a key factor. I met a primary teacher who told me she could identify someone getting involved in criminal activity by junior infants just by the background situation and the issues involved. That is a sad reflection on our society. It is, therefore, good to see that we have this roll-out of the diversion programmes. I note the Minister's announcement recently as well. Years ago, though, people used to be able to bring their friends along. It was a more interesting project for the young person who was going.”
“There were no gardaí around. Nothing ever happened. It was just a random attack. We have these one-punch attacks on young men quite often. Other Deputies have mentioned this, and we had a debate on the issue of gender-based violence and the toxic masculinity that is being promoted. That is something that obviously has to be addressed too. However, let us look at what is causing the issues of young people getting involved in crime. Disadvantage is key indicator number one alongside peer pressure, gang influence, lack of positive role models, educational disengagement, substance abuse and the related drug debt that some of my colleagues mentioned, and issues like mental health, family breakdown and general neglect. At the same time, however, irrespective of what the causes are, there also need to be consequences for poor behaviour.”
“It is good to have the opportunity to speak on this issue. To be quite honest, I would love an hour, no more than anyone else would. To put it in the optimistic point of view, Central Statistics Office, CSO, information from 2022 suggests that only 2.3% of young people aged 12 to 17 were referred to the Garda youth diversion programme. Obviously, there were activities that did not get to that level and that were undetected and so on, but it shows that the vast majority of our young people are model citizens, and that has to be remembered. We also have to remember that many of the victims of assaults by young people are actually young people themselves. In fact, a young constituent today told me that, when he was 15 and with his friend in Palmerstown, he was hopped on by a bunch of 15 guys from wherever. They escaped and got on the bus.”
“A worrying increase in incidents involving the spiking of drinks has been reported. I met a constituent this week whose daughter's drink was drugged, but luckily she had people close by. This sinister offence and others like it are currently covered under legislation on poisoning or drugging - namely, the Non-Fatal Offences against the Person Act, the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act, the Misuse of Drugs Act and the Intoxicating Liquor Act. We need more specific laws and real consequences to deal with this problem. In fairness, I note that the previous Government was working on an amendment to the Non-Fatal Offences against the Person Act, the so-called spiking Bill 2023. This welcome legislation lapsed following the recent election and needs to be reintroduced at the justice committee.”
“We need to massively invest in Dublin city centre, from a safety point of view but also in terms of the housing crisis. I reiterate to the Minister, whom I congratulate on his appointment, that there are many houses in settled areas with one person living in a four-bedroom house. There should be a scheme to enable the top part of that house to be sold and possibly the other part of the house to be sold at a later date so that young couples can move in, and as their family expands, they can purchase the other part of the house.”
“I will use less than my 90 seconds because we are pressed for time. I welcome Deputy Healy's motion, which gives us another opportunity to talk about the important issue of housing, in particular the fundamental point that is the five-year emergency plan, which I absolutely support. We need to take a multifaceted approach. I have made a few suggestions before. A couple of months ago, I mentioned using gardens as a starter home for a couple or for a retirement home. It is only a small aspect but we need to look at the bigger picture. My colleague mentioned water infrastructure. Only a certain number of large towns will be able to facilitate rapid-build, large-capacity housing. We need to talk to Uisce Éireann and focus on those areas where house building will take place.”
“Some TDs here should have got an Oscar for their fake outrage. To be clear, nobody comes out of this process with dignity. It makes us all look bad. Anybody viewing this charade up in the Gallery, on television or wherever on a screen could only conclude that it is a case of clowns to the left of me, jokers to the right, and here we are stuck in the middle of a housing and homelessness crisis, war in Ukraine, atrocities in Gaza, our economy at risk from US tariffs and an existential climate crisis. This is not right. We should get real.”
“This confidence motion arises because several Opposition parties want to take down the Ceann Comhairle. She is not the issue. The problem is the Government riding roughshod over speaking time and designating the Lowry Independent group as somehow non-Government and reducing Opposition speaking time. As an Opposition TD, I have called this out on several occasions, but some want to use the Ceann Comhairle as a trophy scapegoat. The manner in which the business of the Dáil has been loudly disrupted on several occasions is regrettable and could have been done differently, and the personalised way Verona Murphy has been treated over the past two months is an embarrassment to politics. I described the abusive bullying behaviour last week as semi-feral. To be honest, I could have called it feral if it were not so orchestrated.”
“It is a bit of a no-brainer unless the advice given to the Minister or to other members of the Government is that the change in itself is unconstitutional. If legal experts say it needs to be done and can be done, it should be done.”
“To ensure strict compliance with the O'Meara judgment, and the spirit of it, entitlement to the bereaved partner's pension should be expanded to cover divorced and separated partners who have not remarried or entered a new cohabiting relationship and are financially dependent on the deceased ex-partner in respect of their children. We should recommend to the Oireachtas social protection committee that this Bill be amended to ensure that the current definitions, which include those relating to certain categories of divorced and separated people, are not removed and that the new definition of qualified cohabitants is expanded to include certain separated qualified cohabitants. These changes are not going to cost a huge amount. They might prevent future cases being taken.”
“That intent has been clearly stated by Opposition Members and, indeed, some Government party Members. I hope we will see some movement in that respect. In terms of any obligation on the State, what is dealt with in this Bill is not what one would call a massive social welfare payment for the claimants who will seek it. The research I have done suggests there are only approximately 100 divorced claimants each year of the widow's or widower's contributory pension. That is from Houses of the Oireachtas supplemental data concerning the general scheme of the Bill.”
“The legislation giving effect to that decision should not create a new category of children who cannot benefit from such payments on the basis of the marital status of their parents. The death of an ex-partner can still bring about a financial loss for families as a result of the loss of maintenance payments on death, as separated or divorced spouses have an obligation to maintain their children and may also have an obligation in some circumstances to maintain each other. This legislation is directly connected to the referendum a number of years back in regard to the O'Meara case. In essence, existing circumstantial rights of children and surviving partners to access the bereaved partner's pension would be taken away with the introduction of the Bill. An amendment to include this right should be made.”
“Families that have experienced a divorce or separation are prevented from accessing these social welfare payments following a bereavement. At the moment, people who are separated or divorced from a spouse or civil partner may access a survivor's pension if that spouse or civil partner dies provided that the surviving partner has not remarried and is not cohabiting with someone else. As I understand it, this Bill removes that entitlement. The Law Society Gazette notes in an article today the following statement from FLAC: The O'Meara decision was based on the principle that a family that suffers a financial loss as the result of the death of a parent should not be arbitrarily excluded from access to a survivor's pension.”
“Thankfully, the courts recognised that treatment was unconstitutional. I echo the sentiments of colleagues regarding back payments. Even with respect to going forward, amendments are required to the Bill before it is ready to be enacted as workable legislation. I recall that FLAC mentioned some of the potential challenges during pre-legislative scrutiny. I wonder why proposals made in the context of the draft legislation are not reflected in the Bill that has come before us. According to FLAC, while the Bill extends the entitlement to social welfare schemes to bereaved partners, qualified dependents and children, there seems to be a levelling down of entitlements when it comes to specific categories of bereaved families.”
“This Bill, in essence, seeks to amend and extend the Social Welfare Acts, make consequential amendments to the Taxes Consolidation Act and provide for related matters. As noted by other Members in this discussion and in committee, the Bill will give effect to the Supreme Court decision in the O'Meara case by expanding entitlement to social welfare schemes aimed at bereaved partners and families to qualified cohabitants and their children by enabling them, for example, to access the deceased partner's pension. While the Bill is, of course, hugely welcome - everyone has welcomed it - it is clear that it should not have come to this stage. What John O'Meara and his children had to suffer after already grieving the death of Michelle was callous in the extreme in terms of the way the State dragged the matter out to the nth degree.”
“To stop that localised congestion, we need to look at creating a staggered tolling system. That would be fairer and helpful.”
“The policy of charging tolls on the M50 has been raised on multiple occasions. I would agree with the abolition because it has been long paid for. However, I want to take it from a slightly different angle, which is the need to stagger the tolls along the route. In my constituency, areas like Lucan are choked with traffic going through the village every evening, with people avoiding paying the tolls. It has a knock-on effect on the Strawberry Beds, Castleknock, Mulhuddart, Blanchardstown and Clonee. If people are going to be stuck in traffic anyway, they may as well be stuck in traffic on the M50, crossing over the bridge, because this is no longer a thoroughfare between Cork and Belfast. It is used as a local link route. We may need a wider road west of Kilcock, for example, and obviously an improved public transport system.”
“I thank the Minister for agreeing to take my points on board. The roll-out of fast chargers is really suited to commuters, taxi drivers and others who need a quick top-up. The mid-range 7 kW to 22 kW chargers are supposed to charge over a period of four to eight hours. They are suited to a different cohort, namely, people going to the supermarket, going to play a five-a-side game or watch a GAA match. As an EV user for the past eight years, I know home charging is the cheapest, most effective solution. Unless we encourage people to home charge, we will not get the mass take-up we require. It is a no-brainer. Charging an EV at home is a quarter of the price of petrol or diesel. However, if people are forced into using on-street chargers, that differential decreases. I thank the Minister for his commitment in this regard.”
“What could help - I am sure the technology exists - is subsidised chargers, either stand-alone or at lamp posts, that allow users to charge using their own home tariff with a login password or fob. Policy guidelines could be put together in a matter of weeks. Laws could be enacted in a matter of months. I hope the Minister and his colleagues will take this on board. There is a lot of misinformation about EVs, including regarding how quickly their charge dies and that they cause more pollution, which they do not. In fact, EVs reduce overall carbon emissions and emit less on-street pollution. We must continue to encourage EV usage. The newer areas are the leaders in this field but they are, in effect, being penalised.”
“There must be a new policy to permit licensed chargers to be erected or retrospectively applied for in order that homeowners whose parking spaces are on the far side of a footpath, for example, can erect a charge point so long as it does not cause an obstruction. We also need to cater for other residents. By this I do not mean the provision of commercial chargers on the streets. In Adamstown, an array of on-street chargers near Shackleton have been out of order for about a month. The company that owns them, EC Charging, has not bothered to get back to me on this issue, which does not inspire confidence. These types of chargers will not cost the same as a home charger. They are only suited to people using nearby sports facilities or visiting relatives. This is not the solution. We need a hybrid on-street model to fill the remaining gaps.”
“We need a legal mechanism to force management companies, especially those in apartment blocks, to proactively facilitate residents who wish to charge their vehicles using their own domestic tariffs. The Sustainable Energy Authority of Ireland, SEAI, apartment charging grant provides an 80% subsidy towards works to facilitate home charging in apartment car parks. However, it has not been backed up by legislation. In many cases, management companies do not have the interest or guidelines to facilitate it. We need an amnesty for those who have proper underground cables installed to charge points near their homes and are then told they must remove them.”
“Additional Government policy is needed to encourage the use of electric vehicles. One of the principles in the Government's own EV charging infrastructure strategy is that for the majority of EV users, home charging will be the main solution. However, in new, more densely populated housing areas in my constituency such as the Adamstown strategic development zone, the SDZ in Clonburris, parts of Newcastle, City West, Saggart, Rathcoole and Palmerstown and in fact, in any modern urban or suburban housing development, this principle is not being adhered to. In fact, home charging is being actively discouraged due to a lack of support for underground cabling installation. This also means the Dublin local authority EV charging strategy is not currently fit for purpose.”
“More importantly, just 9% of the properties in this scheme were previously available for rent. That is the key point; they would not be there without this scheme, so we should keep it as it is and show solidarity with the people of Ukraine.”
“I do not have much time but in that very short period, I reiterate my support for this earlier introduction of the ARP. I also commend my former Green Party colleague, Deputy O'Gorman, on his work in this regard. It is hugely important that this scheme continues. I note the Minister said today that all we are doing is extending it for a year and it is not about the wider discussion, so I take that on board. I agree with certain elements of the Sinn Féin amendment. The main thing I want to oppose is a reduction to the €600. That would be counterproductive. In the limited time given to me, I want to reiterate some of the points made by the likes of the Irish Red Cross in relation to this scheme. Some 85% or 86% of hosts reported that the ARP is important for them to keep providing the accommodation because there is a cost to them.”
“The Taoiseach has to acknowledge his role, and that of his party, Fine Gael and the Lowry line-up in the whole debacle of calling time for Government Independents non-Government time. Will he now push for the Dáil to sit at 9 a.m. on Tuesdays to address the time balance? Even better, he could review this plan. Abusing the Ceann Comhairle is wrong, the way the Ceann Comhairle was treated yesterday was semi-feral and as a collective, there are more dignified ways to make a Dáil protest. Still, however, the Government's policy is wrong and the Taoiseach knows it. Will he please reconsider?”
“There are many pressing national and international issues we need to discuss. In this context, given that the total Opposition time has been reduced by almost 70 minutes and Government-related time has been increased by 56 minutes, the time for the Government to be held to account is being significantly curtailed.”
“I note all the comments and contributions made by other speakers regarding the carer's allowance, respite care and the impact on the outcomes for the young children who are involved in caring for family members, so I will not go into that. One of the studies from the University of Galway showed a number of recommendations which related to practical supports for young people in the home. It referred to emotional supports, just time to be with friends rather than formal respite, but also and more important, and we have a very limited contribution period here, some way for carers to be able to contact service providers to reach out. I am sure, including the 67,000 mentioned, there are many others who have not been contacted and reached out to. Therefore I would like to support that.”
“I thank the Labour Party for bringing this very important issue onto the agenda for discussion. I note the Government side is not opposing it and thank it for that. There have been quite a number of studies carried out on this area in Ireland, but the research has not really been acted on. Family Carers Ireland has provided a wealth of information to Members here today and have provided a lot of supports for young carers. One of the studies done in University of Galway found that there was limited data on young carers in Ireland and that most of the focus is on adult family carers. That is why this debate today is hugely important. There is no national legislation policy or mainstream supports for young carers in Ireland. In this, among many other things, we are in breach of various UN conventions.”
“Economically, we need to diversify our export markets, reduce our dependency on unreliable trading partners and enhance supply chain resilience at EU level to ensure that we have both access to materials closer to home and energy self-sufficiency. Going back to what previous speakers said, we need to upgrade our defensive capabilities; not as an aggressor, but we need a level of defensive capablity. However. UN Security Council vetoes have hampered our historic peacekeeping role. Perhaps we need to look at a new type of triple lock, equally resilient and respecting our neutrality but not involving the UN Security Council, where one of the triple locks has effectively been glued shut.”
“However, Ireland and Europe were already facing issues around energy security and cyber threats from Russia and other bad actors even before the Trump Administration started sowing global chaos. We all know about the troll farms in Russia and elsewhere. In the context of all these challenges, what should we be focusing on? In Ireland, we have a moral role to play in continuing to call out the Israeli Government for the atrocities it has perpetrated, to implement the occupied territories Bill and to continue to seek a just peace. There are multiple other areas in respect of which we could show leadership but which I do not have the time to mention.”
“Trade and security are intermingled. In an Irish context, we face many challenges. Issues relating to Brexit have not gone away but these are small issues compared with the deterioration in EU-US trade relations in areas such as tariffs, subsidies and digital trade rules. We have challenges too with China in the context of market access, intellectual property issues, etc. The supply chain disruptions from Covid-19 have not totally disappeared either. As well as that, we need to make a green transition. There is a huge uncertainty about the pace of change. In the absence of certainty and irrespective of the genuine and pressing changes that are required, businesses, trade and ordinary people suffer. On the security side, there is the Russia-Ukraine war. We need to continue to assist the Ukrainians as best we can.”
“We simply need more funding, more certainty and a time limit on the applications process which can drag on and on, for more than nine months in some cases and sometimes up to year. In essence, the Government needs to do better. It has listened to the motion and the contributions and I hope the Minister will take note.”
“We are coming into the second quarter of this year and we still do not have proper guidelines for how the revised scheme will work. We have a lot of platitudes but no certainty. With no certainty, fewer property owners are willing to take a risk, especially with no clarity on timescales or refurbishment works, or the two-year rule when a family could have been renting for more than a decade. The tenant in situ scheme is a relatively costly way to keep a roof over people's heads and we know this. In the absence of any meaningful action on the macro level it is a lifeline for so many families. The Government's motion contains many weasel phrases and passes the buck to local authorities.”
“They saw the tenant in situ scheme as a win-win but many owners who submitted their properties in good faith were hampered by concerns about funding or massive delays in the processing of applications and they had to give up. Now, Government delays in funding and changes to the scheme have added to the great uncertainty. In numerical terms it has taken many potential housing units off the market but in human terms it has caused devastation to many families. Not only are so many families needlessly facing homelessness now but as of last month in south Dublin, as has been mentioned by other Deputies with regard to their county council areas, all the homeless hubs were full up. Once these tenants have to leave, where are they going to go? It is shocking and outrageous.”
“The tenant in situ acquisition scheme may have been a temporary measure initially but it is one that has proved absolutely necessary in protecting some of the most vulnerable in our society. It was by no means perfect but bureaucratic ineptitude at national and local level led to it being a lot less than it could have been. I have had multiple examples of small landlords with long-standing tenants who are extremely concerned about what will happen to the individuals and families who are facing homelessness as a result of the property being sold. In many cases these people have had no option but to sell because of their own financial pressures.”
“We are talking about what needs to be done regarding urban development, especially in Dublin, but again, there is no concrete plan and no concrete large-scale funding allocated. We still do not have full transparency in terms of land pricing and house prices. We have the housing report in terms of sale prices, but there is no full transparency as to why prices are increasing and by what percentage every year. That needs to be focused on. I want to refer to something that will come up later, namely the tenant in situ scheme. It needs to be raised in this debate as well. It is not fit for purpose, and I hope to contribute on that later on this evening.”